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SOUTHERN
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VOL. II.
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MILLEDGEVILLE, TUESDAY, MARCH 20, 1321.
No. 6.
REMARKS or MR. FLOYD, or VIRGINIA,
lit THE HOUSE or REPRESENTATIVES,
'On the Bill for reducing the Military Peace Et-
tablMmenl.
Mr. Floyd, of Virg. rose, nnd said, that he
had listened with great attention to the argu
ments which his honorable colleague, (Mr.
Smyth,) had delivered in support of the a-
niendment ho had offered to the hill now un
der consideration, but he had not been per
suaded to accept it: and had no hesitation
in saying, ho preferred the bill reported by
the committee on Military Affairs, who, af
ter the most mature deliberation, had offer
ed this to the House as the result of their la
bors—.and if, said he, there was any dissent
ing mice besides that of his honorable col
league, he was not apprised of the fact, and
desired to be corrected if he was in an error.
There can be little doubt, that the mover of
this amendment, who is chairman of that
committee, proposed this system of reducti
on to his committee previous to the report
of the hill; hut, finding no support from
them, has now offered it as an amendment.
I am, said he, unwilling to make any change
in a measure, the result of much labor and
patient investigation of the ablest military
gentlemen in the House—and, sir, I cannot
hut recur to the recommendation made to
the House at the last session, by a member
who lias lately taken his seat, when a bill,
reported by the member from Pennsylvania,
I mean the honorable chairman of the com
mittee on manufactures, (Mr. Baldwin,) was
under discussion, that we ought not to dot
an i, or cross a t—the advice is good now.
For a year or two, we could not find the right
tine to begin the work of retrenchment; this,
we were told, was not the proper object to
begin with, or not the place—we have, in
this way, been TaUtyranded in every in
stance, in every attempt—and, for my own
part, I do not choose, upon a subject of this
importance to the nation, to be Talleyranded
any more. Aou> is the time, and this the
proper object. The national debt Inst year
was increased three millions of dollars, by a
loan—and this year the Secretary of the
Treasury tells us, the impoverished state of
your finances will require a loan of seven
millions more. This is the issue—you must
either retrench your expenditures, or tax tho
people. To tax, I will not consent—nor
can it be any thing short of Prodigality, that,
during two years of profound peace, you in
crease the national debt the enormous sum
of ten millions of dollars, when we ought to
be paying it off. I know that the honorable
gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Serge
ant,) has labored hard to persuade us so large
a loan was not necessary, hut even he tells
us, wo must have a loan—we must borrow.
I am not a little surprised, on every questi
on, to find gentlemen ready with examples,
drawn from the history of Europe, to induce
us to adopt their measures—for my own
part, I canuot see the parallel, anu believe
Abe wisest policy is, to suit our own views to
Aur own country. There is no similarity in
our situations. When you talk of war and
military preparations, the policy of Europe,
.her standing armies, her posts and fortifica
tions, are continually presented tons. In
what do we resemble them ? Take Gfcrtua
By, for example. She has a foreign power
on every side—armies, fortifications, and all
the paraphernalia of military array must be
kept up—as, upon the recurrence of hostili
ties, she it liable to the sudden inroads of all
these powers. How will this apply to us ?
What neighbor have we? Canada, it might
be answered. That country, from the nature
of things, can never make war upon us—a
country we could grasp any day, but so mi
serable, if I were to judge from the brilliant
military plant of the late war, we would no!
have. The only parallel, then, which I can
sen, is, in our inordinate desire to become,
suddenly, “ a great people.” Yet, sir, I con
fess we have good cause to suspect there is
something very attracting on the other side
the water?as our citizens are so very fond of
going there—but always come back worse
than they go, except they know all abbut
ctiquetts.
Mr. Chairman: I did not believe I should
ever have been brought so low as to approve
any of the institutions of that country—but
when I heard a dintinguisihed member last
night speak of the European system of per
mitting their officers to retire upon half-pay,
i could not otherwise than think, that plan
would be a greater relief to the people of this
country than tho mode now pursued.
' Sir, I would certainly prefer their retiring
Upon half-pay, rather than maintain, accord
ing to this plan proposed by the Secretary
of War, such an host of officers upon full
pay—then, indeed, we would save to our
bankrupt treasury the one half of this ex
pense. Surely half-pay would retain the
science of the army, which some gentlemen
talk so much about—and, in the mean time,
they could add, by useful labor, something
to t he general good.
If the habits of soldiers have unfitted them
for business, as has boon said, let them learn
end add to their half pay by useful employ
ments. I believe, however, the science of
the army seems to consist in transmitting an
order through the scientific channel—for in-
etaoce, when an order is issued from theDe
partment of War, toan officerat Fort Wash-
Won, twelve miles below this citv, it must
co to Nashville, in Tennessee, and scientifi
cally come back within twelve miles of the
Department, to its place of destination .—
And, so, 1 suppose, one would go to Brown-
ville, in New-York, and then return to Bal
timore, to preserve the science of the army
But I will say nothing about this hula mal-
ter, as I do not scientifically understand it
though you know, Mr. Chairman, how it
went with the Department of War—very
glad to get off on any terms.
We are told that peace is the time to pre
sto for war, and gentlemen have aaid, that
this bill will tear down the defence of the
country, and overturn the wise regulations
of the administration, and many such fine
things. I know peace is the time to prepare
for war. But does that preparation consist
of a feW'tnen more, or a few less? Where
is the visionary who can think ten thousand
a warlike preparation for this country ?—
Nntwithstnndingall that has been said to de
ride the militia, you must at last depend up
on them—an army of even twenty or thirty
thousand could not guard your maritime
frontier. Suppose, sir, an enemy, Great-
Rritain for example—I take her because I
think there is a greater willingness in some
people to take her Oir example—was to ar
rive upon your coast with a force of forty
thousand men, and threaten Boston, would
the whole of your thirty thousand be suffici
ent to defend it? And, after putting the
whole country in commotion, sail down the
coast and threaten N^w-York—what then ?
Your army cannot follow them in time to
render any service—you must call out the
militia. When he has run you to all the ex
pense of preparation* he changes his positi
on, and threatens the Chesapeake Bay with
an immediate invasion—here, again, yon
have to rely upon the militia. Thus, every
point on our whole roast is threatened with
invasion. Charleston next, Savannah, and
New-Orleans. And, if the. enemy, during
the late war, did not take advantage of your
fruitless attempts to procure a regular army,
it was the result of his ignorance—while his
ignorance did not secure you : the degraded
militia secured you. No, sir—this is not
the preparation lor war. Choc --e your po
sitions well upon the coast, fortify them
strongly, place in them a sufficient body of
troops, to keep them in repair, and in time
of war, place enough men in them to main
tain and defend them. These ought to he
the points from which the intermediate
country should he defended—that the space
between would suffer greatly, none can doubt.
But, did any man ever expect a country to
be at war and not suffer? What kind of
talk is that, which insists on “ driving insi
dious foes from oor shores,” and not suffer
ing our “ soil to be polluted by a foreign
footstep ?” Do not gentlemen know that,
in war, a country has no limits but those
marked by tho edge of the sword? And,
could this country, under any circum
stances, maintain an army, equal at all points
toan invading foe? If he has fifty thou
sand men on hoard his ships, I hold the en
tire expense to have been encountered, and
it costs no more on the coast at Boston,
than it did at Liverpool. If, then, you
Would oppose an invading enemy of that
force with success, you should have, at each
of these points, at least sixty thousand men;
as it is utterly impossible for the forces al
Boston to follow the ships round to New-
Orlcans—what, then, is the consequence r
That your coast would require three hun
dred and sixty thousand troops. Let us
take things as they are. This hill will keep
ns enough of the military to preserve our
fortifications, which is all we want. In war.
it would be necessary to have a regular ar
my, to promote the success of some particu
lar design. .But, at last, the militia of the
country is the great reliance, as we are com
pelled to know, from the document this
morning laid upon our tables, which shews
the militia force called into the service of the
country during the late war, to have amount
ed to three hundred and twenty-six thou
sand—while that of the regular army a
mounted to perhaps thirty-five thousand.
I am a little surprised to see how thing'
cut about in these times—and not less sur
prised to find u letter of Mr. Monroe, writ
ten at the close of the lute war, when Secre
tary of War, make its appearance, in the
newspaper, just at the. very nick of time
whilst this bill was before tlfe house. How
it got there, is more than I can tell—for whut
purpose, 1 know not—but it does appear to
me to be one of those little obliquities vv Inch
now and then we see in this our day. Will
not every gentleman at once see that the lot
ter, when written, contemplated a stale of
things which then existed, totally different
from that which now exists ? We had just
then finished a war with a powerful nation ;
then, too, Lord Castlereagh had just said, in
his place, in the British Parliament, that, if
Bonaparte had been victorious at the Battle
of Waterloo he could not have succeeded,
as Europe had at that time one million two
hundred thousand bayonets marching a-
gaiost him. And, sir, do we not recollect
that two distinguished members of this bouse
whom I now see on the Other side of the
way, here declared, in their places, that tney
did not believe the peace with England to be
a lasting one—that it was a mere interval of
hostilities, and a war of severe conflict would
soon recommence. These were the circum
stances of tile times when the letter recom
mended an af-iny of twenty thousand men,
and Congress fixed upon ten thousand as
the proper number, though the House of
Representatives,even then, thought six thou
sand the proper amount of force. But will
any man think, if the condition of the world
then required ton thousand, that six is not
now enough, as rrc* believe our peace a last
ing one, and there is less likelihood of col
lision now than there has ever been since
the adoption of the constitution? Whilst!
Europe is at peace, tired and exhausted
nay, almost the whole world reposing in a
dead peace, unknown to history, 1 believe,
from the days of Moses until the present
time, with the exception of the Augustan
reign—and now we have another.
The Secretary of War has here given us
_ report upon the subject of organizing the
army, which is to consist of officers, and says,
“ no position connected with the organiza
tion of the peace establishment is suscepti
ble of being more rigidly proved, titan that
the proportion of its officers to the rank and
file ought to be greater than in a war estab
lishment.” Sir, if this be true, mankind has
for ages been in error and darkness, and G.
Britain been to us doubly unjust. During
the late war,she falsely charged us with put
ting a double proportion of officers on hoard
our ships, that if one should he killed there
lant Lawrence and most of his officers had
been killed. How wrong we have been !—
But the Secretary had not then informed us
more officers were necessary in limeof peace
than in time of war,
We are told of our increasing population ;
nnd some gentlemen think a corresponding
increase of the army necessary. This doc
trine would lead to frightful consequences.
We have a certain frontier to defend, and, as
I have always said,certain positions on that
frontier ought to be fortified—and then, whe
ther our population be great or small, or in
crease to any extent, these posts will be a-
dequate to their protection. We have now
ten millions of inhabitants, and according to
the narrowest calculations, it doubles itself
every twenty-five years. What a fearful ar
my this, in a few years, would require, were
it to double with our population ! Ami what
an increased number of posts and fortified
places it would require to accommodate
them!
Now, Mr. Chairman, we come to the mi
litary posts—nnd this document which I
hold in my hand is that which, under a call
of this house, the Secretary of the Depart-
nent of War has sent to us—and, from the
examination which I have been abb to give
it, I am compelled to say, that either the
Secretary most believe Congress w (folly ig
norant of the defences of the country, or lie
llimseif must be destitute of the necessary
information which a man in his office, ought
to possess. If, sir, we take all the places
marked upon this list, including the places
where our generals reside, we find it spun
out to the wonderful length of an hundred
and twenty-six ! I wish clearly to he under-
tood—and if I am in an error ill supposing
that a military post where the generals arc
stationed, l will thank any gentleman in the
house to correct me before I proceed any
further.
I believe, sir, from a reference to (he re
port of tlie Secretary of the Department of
War, in the year 1818, already reverted to
by my friend from North-Carolina, (Mr.
Williams,) it will be found we then had se
venty-three military posts—and now, in two
years, by some strange occurrence, unknown
io the country, they have of late wonderful
ly increased, until, indeed, they number us
one hundred and twenty-six !
I have heretofore believed, in common
with the rest of the citizens of this country,
who did not understand the science of the
army, that a military post was a place so for-
ifted and provided with men, cannon, and
iefences, as to he, upon any occasion, of
some advantage to the military operations of
the country. But this report shews us to
have hern in an egregious error, as there are
here many military posts where there is nei
ther forts, magazines, cannon, arms or men,
or any single tiling, except the ground where
an army happened to encamp for a few days,
during the late war. Sir, I will examine
this wonderful list of military posts. I will,
however, say nothing about those to the
north, as I ain not acquainted yet with that
part of the country—but some of them, von
will perceive, like persons wanting offic
portunely, we should have gone home with
out knowing that the city of New-Orleans,
Natchez, St. Louis, the town of Nashville,
ill Tennessee, k Brownsville, in New-York,
were all important military posts. But, here
we have a new scene. As if they did not
grow up fust enough by ones, we get them
by twos. . Here, sir, is Fort I'laqnemine and
Fo t St. Philip, two names for the same spot,
as my friend from Louisiana, (Mr. Butler)
assures me. Next in order are Fort Buw-
yernud Fort Meddle Point, which proved to
be the precise same place. Then come fort
Toulouse and Fort Jackson, not less extra
ordinary than the others. The history of
Fort Toulouse, if I am not greatly mistaken,
is this : that, when the extravagant preten
sions of England produced the war of 1755,
w hen she was opposed by France and Spain,
a chain of military posts was attempted by
France, to he established from Canada to
the Gulf, to confine the British within their
own territory, and this Fort Toulouse was
one of them. But after the peace of ITtiii,
that military post remained a retreat only fin-
wild cafs ami foxes, until the late war—
when, at the close of the Creek campaign,
the army cut away the trees which had
grown up in the mean time, am) removed
some old iron cannon which lay in their way,
with the trunnions broken off and built Fort
Jackson upon the selfsame spot—and yet
the Secretary gives ii« Fort Tonlotisu nod
Fort Jackson as two military posts.
I most confess, sir. this reminds me very
forcibly of nn anecdote I once heard of an
Irishman, who said, lie liked to live in Abie-
rica very well, Imt he. believed lie would have
remained in his own country, where lie had
every convenience, and as fine a farm as any
in Ireland, hut there was a lit tv incumbrance
upon it, which made it rather disagreeable,
which was, that another mail’s land lay right
on the top of it.
Mr. Chairman, I am indeed astonished,
how it is possible for the head of a depart
ment to have been so imperfectly informed
as to the real state of w hat are here reported
to us ns military post*—and how they can
he mentioned both in debate, and in official
documents as existing posts, where a porti
on of our force may he required, and used
indeed as a pretext to palliate the retention
of this present useless force, is not less asto
nishing. If, sir, yon reject from this report
all the arsenals, the houses of the general",
the camps and cantonments, where troops
chanced to stay for a few weeks during t h*
late war—and all the forts, where there art
neither soldiers, guns, nr fortifications—and
all those in cotton fields, as well as those a
longtime the den of wild beasts; you will find
this list of 12(1, dwindled down to 58 : and
1 do not hesitate to sav, the true military as
pect of this country will never require that
number; and, when another subject comes
before the house, I think I shall he able to
show, that not more than perhaps thirty are
in any event necessary.
I cannot divine how it is, the gentleman
from South Carolina undertakes to brand
the supporters of the measure, as aiming u
blow, through it, at the Executive, Does
arrv their labels on their foreheads, on * '« know the Executive to he hostile to tin
which you may read, “ I want,” at every
turn.
Here you see, occupying a conspicuous
position, is fort Mims. Ilow this fort has
been revived, I know not—hut I had believed
there was not a boy ill the whole nation who
had not heard of its destruction—and many
line speeches, said a gentleman on the left
theotnorday, have been madeahnut the blood
and tomahawk, the relentless savage, which
spared neither age or sex, and tiie holies of
unfortunate victims, left to blanch upon tils
dreary plains—to the end, I suppose, we
might not forget the poor Indians, whilst all,
with a sentimental delicacy for the honor
if civilization, choose to forget the scenes at
Hampton as soon ns possible. But this fort,
I suppose, possessed the properties ofthe
Phoenix, and has risen from its ashes in all
its military array. Next to this we find fort
Stoddart. How this came here, is equally
strange, as, Mr. Chairman, I believe fur the
last ten years there lias not been anything
in this fort, without it is an alligator, that
sometimes chooses that as a place of retire
ment, to bask undisturbed in the sun. Fort
St. Stephens is on the list, and shows how
amply we have been disposed to provide for
the safety of the government of the state of
Alabama, as that place has been, until lately,
the metropolis of the state. This partiality
for that state ought to create some jealousy
among us to the'South—hut, as it is among
ourselves, we will forgive the predilection.—
Next in order is Fort Claiborne, which is
now, as my friend from Alabama will testify,
a beautiful little town, containing about two
or three thousand inhabitants. After passing
this town to the next military post, we find
it to he Fort Strother, which we are told is
on the. Consn river, at the junction ofthe E-
tawlia—and here we find, in the establish
ment of this fort, that valuable corps we hear
so much about, ended the topographical en
gineers, displayed a skill and accuracy equal
alone to this report, as there is no stream at
all entering the Coosa river at that fort. But
thero we find the Secretary’s local prejudic
es in full growth, which I must confess I had
rather seen otherwise, as Fort Strother is one
of the most flourishing cotton plantations in
all toe South. Fort Williams, it is true, is on
the Indian lands—hut, whilst it stands on one
side of the Coosa, the other is in the high
est state of cultivation, covered with the fin
est cotton plantations in the country. Look
here! About twelve miles above St. Louis
is a military post, called Fort St. Charles, a
beautiful little town, containing a thousand
inhabitants. But, Mr. Chairman, here are
some military posts which startle us with
their warlike preparations. This is Belle.
Fontaine, An the Missouri, defended by 8
men ! nnd fort Osage, at the Confluence of
the Osage and Missouri rivers, as ably de
fended by one mao ! There too is fori Ed
wards, in Illinois—in vvliut part of the state
I cannot learn—but it does appear that It is
not quite so well defended as Fort Osage.—
[t appears too that the mouth of Licking, in
t 1 c state of Kentucky, on tiie opposite hank
of the Ohio river from the city of Cincinna-
ttw^nThe th Sw d ^hes^ake vfitak-! iV* military post, defended by theimpos-
en, in her battle with the Shannon, we al- ‘"K ^ce of one man !
ways have believed it was because tho gal-1 Sir, if tins report had not come in so op-
measure now under debate ? He tells iik
too the President’s glory is in the muguitudi
of the fortifications of the country. For my
own part, I think myself a better friend to
him, than to believe he would place his glo
ry upon any other basis than the administra
tion of the laws for the prosperity of the
country, and the welfare of the people.
It is difficult for me to see the necessity
for this army, organized as it is, We. haw
two Major Generals and four Brigadiers in
service, whilst w« have not us many men at
any one place as would constitute a Cap
tain's guard—hot I suppose it must be ne
cessary to us, at. vve must lie a “ great peo
pie.” These officers receive near Jj 7000 a
year, for no other service titan liviug com
fortably at home, and transmitting the
orders ofthe Di pertinent of War, as it seems
the fvrrretm-v ot that Di a-tmciit has no
e nice left him hut compliance. This sum
is enormous, yet 1 will not say it is uu abusi ,
as it is drawn through the medium of tin
law—though, nhilst their pay is $2400 a
year, the allowance for servants, houses,
quarters, kitchens, fire-wood and other lit
tie matters, swells it to that sum. The life
tlio’, of some of them, is not a dull mnnotii-
ly, io “ these piping times of peace,” as we
might suppose—as vve are informed a visit
is made each winter to this imper.nl city, by
some means or other, moving in the style of
an Eastern Satrap, says my friend from N.
Carolina, with all the pomp of military in
dulgence, having twelve hundred pounds of
baggage, three rooms and a kitchen in the
train, Come tn Washington by an order from
the Department of War, and obtain trans
portation for it all—should, however, the
pnirney have been ronunenccd without an
order, one is kindly furnished when the ci
ty is entered—such would be the beneficent
imposition of a well drilled department.
These things, w hen we had a treasury over
flowing with money would have been wrong,
but now, when the treasury is unable to pay,
is little else than on abuse of the trust re
posed in us by the people, who expect from
usa faithful account of our conduct. When
the welfare ofthe country shall require taxes,
I will vote them. But to borrow millions
every year, thereby increasing the national
debt in time of peace, instead of paying it
off—to tax the country, already embarras
sed with difficulties of their own, to support
this prodigal system, is vvliat I cannot do.—
A prudent man w ill limit his expenditures to
the amount of ills income, and that which is
right in an individual cannot he wrong in a
nation.
We have heard much of the services of
officers, their high expectations, and gene
rous sacrifices of personal prospects—all
this may he true, and as un individual, I am
always proud to honor Ihe meritorious offi
cer. But, can it he possible that an iiidivitlu
al as brave, as patriotic, and disinterested us
they are represented to he, should desire' to
remain one moment in the army, after they
knew their country did not Bland in need of
their services ? Would they not rather fe» I
dishonored by the belief, that pecuniary
compensation was all they sought? Lei
us do the country justice, Mr. Chairman,
auti w ben the services of these officers are
wanting, let us require them nnd pay them—
when they achieve deeds of valor, h t us re
ward them—when they display heroic pu
li intisni and devotion to the country, lei
lot give them our distinguished consideration
—this, sir, is the highest reward any mao
can receive from a free people.
The officer who would wish to remain in
service one minute longer than his country
desired him, or wanted his services, is un
worthy of its roiifldenre or commission.—
Why are we told of irritated feelings or ani
mosity of individuals? If these exist, then
instantly disba, d the army—it has already
existed too long for the good of ti e country.
The danger of a standing army is not that
there is any f. ar of their overthrowing the
constitution at one blow-—but the tainted
feelings they engender, and the influence it
•acquires upon public opinli n. I hope the
day has not arrived when we tear to disband
all army, even though its number should In
tenor filly thousand—if vve do, then liberty
has fled, vve have nothing left us but the sha
dow—let us beware in time, and keep
pure the national feeling from the influence
of this dangerous doctrine of “you cunt do
enough,” and you are " bound to fulfil ex
pectations yourselves have created." A
gainst this, and the impatient desire to cram
into every office military men, to the i xelu-
sion of citizens of better pretensions,] most
protest. It is ruinous and unjust.
Sir, at a future day, when our population
will have increased.ami we Involved in some
future war, necessity or favor will < mnpel
us to create major generals, lieutenant gene
rals,generals,and field marshals—when the
doctrine of the science of the army Will ap
ply as well then as now—Ik to guard against
future evil as much as vve can, we ought to
give an example now of that moderate and
disinterested justice to disbanded armies
which future ages ought to pursue.
We ought to remember a lesson already
given us in the exhibition of feeling in a pub
lication addressed to the nation Ivy the dis
banded officers of the late war—it is only ne
cessary to advert to it—the memory of eve-
ry gentleman in the House will reeal it to
their recollection—n more severe, acrimoni
ous, bitter, biting, rancorouspieee, I yet have
never seen. It is in this way inroads are
made upon the national feeling, and w hene
ver the representatives of the people shall
fall to consult any interest hut that of their
country, there is an end to the constitution.
•Control them now. When you cannot you
are slaves. Gradual approach is the inarch
of tyranny. Can any man believe there was
much to surpiise the peopleqf Rome when
a certain Emperor created his horse priest
■vml consul? Could tills have been done in
the purer days of Rome ? No, sir,they had
been accustomed to see small changes and
innovations, until, from one step to another,
they arrived at thia last degree of degraded
on—themselves impoTenl Ik despised, doubt
less hclicid this spectacle without wonder oi
astonishment.
Much has been said ofthe inutility of (lie
militia. They have been contemned and
despised to enhance tiie claim and usefulness
of a standing army. tVe are told too, that
this army is necessary for the protection ol
our western frontier, which is feeble and de
fenceless. Mr. Chairman, I will not speak
on that subject. I cannot trust my feelings:
but, sir, this 1 may say, that I know well the
kind of protection given to the west by you;
standing armies. No man has suffered nion
than myself by the wars of that country—
though I was too young to have any person
al concern in them—then it was the bravi
and dauntless frontierman protected himsfli
and often y our army—for all was war—then,
sir, every individual could aim the unerring
rifle, and often their wives and daughters
could use them with skill and effect—and
w hilst tilling their fields of corn, each would
in turn remain on guard—then too battles
were fought where deeds of valor were dis
played, which would have rivalled the boast
of any age or country—nor did they expect
rewards in office, favor, sword", or medals,
for Uo enemies they killed, or did not kill.
But I will not, as I have not spoken of
these things. My friend from Kentucky,
who I see before me, (Mi. Hardin,) is better
acquainted with the^e occurrences than i
am. ami can do tho subject more justice.—
Let him speak, and you will learn whether
ye,or militia ought to he so despised.
I will not trouble you further. Underary
view which 1 cun take of this matter, I can
not perceive any good cause why the army
sho.uld not lie reduced. Lot it lie fixed upon
the most economical basis, and vve yrt may
av oid loans and taxes in time of peace, wilier)
will some day ruin this country. Let us of
ten recur to the pure original feelings and
opinions which we once had, and then per
haps vve may preserve the republic from the
inevitable fate which ihe gradual change of
original principle must bring upon it. Let
us recur to the maxims of 1801, and all will
he well—if not, expect prodigality and ruin.
two or three days, which greatly increase*!
his strength. He collected all the small
stones he could 4nd in a corner. As soon
us he had done so, be went off to Mr. Jack-
son, w ho had paid him most cheerfully, and
suid he was again at a loss for work. “ Kay
you so, my poor fellow ?” said Mr. Jack-
son, “ then I must see what I can do for
you. Let me see—there is a sack—fill ikat
with stones from the corner and carry them
off to Benlhal grecne and make haste buck
for another suck.”
Tin* vagrant proceeded upon his new em
ployment with a very ill grace—as Soon us
he got to White-chapel church, lie shot th%
contents of his suck into the church yard,
and swearing that he would never,us lopgae
he lived, go inton church y ard again, walk
ed off with the sack, und never was seen
Mr. J .irkson more.
The practice has been found an infallible
rule for vagrancy in the purii-h nfSt. Ca
therine Cree. The celebrated Cooke, tho
mist. of I’etonville, knew the disposition of
the beggars well, and drew niurh benefit
fn in the know ledge. When any heggar-
mun came to his gate, and complaint d of
want of work, Cooke set him to digging tho
garden,but took care to watch from under*
window, lest he should run off wits, tho
spade. After an hour or two’s labor, tho
workman stuck the spade in the earth, and
sneaked off His place was soon supplied
liy another, who had very little inclination
In labor—and thus Cooke managed to have
his garden'dug without bciug ut a farthing
expense.
Mr. Brougham, attorney general to tho
Queen of England :—This acute, learned,
and eloquent advocate, who may perhaps,
in a few years become Lord Chancellor, ia
a mean looking figure, as lean as a broom
stick, yellow und fallen away, with a flak
nose, a wide mouth, and unpleasing contour
—but he has large sparkling eyes, which
flash fire, mid as soon as he begins to speak,
his countenance is lighted up with a degree
of animation, understanding, and self posses
sion, the effect of which, is not weakened
hy a had habit (perhaps a nervous affection)
—•of every moment stretching the nostrils,
distorting the closed muutb on both sides,
and at the same time, wink ing with the eyes.
The cliurm of his eloquence is irresistahle to
an unprejudiced person, and there is in hi*
manner, something which the Englisi. call
gentlemanlike, by which he is favorably dis
tinguished from the violent fury of Ins col
league, Mr. Denman, the Queen's solicitor
general, who with u terrible bass voice, roars
in the hall at the same time, thumping oo
the bar.—British M. Magazine.
!!**“
St. PETEittaui.o. (Russin,) Nov. 21.
The celebrated pedestrian, the Bri
tish sea captain, Cochrane, arrived oo
the tweuty-tiftli of August, at the fort of
Ustknmengorish, with letters of intro- .
dilution to the commandant, Colonel
Liancsurt, and to the tax director, Von
Snkolowitsch, in ihe fort Buktarminsk.
Having taken some refreshment at the
residence of the latter, he set out in the
evening to pursue his journey, 60 wersfc
(something less than 40 English miles)
further towards the Chinese Cordon, and
in that direction to perfect his route.—
In that attempt he was disappointed, for
(tie great heat nnd the insects had com
pelled the Chinese to withdraw back in
to the Altaf mountains. Cochrane come
tiHi k on the twenty-seventh, and embar
ked on the Buktarma, and afterwards oa
the irtisch, in order to reach the fort
IMkiimengnrisch. Mis intention was to
piocecd to Irkutsk and Kumtschatka.—
He is of the middle size, meagre, und
possessed of a constitution tilted to 'en-
dine the fatigues and hardships of trav
eling. He does not shave himselfon his
ji urney ; lie travels commonly 80 wersfc
ach day on foot (near 53 English miles)
I c speaks French and a little Russian j
I is dress consists of a kind of coat made
• f skin, a pair of nankeen pantaloons, a
sort of -tufted waistcoat, and leather gai
ters, He carries with him a pairofghoea
to change, a geography in the English
language, some sea charts, a small tin
box, 14 indies long nnd 1 inch thick, in
which he keeps his passport, his journal,
his pipe and pen knife, besides sou*
weapons and provisions,
EROM THE VIRGINIA HERALD.
ON USURY.
“ It would be convenient to me to give si*
per cent for money—1 wish to do so”
“No, (says tiie luwjyou slia’nt!” “Why
so ?” “ Because it is not convenient to your
neighbor to give above five for it.” Can a-
At a meeting lately held in London con
cerning the houseless poor, the Lord Mayor
made the following remarks :
He considered that one of the greatest
causes of vagrancy was want of w ork—for
the purpose of preventing which complaint,
he should advise the adoption of a plan si
milar to that upon which an old friend of his
Mi. Jackson, one of the Overseers ofthe
parish of St. Catharine Cree, had acted.—
He would provide work w hether that work
proved to he matter of peculiar advantage
or not—and the host of vagrants who hated
work would soon disappear, as they had
done in the case of his friend, when they
found that without working for it they could
get nothing to cat. The case to which his
Lordship alluded was as follow :—Mr. Jack-
son was considerably annoyed while he was
overseer by the solicitations from great hulk
ing fellows of tiie parish, who always said
they could get no work—“ Well my poor
men,” lie at length said to some of them.
“I’ll see and get you a little work”—He then
took them to the church yard, and ordered
them to pick up all the loose stones that lay
about, and throw them into a corner. In a
few hours ail but one got tired and skulked
off. He who remained calculated upon the
contrast between his conduct and that of
those who departed, and he actually stayed
nv thing be more absurd that) such a reason?
Thus, says Bentham, a man of considerable
research in matters relative to political eco-
uomy—and thus will every man of unpre
judiced mind exclaim, when he reads tha
existing laws for the prevention of usury.
It is strange to see With what childish ob
stinacy we cling to those prejudices incul
cated in our youth—and how carefully wi*
hand them down to our posterity. Ws
were taught bv our parents to believe the
word “ Usury” meant a criminal act, and
that “ a usurer” was an infamous person—
and wejvre resolved our children shall have
the same impression: Whereas the one
word simply signifies the lending of money
on interest, and the other a lender of money.
In this manner are we too apt to be carried
away by sounds, without investigating the
intrinsic meaning of words. Such a Gor
gon’s head has tnis word “ usury" become
in the imaginations of two thirds of mankind,
that they are petrified by the sound alow*.—
.Although friquent anti able attempts have
been made to tear this vfcil of prejudice, from
the eyes of our legislators, they appear ob
stinately to resist these attempts, and to de
sire rather to remain as Mind as they have
always been, than to give an hooi*g attenti
on to the disct|taion of the subject
Vt h t man in his senses, and not blinded
by prejudice, can advocate tho -nti iwtrriowj