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1 SOUTHERN RECORDER. VOL. I. MILLEDGEVILLE, TUESDAY, AUGUST 22, 1820. -No. 28. PUBLISHED WEEKLY, (ON TUESDAYS) nr s. Giu\^rL.mD n. m. orme, XT THREE DOI.I.ARS, IN ADVANCE, OR FOUR 1101.EARS AT THE EXPIRATION OF TIIF. TEAR. IP* Advertisements conspicuously inserted nt the customary rates. FROM THE EDINBURGH REVIEW. STATISTICAL ANNALS OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 7?V Adam Seybert. 4to. Philadelphia, 1818 This is a book of character, anil au thority ; but it is a very large hook ; ami therefore we think we shall do an ac ceptable service to our readers, by pre senting them with a short epitome of its contents, observingthe same order which has been chosen by the author. The whole, we conceive, will form a pretty complete picture of America, and teach us how to appreciate that country, ci ther as a powerful enemy or a profitable friend. The first subject with which Mr. Seybert begins, is the population of the United States. Population.—As representatives ahd direct taxes nrc apportioned among the different States in proportion to their numbers, it is provided for in the Ame rican Constitution, that there shall be an actual enumeration of the people every ten years. It is the duty of the marshals in each State to number the inhabitants of their respective districts : and a cor rect copy of the lists, containing the names of the persons returned, must be set up in a public place within each dir trict, before they are transmitted lo the Secretary of State :—they are then laid before Congress by the President. Un der this act, tliree census, or enumera tions of the people, have been already laid before Congress: for the years 1790, 1800, and 1810. In the year 1790, the population of America was 3,921,326 persons, of whom 697,697 were slaves. In 1800, the numbers were 5,319,762, of which 896,849 were slaves. In 1810, the numbers were 7,239,903, of whom 1,191,364 were slaves; so that a! the rate at which free population has pm- cecded between 1700 and 1810, it dou bles itself, in the United States, in a ve ry little more than 22 years. The. slave population, according to its rate of pro ceeding in the same time, would be dou bled in about 26 years. The increase of the slave population in this statement is owing to the importation of negroes between 1800 and 1808, especially in 1806 and 1807, from the expected pro hibition against importation. The num ber of slaves was also increa e ed by the acquisition of territory in Louisiana, where they constituted nearly half the population. From 1801 to 1811, the inhabitants of Great Britain acquired an augmentation of 14 per cent. ; the Ame ricans, within the same period, were ■augmented 36 per cent. Emigration seems to he of very little Importance to the United States. In the year 1817, by far the most considerable year of emigration, there arrived in ten of the principal ports of America, from the Old World, 22,000 persons as pas sengers. The number of emigrants, from 1790 to 1810, is not supposed to have exceeded 6000 per annum. None of the separate States have been rctro- gade during these three enumerations, though some have been nearly stationa ry. The most remarkable increase is that of Now-York, which has risen from 340,120 in the year 1790, to 959,049 in the year 1810. The emigration from the Eastern to the Western States is cal culated at 60,000 persons per annum.— In all the American enumerations, the males uniformly predominate in the pro portion of about 100 to 92. Wc arc bet ter off in Grcat-Britain and Ireland,— where the women were to the men, by the census of 1811, as 110 to 100. The density of population in the U. States, is less than 4 persons to a square mile ; that of England and Wales , 169. So that the fifteen provinces, which formed the Union in 1810, would contain, if they were as thickly peopled as Holland, 135 millions souls. The next head is that of Trade and Commerce.—In 1790, the Exports of the United States were above 19 millions dollars; in 1791, above 20 millions ; in J790 26 millions ; in 1793, 33 millions of dollars. l’rior to 1795, there was no discrimination, in the American Treasu ry accounts, between the exportation of domestic, and the re-exportation of fo reign articles. In 1795, the aggregate value of the merchandize exported, was 67 millions dollars, of which the foreign produce re-exported was 26 millions. In 1800, the total value of exports was •94 millions. In 1805, 101 millions; and in 1808, when they arrived at their maximum, 108 millions of dollar* the year 1009, from the effects ot the French and English Orders in Council the exports fell to 52 millions of dollars in 1810, to 66 millions; in 1811, to 61 millions. In the first year of the war with England, to 38 millions ; in the se cond to 27 ; in the year 1814, when peace was made, to 6 millions. . So th. the exports of the republic, in six years bad tumbled down from 108 to 6 millions of dollars: Afler the peace, in the years 1815—16—17, the exports rose to 52, 81, 87 millions dollars. In 1817, the exportation ofcotton was 85 millions pounds. In 1815, the sugar made on the hanks of the Mississippi was 10 millions pounds. In 1792, when the wheat trade was at the maximum, a mil lion and an half of bushels were export ed. The proportions of the exports to Grcat-Britain, Spain, France. Holland, and Portugal, on an average of 10 years ending 1812, are as 27, 16, 13, 12, and 7 ; the actual value of exports to the do minions of Great-Britain, in the 3 years ending 1804, were consecutively, in mil lions of dollars, 16, 17, 13. Imports.—-In 1791, the imports of the United States were 19 millions ; on an average of three consecutive years, end ing 1804 inclusive, they were 68 milli ons ; in 1806-7, they were 138 milli ons ; and in 1815, 133 millions of dol lars. The annual value of the import on an average of three years ending 1804, was 75,000.000, of which the dominions of Great-Britain furnished nearly one half. On an average of three yearR end ingin 1804, America imported from G. Britain to the amount of about 36 mil lions, and returned goods to the amount ofabout 23 millions. Certainly these arc countries that have some better employ ment for their time and energy than cut ting each other’s throats, and may meet for more profitable purposes. The A- merican imports from the dominions of Great-Britain, before the great American war, amounted to about 3 millions ster ling ; soon after the war to the same :— From 1805 to 1811, both inclusive, the average annual exportation of G. Britain to all parts of the world, in real value was about 43 millions sterling, of which one-fifth, or near 9 millions, was sent to America. Tonnage and Navigation.—Before the revolutionary war, the American ton nage, whether owned by British or Ame rican subjects, was about 127,000 tons immediately after that war, 108,000. In 1789, it had amounted to 437,733 tons of which 279,000 was American proper ty. In 1790, the total was 605,825, of which 354,000 was American. In 1816 the tonnage, all American, was 1,300,000 On an average of three years, from 1810 to 1812, both inclusive, the registered tonnage of the British empire was 2,459 000 ; or a little more than double the American. Lands.—AH public lands are surveyed before they are offered for sale ; and di vided into townships of 6 miles square, which are subdivided into 36 sections ©i one mile square, containing each 640 ;t- cres. The following lands are excepted, from the sales. One thirty-sixth partol the lands, or a section of CIO acres in each township, is uniformly reserved for the support of schools ;—seven entire tow nships, containing each 23,000 acres, have been reserved in perpetuity for the support of learning ;—all salt.springs and lead mines are also reserved. 1 he Mississippi, the Ohio, and all the naviga ble rivers and waters leading into either, or into the river St. Law rence, remain common highways, and forever free to all the citizens of the U. States, without payment of any tax. All the other pub lic lands, not thus excepted, are offered for public sale in quarter sections of 160 acres, at a price not less than 2 dollars per acre, and as much more as they will fetch by public auction. It was former ly the duty of the Secretary of the Trea sury to superintend the sale of lands.— In 1812, an office, denominated the Ge neral Land Office, was instituted. The public lands sold prior to the opening of the land-offices, amounted to one million and a half of acres. The aggregate of the sales since the opening of the land- offices, NW. of the river Ohio, to the end of September 1817, amounted to ,469,641 acres ; and the purchase-mo ney to 18,000,000 dollars. The lands sold since the opening of the land-offices in the Mississippi territory, amount to 600,000. The slock of unsold land on hand is calculated at 400,000,000 a cres. In the year 1817 there were sold above two millions acres Post-Office.—In 1789, the number of post-offices in the United States was 7o • the amount of postage 38,000 dollars the miles of post-road 1C00. In 1817 the number of post-offices was 3459 ; the amount of postage 961,000 dollars , and the extent of post-roads 51,600 miles. Revenue.—The revenues of the Unit ed States are derived from the Customs; from duties on distilled spirits, carriages, snuff, refined sugar, auctions, stamped paper, goods, wares, and merchandise manufactured within the United States, household furniture,goldk silver watch es, nnd postage of letters ; from monies arising from the sale of public lands, and from fees on letters-patent. 1 he fol lowing are the duties paid at the custom house for some of the principal articles of importation :—7 1-2 per cent, on dy ing drugs, jewellery, and watch work ; 15 per cent, on hempen cloth, and on all articles manufactured from iron, tin, brass, and lead—on buttons, buckles, w indow glass ; 25 per cent, on cotton k woollen goods, and cotton twist ; 30 per cent, on carriages, leather, and leather manufactures, kc. The average annual produce of the Customs, between 1801 and 1810, both inclusive, was nbout 12 millions dollnrs. nthe year 1814, the customs amounted nly to four millions; nnd, in the year 1815, the first year after the wac, rose to 37 millions. From 1789 to 1814, the customs have constituted 65 per cent, of the American revenues; loans 26 per cent. ; and all other branches 8 to 9 per cent. They collect their customs at a bout 4 per,cent;—the English expense of collection is 6/. 2s. Gd. percent The dpty upon spirits is extremely trifling to the consumer^not a penny per gallon. The number of distilleries is about 15,000. The licenses produce a very inconsiderable sum. The tax laid upon carriages in 1814, varied from fif ty dollars to one dollar, according to the value of the machine. In the year ICO I, there were more than fifteen thousand carriages of different descriptions paying a duty. The furniture tax seems to have been a very singular species oftax, laid on during the last war. It was an ad va lorem duty upon all the furniture in any man’s possession, the/vnluc of which ex ceeded 600 dollars. Furniture cannot be estimated without domiciliary visits : nor domiciliary visits allowed without tyranny and vexation. Any information laid against a new arm-chair, or a clan destine sideboard—a search-warrant, k a conviction consequent upon it—have much more the appearance of English than American liberty. The license for a watch, too, is purely English. A truly free Englishman walks out covered with licenses. It is impossible to convict him. He has paid a guinea for his pow dered head—a guinea for the coat of arms upon his seals—a three guinea li cense for the gun he carries upon his shoulder to shoot game ; and is so forti fied with permits and official sanctions, that the mo*t eagle-eyed informer can not obtain the most trilling_advanlage o- ver him America has borrowed, between 1^91 been told, in 1801, that supplies of lire oak from Georgia will be obtained with great difficulty, nnd that the larger pie ces are very scarce.’ In treating of na val affairs, Dr. Seybert, with a very dif ferent purpose in view, pays the follow ing involuntary tribute to the activity and effect of our late naval warfare n- gainstthe Americans. ‘ For a long time the majority of the peo ple uf the United States was opposed to an extensive and permanent Naval establish ment; and the force authorized by the Le gislature, until very lately, was intended for temporary purposes. A Navy was consi dered to lie beyond tile financial means of our country ; and it was supposed the peo ple would not submit to be taxed for its sup port. Our brilliant success in the late war, lias changed the public sentiment on this subject: many persons who formerly op posed the Navy, now consider it as an es sential means for our defence. The late transactions on the borders of the Uhcsa pe; and 1015, one hundred and seven mil lions of dollars, of which forty-nine mil lions were borrowed in 1813 and 1814. The internal revenue in the year 1815 amounted to eight millions dollars ; the gross revenue of the same year, includ ing the loan, to fifty-one millions dollars Army.—During the late war with G Britain, Congress authorized the raising of 62,000 men for the armies of the Uni ted States,—though the actual number raised never amounted to half that force In February 1815, the army of the Unit ed States did not amount to more than 32,000 men ; in January 1814, to 23, 000.* The recruiting service, as may be easily conceived, where the wages of labor are so high, goes on very slowly in America. The military peace establish ment was fixed in 1815 at 10,000 men I’he Americans are fortunately exempt from the insanity of garrisoning little rocks and islands all over the world nor would they lavish millions upon the ignoble end of the Spanish Peninsula— the most useless and extravagant posses sion with Vhich any European power was ever afflicted. In 1812, any recruit honorably discharged from the service was allowed three months’ pay, and ICO acres of land. In 1014, every non-com missioned officer, musician and privat who enlisted and was afterwards tiono rably discharged, was allowed, upon such discharge, 320 acres. The enlistment was for five years, or during the war.-' The widow, child, or parr-jt of any per son enlisted, who was killed or died in the service ofthn United States, was en titled to receive the same bounty in land Every free white male between 10 45, is liable to be called out in the niili tia, which is stated, in official papers, amount to 748,000 persons. Nary.—On the Cth of June 1785, the Americans had only one vessel of war, the Alliance; and as that was thought to be too expensive, it was sold ! The attacks of the Barbary powers first rous cd them to form a navy; which, in 179* amounted lo three frigates. In 1814, be. sides a great increase of frigates, four se verity-four 11 wferc ordered to he built. In 1816, in consequence of some brilliant actions of their frigates, the naval service had become very popular throughout the United States. One million of dollars were appropriated annually, for 8 years to the gradual increase of the navy ; sorenty-fourst and 12 forty-four gun ships were ordered to be built. Vac: and unappropriated lands belonging the United States, fit to produce oak and cedar, were to be selected for the use of the navy. The peace establishment of the marine corps was increased, and six navy yards were established. \Ve were surprised to find Dr. Seybert complain ing of a want of ship-timber in America. ‘ Many persons (he says) believe that our stock of live oak is very considera ble ; but, upon good authority we have •"Peace with (ireat-Brilain was signed in De cember 1H14, nt Ulient. ♦ The American 74 gun ships are. ns liig ns our first rates, nnd their frigates nearly u? big as akt: Bay, cannot be forgotten ; the extent of that immense estuary enabled the enemy sail triumphant into the interior of the if. States. For hundreds of miles along the shores of that great Bay, our people were insulted ; our towns were ravaged Rod des- oyed ; a considerable population was tea- zed and irritated ; depredations were hourly committed by an enemy who could pene- ite into the bosom of the country, w ithout our being able to molest him whilst lie kept tlie water. By the time a sufficient force was collected, to check Itis operations in one situation, his ships had already transported him to another, which was feeble, and of- " red a booty to him. An army could make resistance to this mode of warfare; the ople were annoyed ; and they suffered in e field only to he satisfied of their inability check those who had the dominion upon our waters. The inhabitants who were in the immediate vicinity, were not alone af- cted hy the enemy; his operations exten- <1 their influence to our great towns on the Atlantic coast; domestic intercourse anil in- rnal commerce were interrupted, wliilst that with foreign nations was, in some in stances, entirely suspended. The Treasury documents for 1814, exhibit the phenomenon of the State of Pennsylvania not being re turned in the list of the exporting States.— We were not only deprived of revenue, but our expenditures were very much augmen ted. It is probable the amount of the ex penditure's incurred on the borders of the Chesapeake, would have been adequate to provide naval means for the defence oftliosc waters : the people might then have remain ed .it home, secure from depredation in the pursuit of their tranquil occupations. The xpenses of the government as well as of in dividuals, were very much nugmented for very species of transportation. Every thing had to be conveyed by land carriage. Our communication with tne ocean was cut off. One thousand dollars were paid for the transporta^on of each of the thirty-two sounder cannon from Washington City to Lake Ontario, for the public service. Our roads became almost impassable from the heavy loads whicli were carried over them. These facts should induce us, in times of tranquillity, to provide for the national de- nee, and execute such internal improve meats ns cannot he. effected during the agita tion of war.’ p. (J79. Expenditure.—The President of the United States receives nbout 6000/. ear; the Vice-President about 900/. the deputies to Congress have 8 dollars per day, and 8 dollars for every twenty miles of journey. The first Clerk of. the House of Representatives receives about 750/. per annum ; the Secretary of State, 1200/. ; the Postmaster Gene ral, 750/. ; the Chief Justice of the Uni tod States, 1000/. ; a Minister Plenipo lentiary, 2200/. per annum. There are doubtless, reasons why there should be two noblemen appointed in this country as Postmasters General, with enormous daries, neither of whom know a two penny post letter from a general one, & where farther retrenchments are stated to be impossible. This is clearly a case to which that impossibility extends.— But these are matters where a prostra tion of understanding is called for ; and good subjects are not to reason, but to pay. If, however, wc were ever to in dulgc in the Saxon practice of looking into our own affairs, some important do cumcnts might bo derived from these American salaries. Jonathan, for stance, secs no reason why the first cl-rk of his House of Commons should derive emoluments from lii« situation to the a mount of 6000 or 7000/. per annum but Jonathan is vulgar, and arithmetical The total expenditure of the U. States varied, between 1799 and 1811, both in elusive, from 11 to 17 millions dollar From 1812 to 1814, both inclusive, and all these years of war with this country the expenditure was consecutively 22 29, nnd 38 millions dollars. The tot: expenditure of the United States, for years from 1791 to 1814, was 333 mil lions dollars ; of which, in the three last years of war with this country, from 181 to 1814, there were expended 100 mil lions of dollars, of which only 35 were supplied hy revenue, the rest by loans and government paper. The sum total received by the American Treasury from the 3d of March 1789 to the 31st of March 1816, is 354 millions dollars ; of which 107 millions have been raised by loan, and 222 millions by the customs & tonnage : so that, exclusive of the reve nue derived from loans, 222 parts out of 247 of the American revenue, have been splendid actions of their half-dozen fri gates, which must, in a continued war, have been, with all their bravery and ac tivity, swept from the fuce of the ocean by the superior force and equal bravery of the English. It would be the height of mndness in America to run into ano ther naval war with this country, if it could be averted by any other means than a sacrifice of proper dignity k cha racter. They have, comparatively, no land revenue; and, in spite of the Frank lin and (Juerritre, though lined with ce dar nnd mounted with brass cannon, they must soon be reduced to (he snme state which has been described by Dr. Sey bert, and from which they were so op portunely extricated hy the treaty of Ghent. David Porter, and Stephen De catur, are very brave men ; but they will prove an unspeakable misfortune to their country, if they inflame Jonathan into a love of naval glory, and inspire him with any other love of war than (hat which is founded upon a determination not to submit to serious insult and injury. We can inform Jonathan what are the inevitable consequences of being too fond of glory ;—Taxes upon every arti cle whicti enters into the mouth, or cov ers the back, or is placed under the foot: axes upon every thing which it is pie i- int to see, hear, feel, smell, or taste— taxes upon warmth, light, and locomo tion—taxes on every thing on earth, and waters under the earth—on every thingthat comes from abroad, or is grown home—taxes on the raw material— ixos on every fresh value that is added it by the industry of man—taxes on the sauce which pampers man’s appe tite, and the drug that restores him to health—on the ermine which decorates the judge, nnd the rope which hangs the riminal—on the pour man’s salt, and the ricli man’s spice—on the brass nails of the coffin, and the ribands of the br ide— bed or board, r.ouchant or levant, we must pay:—The school boy whips his taxed top—the beardless youth manages his taxed horse, with a taxed bridle on a taxed road :—and the dying Englishman pouring his medicine, which has paid 7 per cent., into a spoon that has paid 15 per cent.—flings himself hack upon his chintz-bed which has paid 22 percent makes his will on no eight pound stamp, and expires in the nrms of an apotheca ry who has paid a license of an hundred pounds for the privilege of putting him to death. His whole property is then immediately taxed from 2 to 10 percent. Besides the probate, large fees are de manded for burying him in the chancel; his virtues are handed down to posterity on taxed marble ; nnd he is then gather ed to his fathers,—to he taxed no more, n addition to all this, the habit of deal- ng with large sums will make the go vernment avaricious and profuse ; and the system itself will infallibly generate the base vermin of spies and informers, and a still more pestilent race of politi- al tools and retainers of the meanest k most odious description ; while the pro- ligious patronage which the collecting of this splendid revenue will throw into the bauds of Government, will invest it witli so vast an influence, and hold out nch means and temptations to corrup tion, as all the virtue and public spirit, even of republicans, will be unable to resist. Every wise Jonathan should remem ber tliis, when he sees the rabble huz zaing at the heels of the truly respecta ble Decatur, or inflaming the vanity of that still more popular leader, whose justification has lowered the character of his Government with all the civilized na tions of the world. Debt.— America owed 42 millions dol lars after the revolutionary war ; in 1790, 79 millions ; in 1803, 70 millions; and in the beginning of January 1012, the public debt was diminished to 45 mil lions dollars. After the last war with England, it bad risen to 123 millions; nnd so it stood on the 1st January 1816. The total amount carried to the credit of the commissioners of the sinking fund, on the 31st December 1816, was about 34 millions of dollars. chiu»j earthen-ware, and glass, except 1 .i,ip S 0 f the lire, [not tri e.] rnOM THE Nr.W-VORK AMERICAN. WALSH’S APPEAL. We were much gratified in perusing a very able and eloquent review of this work in the 66th number of the Edin burgh Review. The critic thus com mcnces the article : “ One great staple of this book is a vehe ment, ana, we really think, an unjust attack on the principles of this journal. Yet. we take part, on the whole, with the author; and heartily wish him success in the great object of vindicating his country from unme rited aspersions, nnd trying to make, us in England ashamed of the vices and defects which he has taken the trouble to point out in our national character and institutions.— In this part of his design we cordially con cur ; and shall at all times be glad to co-ope- irlfc.” The reviewer then expresses great regret that so much animosity had been excited between the two nations, [an a- nimosity to the excitement of whicli this very Review has contributed so great a derived from foreign commerce. In the j share,] and thus goes on to reprobate the mind of any sensible American, this con- tone which the English authors have sideration ought to prevail over tbc few used towards this country : “ Though we think that the American go vernment and people, if at all deserving o* the eulogy which Mr. Walsh baa here be stowed upon them, might, like Cromwell, have felt themselves too strong to care alwut paper shot: and though we cannot but feel that a more temperate b candid tone would heve carried more weight, as well as more magnanimity with it, we must yet begin bf admitting that America has cause of com- plaint; and that nothing can be more despH cable and disgusting than the scurrility with w hicli she has been assailed by a portion of the presses of this country; and that, dis graceful ns these publications are, they speak, the sense of a powerful and active party its the nation. All this and more than this we have no wish, and no intention, to deny.— But we do wish most anxiously to impress-^ upon Mr. Walsh nnd his adherents, to be ware how they believe that this party speak the sense of the British nation ; or that their sentiments on this, or on many other occa sions, are in any degree in accordance with those of the body of the people. On the contrary, we arc firmly persuaded, that A great majority of the nation, numerically considered, and a still greater majority of the inteiligcntand enlightened persons whose influence and authority cannot fail, in the long run, to govern her councils, w ould dis claim nil sympathy with any part of these opinions, and actually look on the miserable libels in question, not only with the senna and disgust to which Mr Walsh would con sign them, but with a sense of shame from which Ills situation fortunately exempts him, and a sorrow and regret of winch unfortu nately he seems too little susceptible.” He then endeavors to vindicate the. Edinburgh Review, by stating the fact that two parties exist in England, charg es the ministerial party with tiie so le guilt of abusing Americans, and puts the following question, in which we entirely coincide with him : “ Where, then, we would ask, is the jus tice or the policy of seeking to render a quar rel national, when the cause of quarrel is on ly with un inconsiderable nnd declining par ty of its members ? And why labor to excite animosity against a whole people, the majo rity of whom must he your sincere friends, merely because some prejudiced nr interest ed persons among them have disgusted the great body of their own country m< n, by the senselessness and scurrility of their attack* upon yours ? There is another consideration, also, ari sing from the aspect of the times before us, which should go far, we think, at the pre sent moment to strengthen these bonds of affinity. It is impossible to look to the stats of the old world without seeing, or rather fi*oliog, that there is a greater and more mo mentous contest impending, than ever before agitated human society. In Germany, in Spain, in France, in Italy, the principles of reform and liberty are visibly arraying them selves for a final struggle with the principles of established abuse—legitimacy, of tyran ny or whatever else it is called, by its friends or enemies. Even in England, the more mo dified dements of the same principles are stirring and heaving around, above, and be neath us, with unprecedented agitation and terror; and every thing betokens an ap proaching crisis, in the great European com monwealth, hy the result of winch the fu ture character of its governments, end the structure and condition of society, will, in all probability, be determined. The ulti mate result, or the course of events that are to lead to it, we have not the presumption to predict. The struggle may be long or tran sitory, sanguinary or binodless, and it mar end in a great and signal melioration of all existing institutions, or in the establishment of one vast federation of military despots, domineering as usual in the midst of sensu ality, barbarism and gloom. The issues of al) these things arc in the hand of Provi dence, and the womb of time ; and no hu man eye can yet foresee the fashion of their accomplishment. But great changes are e- vidently preparing ; and in fifty years, moag probably in a far shorter time, some materi al alterations must have taken place in most of the established governments of Europe, nnd the rights of the European nations been established on a surer and more durable h»- Ilalf a century cannot pass away in growing discontents on the part of Up peo ple nod growing fears and precautions on that of their rulers. This pretension must at last be put in issue ; and abide the settle ment of force, or fear, nr reason. Looking back to what has already Imp- punch in the world, both recently, andin an cient times, we can scarcely doubt, that tho cause of liberty will lie ultimately trium phant. But through what trials and suffer ings ; what martyrdoms and persecutions, it is adorned to work out its triumphs, we pro fess ourselves totally unable to conjecture. The disunion of the lower and the higher classes, which was gradually disappearing with the increasing intelligence of the for mer, but has lately been renewed by circum stances which we cannot now stop to exam ine, leads, we must confess, to gloomy au guries as to the character of this Contest ; and fills us with apprehensions that it may neither be peaceful nor brief. But in this, and in every other respect, we conceive that much will depend on the part that is taken hy America; and on the dispositions which she may have cultivated towards the differ ent parties concerned. Her great and grow ing wealth and population ; her universal commercial relatidns; her own impregnable security ; and her remoteness from the scene of dissention, iqust give her prodigious pow er and influence in such a crisis, either as mediator nr umpire; or, if she takes a part, as an auxiliary and ally. That she must wish well to the cause of freedom, it would be indecent to doubt: and that she should take an active part against it, is a thing not e- ven to be imagined; but she may stand a- lonf, a cold and disdainful spectator ; and, counterfeiting a prudent indifference to scones that neither can or ought tp be indifferent to her, may nee, unmoved, the prolongation of a lamentable contest, which tier interferenco might either have prevented, or brought to a speedy termination. And this course she will most probably follow, if ahe allows her self to c on ceiv c antipathies to- nations fpr jhs.