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VOL. III.
PUBLISHED WEEKLY,
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Report on the Recognition of the late Span
ish Provinces in America.
Hull SI'. OK KKI’llliSKNTATIVK.S,
March ID, 1822.
The Committee on Foreign Affairs,
tb which were referred the message of
ilie President, concerning the recogni
tion of the Into Spanish provinces in A-
inenca, and the documents therewith I
•oininunicalud, having examined the same
with the most profound attention, unan
imously report :
That the provinces of Buenos Avres,
after having, from the year 1810, pro-
ocedcd in their revolutionary movements
without any obstacle from the govern
ment of Spain, formally declared their
independence of that government, in
1818. After various intestine commo
tions, and external collisions, those pro
vinces now enjoy domestic tranquillity,
and a good understanding with all their
neighbors : and actually exercise, willi-
om opposition from within, or the fear
of annoyance from without, all the attri
butes of sovereignly.
The provinces of Venezuela and New
Grenada, after having, separately, de
clared their independence, sustained, for
•a period of more than ten years, a deso-
lati ’g war against the armies of Spain,
and ha' ing severally, attained, by their
triumph over those armies, the abject for
wih Ji they contended, united them
selves, on the 19lh of December, 1819,
in one nation, under the title of “ the
Republic of Colombia.”
Flie republic of Colombia lias now a
well organized government, instituted by
the free will of ils citizens, and oxer
all the functions of sovereignty,
feaile-s alike of internal anil foreign ene
mies, The s nail remnant of the nume
rous armies commissioned to preserve the
supremacy of the parent state, is now i
W ckaded, in to o fortresses, where ii is I
innoxious, &: where, deprived, as it is, of
till hope of succour, it must soon surren- j
der at discretion ; when this event shall
have occurred, there will not remain a
vestige of foreign power in all that im
mense republic, containing between
three and four millions of inhabitants.
The province ot Chili, since it de
clared itsindcpendence, in the year 1813,
has been in tit" constant and unmolested
enjoyment of the sovereignty which it
then assumed.
The province of Peru, situated like
Chili, beyond the Andes, and bordering
on the Pacific ocean, was fora longtime,
deterred from making any effectual effort
for independence, by the presence of an
imposing military force, which Spain had
kept tip in that country. It was not,
therefore, until the 12th of June, of the
hist year, that its capital, the city of Li
ma, capitulated to an army, chiefly com
posed of troops Irmn Buenos Ayres and
Chili, umler (he command of General
San Marlin. The greatest part of the
royal troops which escaped, on that oc
casion, retreated to the mountains, hut
soon left them to return to the coast,
thereto join the royal garrison in the.
fortress of Callao, The surrender of
that fortress, soon after, to the Ameri
cans, may be regarded as the termination
of the war in that quarter.
When the people of Peril found them
selves, by this event, free to express
their will, they nio»t unequivocally ex
pressed it in favor of independence and
with an unanimity and enthusiasm which
have no where been excelled.
The revolution in Mexico has been
somewhat different in its character and
progre»«, from the revolutions in the
oilier Spanish American provinces, and
its result, in respect to the organization
ol its internal government, has, also, not
been precisely the same. Indepen
dence, however, has been as emphati
cally declared and as practically estab
lished, since the 241 Ii of August last, bv
the “ Mexican empire,” as ever it has
been by the republics of the south ; and
her geographical situation ; her popula
tion and Iter resources, eminently quali
ty her to maintain the independence
which she has thus declared, and now
actually enjoys.
Such are the facts which have occu
pied the attenlion of your committee,
and which, in their opinion, irresistibly
prove, that the nations of Mexico, Co
lombia, Buenos Ayres, Peru, and Chili,
!|1 .Spanish America, are in fact indepen
dent.
it now remains for your committee to
examine the right and the expediency,
on the part of the United States, of re
cognizing the independence which those
nations have, thus rft'ecluallv achieved
In this examination, it cannot be ne-
cf'sury to inquire into the right of the
people of Spanish America, “ to dissolve
*he political bands which have connected
•hem with another, and to assume, anions:
the powers of the earth that separate
and equal station to winch the laws of
nature and ot nature s God entitle them.”
The right to change the political institu
tions of the state has, indeed, been exer
cised equally by .Spain and by her colo
nies ; uijd lor us to deny to I lie people
of Spanish America the right to indepen
dence, on the principles which alone
sanction it here, would be virtually to
renounce our own.
The political right of this nation to
acknowledge their independence without
offending others, does not depend on its
justice, but on its actual establishment.
To justify such a recognition, by us, it
is necessary only to shew, as is already
sulliciently shown, that the people of
Spanish America are, within their re
spective limits, exclusively sovereign
and thus, in fact, independent. With
them, as with every other government
possessing and exorcising the power ot
making war, the United States, in com
mon with all nations, have the rights of
concerting the terms of mutual peace and
intercourse.
Who is the rightful sovereign of a coun
try, is not an inquiry permitted to fo
reign nations, to whom it is competent
only to treat with “ the powers that be.”
There is no difference in opinion, on
this point, among the writers on public
law ; and no diversity, with respect to
it, in the practice of civilized nations.—
It is not necessary , here, to cite authori
ty for a doctrine familiar to all who have
paid the slightest attention to the subject;
nor to go Inch, for its practical illustra
tion, to the civil wars between the houses
of York and Lancaster. Long since, the
chiefs of those conflicting houses, al
ternately triumphed and ruled, mid
were alternately obeyed at home and
recognised abroad, according as they,
successively, exercised the power, with
out demonstrating the i iglit—monarchies
Ii ive become commonwealths or repub
lics, nn:l powerful usurpers have been
recognized by foreign nations, in prefer
ence to legitimate and powerless preten
ders. Modern tiialory is replete with in
stances in point. Have we not, indeed,
within the brief period of our own re
membrance, behel I governments vaty
their forms, and change their rulers ac
cording to the prevailing power or pas
sion ofthe moment and doing so in vir
tue of the principle now in question,
without mtilerialli and lastingly affecting
t hoi j relations with other governnu ntsV
Have we not seen ihe emperors and
kings of yesterday, receive, on the
thrones of exiled sovereigns, who claim
ed the right to reign there, the friendly
embassies of other powers, with whom
those exiled sovereigns had sought an
asylum—& have we not seen to-day, those
emperors and kings, thus courted and re
cognized yesterday, bereft of their scep
tres, and, from a mere change of circum
stances, not of right, treated as usurpers
by their successors, who, in their turn,
have been acknowledged and caressed
by the same foreign powers ?
The peace of the world, and the inde
pendence of every member ofthe great
political family, require that each should
be the exclusive judge of its ow n inter
nal proceedings, and that the fact alone
should bo regarded by foreign nations.
“ Even when civil war breaks the bonds
of society and of government, or, at
least, suspends their force and effect, it
gives birth in the nation to two indepen
dent parties, who regard each other as
enemies, and acknowledge no common
judge.” It is of necessity, therefore,
that these two parties should be consi
dered, by foreign states, as two distinct
and independent nations. To consider
or treat them otherwise, would he to in
terfere in their domestic concerns, to de
ny them the right to manage their uo n af
fairs in their own way, (2 to violate the es
sential attributes oft heir respective sove
reignty. Fora nation to be entitled, in res
pect to foreign stales, to the enjoyment of
these attributes, “ and to figure directly
in the great political society, it is suffi
cient that it is really sovereign and inde
pendent : that is, that it governs itself
by his own authority and laws.” The
people uf Spanish America do, notori
ously, ho govern themselves, and the
right of the Utiiled Slates to recognize
the governments, which they have insti
tuted, is iuconteslible. A doubt of tlie
expediency of such a recognition can he
suggested only, by the apprehension, that
it may injuriously affect our peaceful
and friendly relations with the nations of
Ihe other hemisphere.
Can such an apprehension be well
founded ?
Have not all those nations practically
sanctioned, within the last thirty years,
Ihe very principle on which we now
propose to act; or have they ever com
plained of one another, or of os, for act
ing on that principle ?
No nation of Europe, excepting Spain
herself, has, hitherto, opposed force to
the independence of Spanish Amorf a.
Some of those nation” have not only con
stantly maintained commercial and friend
ly intercourse with them, in every stage
of the revolution, but indirectly anil cflt-
ciently, tho’ not avowedly, aided them in
the prosecution of their great object.—
Fo these the acknowledgment, by the
United Slates, of the attainment of that
object, must be satisfactory.
MILLEDGEVILLE, TUESDAY, APRIL .9, 1822.
To the other nations of Europe, who
have regarded the events occurring it
Spanish America, not only without in
torlerence, but with apparent indiffer
dice, such nn acknotvledgment ought not
to be offensive.
The nations who have thus respec
tively favored, or never opposed, the
Spanish American people, during their
active struggle for independence, cannot,
it is believed, regard with dissatisfaction
the formal recognition of that indepen
dence by a nation, which, while that
struggle lasted, has religiously observed,
towards both the conflicting parties, all
the duties of neutrality. Your commit
tee ore, therefore, of opinion, that we
have a right, on this occasion, confident
ly to expect, from ivhat these nations
have done or forborne to do, during the
various fortunes ofthe civil war which
has terminated, that they will frankly
approve the course of policy which the
United States may now think proper to
adopt in relation to the successful party
in that war. It surely cannot he rea
sonably apprehended, that nations who
have thus been the tranquil spectators,
the apparent well wishers, if not the effi
cient supporters, of this party ; and who
have not made the faintest attempt to ar
rest ils progress, or to prevent its suc
cess, should be displeased with a third
power, for merely recognizing the go
vernments which owing to that success,
have thus been virtually permitted, or
impliedly approved, in acquiring Ihe un
disputed tc exclusive control ofthe coun
tries in which they are established. It
is, therefore, on the consistency, as well
as on the justice, of these nations ofF.u-
rope, that wc may confidently rely, that
the simple recognition, on the part ofthe
United States, of the necessary effect of
what lias already been done, will not be
considered as a just cause of complaint
agaiust them ; while the interested and
immediate agents, w ho have been direct
ly and actively engaged in producing that
effect, have neither been opposed nor
censured.
Your committee, therefore, instead of
seriously apprehending that the recog
nition, by the United States, of the inde
pendence of Spanish America, will he
unacceptable to llose nations, are not
a itliout hope, that they may practically
ipprove it, bg severally adopting a simi
lar measure. It is nut, indeed, unrea
sonable to suppose, that those govern
ments have, like this, wailed only for the
evidence of facts which might tint only
suffice toju-tify them, under ihe laws
and usages oi nations, hot to satisfy Spain
Herself, that nothing has been prema
turely done, or which coni I justly of
fend her I'm lings, or be considered as in
consistent with her rights. As their
motives tor not having hitherto recog
nized the independence of Spanish Ame
rica, may thus be supposed to have been
analogous to our own, it is permitted to
presume that the facts and reasons which
lave prevailed on us no longer to hesi
tate, will, confirmed, as tliev arc by our
example, have a like influence on them.
No nation can entertain a more sincere
deference for the feelings of Spain, or
take a more lively interest in her vvel
fare, than the United States. It is to
this deference, too evident to be doubted
or misunderstood, that ought to he as
cribed Ihe hesitation of this government,
until now, to yield to the claims of Span
ish America, although these claims were
in perfect accordance with our own prin
ciples, feelings, and interests. Having
thus forborne to act, even at the hazard
of having those principles and feelings
misunderstood on lhi9 side of the Atlan
tic, we have, as your committee believe,
given at once satisfactory proof of our
disinterestedness and moderation ; and
ol our scrupulous respect to the princi
ple which leaves the political institu
tions of every foreign state to be direct
ed by its own view of its otvn rights and
interests.
Your Committee have been particu
larly anxious to show, in a manner satis
factory to Spain herself, that the mea-
sursn which this government now pro
poses to adopt, lias been considered with
the most respectful attention, both in re
lation to her rights and to her feelings.
It is not on the laws and usages of tin
t ions, or on the practice of Spain herself on
like occasions, that your committee have
relied for our justification towards tier
The fact that, for the last three years,
she has not sent a single company ol
troops against her transatlantic colonies,
has not been used as ct idence of their
actual independence, or of her want of
pow< r to oppose it. This fact, explain
ed :ts it is, by tbe public acts of Spain
herself, is regarded by your committee
as evidence nnl\ of her policy.
'J'lio I ist troops collected at Cadiz in
1819, which were destined to suppress
the revolutionary movement” in Spanish
America, not only rejected that service,
but joined in the revolution, which lias
since proved successful in Spain itself.
The declaration ofthe lenders in that
revolution was, that “ Spanish America
had a right to be free, and that Spain
should he free.” Although tbe conslitu-
the Spanish dominions, yet tbe princi
ple* on which that constitution was
founded seem to discountenance the em
ployment of force for tbe accomplish
ment of flint object, m contempt ol’tlie
equal rights and declared will of the A-
mencan portion of die Spanish people.
Flie conduct of the government organi
zed under that constitution, lias uniform
ly been, in tins respect, in conformity
to those principles. Since its existence,
there lias not been even a proposal by
that government to employ force for tbe
subjugation of the American provinces,
hilt merely recommendations of concilia
tory measures for their pacification.
Flie answer of the Cortes, oil the 1 Oth
of July, 1820, to t lie address ofthe King,
furnishes conclusive proof of this policy.
” The intimate union,” says this an
swer, “ of (be Cortes with your .Majes
ty ; the re-establishment ofthe consti
tution; the faithful performance of pro
mises, depriving malevolence of all pre-
t xl, it ill facilitate the pacification of tin:
ultra marine provinces, which are in
a state of agitation and disseution.—
Flie Cortes, on its part, will oinit no
opportunity to propose and adopt mea
sures necessary for flip observance of the
constitution and restoration of tranquili
ty in those countries, to the end that the
Spams of both worlds may thus form a sin
gle anil happy family.
Although the ultra marine provinces
are not here encouraged to expect abso
lute independence, yet they are no l in
ger treated as vassal colonies, or threat
ened with subjugation, but are actually
recognized as brothers in the great con
stitutional and free family of Spain.
\ report made to tbe Cortes, on flic
24th of June, 1821, by a committee ap
pointed by that body, not only manifest
ly' corroborates the policy above stated,
but sulfi-ii nlly intimates that the recog
nition ofthe independence of Spanish A-
merica by Spain herself, had nearly
been tbe measure recommended by that
committee.
That report avers, that “ tranquility
is not sufficient, even it' it should extend
throughout America, with a prospect of
permanency: No I it falls short of the
wishes of the friends of humanity."
In speaking ofthe measure demanded
by; the c.-i-ix, it sat-, that this measure
was not only warmly approved by the
"ommittee, but, at first, entirely assent
cd to by the ministers, with whom it had
been discussed, and failed only to be pro
posed to the Cortes “ by these ministers
having, an account of peculiar occur
ences, suspended their judgment." It
speaks of this measure as indicative of
a new and glorious resolution ; that it
was demanded by America and the true
iutere-ts of the I’eniusula ; that from
d Spain might reap advantage* which
otherwise she couid never expect ; and
that the ties of kindred and tbe uniformi
ty of tebgion, with commercial relations,
ami those emanating from free institu
tions, would be the surest pledge of mu
tual harmony and close union.
Your committee do not let 1 themselves
authorized to say, positively, what that
measure was, hut they do not hesitati
to declare theii entire, conviction, that
no measure, short of a full recognition
of unconditional independence, could
have deserved the character, nor been
capable of producing tbe effects, ascrib
ed to it.
It is, therefore, sufficiently manifest
that Spain, far from wishing to call into
action her means of prosecuting hostili
ties against the people of Spanish Ame
rica, has renounced even the feelings of
an ememy towards them, and, but for
“ peculiar occurrences,” had been pre
pared, nearly a year ago, to consent to
their independence.
She has not only practically discon
tinued, and even emphatically deprecat
ed, tbe employment of force to restore
tranquility to Spanish America, but she
lias declared that even universal and
permanent tranquility there, “ falls short
of the wishes of the friends of humani
ty.”
While she appeals to “ ihe ties of
kindred,” she undoubtedly feels them ;
and ifshc has not abandoned her desire,
so often avowed, of mere constitutional
union, and equal commercial intercourse,
with her former colonies, as between pro
vinces of the same empire, a union and
:m intercourse which intervening Andes
an I oceans seen) to render highly incon
venient, if not utterly impracticable,,
she evidently refers the accompli-liment
of this desire to the umiived delibera
tion”, and to the congenial and kindred
feelings of the people of those colonies,
and thus substantially acknowledges their
independence.
Whatever may he the policy of Spain,
however, in respect to her former Ame
rican colonies, our recognition of their
independence can neither affect her
right;, nor impair her means, in the ac
complishment of that policy. We can
not, for flit-, be justly accused of aiding
in the attainment of an independence
w hich has already been established with
out our assistance. Besides, our recog
nition must necessarily he co-existent
tion w hich was re-established by that j only w ith the fact on which it is found-
revolution, guaranteed the integrity ofj ed, and cannot survive it. While the
nations of Spanish America are actually
independent, it is simply to speak flie
truth, to acknowledge them to he so.
Should Spain, contrary to her avow
ed principles and acknowedged inter
ests, renew the war for the conquest of
South America, we shall, indeed, regret
it, hut wc shall observe, as we have done,
netween the independent parties, an
honest and impartial neutrality; but,
on the oilier hand, should Spain, faith
ful to her own glory and prosperity,
consent that her offspring in the new
world should enjoy Air: right of self-go
vernment, equally with their brethren
in the old, wc shall sincerely rejoice;
and we shall cherish, with equal satifac-
<ion, and cultivate with equal assiduity,
the friendship of regenerated Spain arid
of emancipated America.
Your committee, in justice to their
ow n feelings and to the feelings of their
(ellow-citizens, have made this declara
tion without disguise, and they trust that
the uniform character and conduct of
this people will save it from all liability
to misinterpretation.
Happy in our own institutions, we claim
nn privilege ; we indulge no ambition to
extend diem to other nations ; wc ad
mit the equal rights of till nations to form
their own governments and to administer
their own inlernal affairs as they may
judge proper ; and, however they may,
in these respects, difft r from us, we do
not, on that account, regard with the le-s
satisfaction their tranquility and happi
ness.
Your committee having thus consider
ed Air* subject referred to them, in all
its aspects, are, unanimously, ofopin-
ion, that it is just and expedient to ac
knowledge the independence of the
veral nation* of Spanish America, i Ii
out any reference to the diversity in me
forms ot their governments ; and, in ac
cord a nee with this opinion, they respect-
tully submit the following resolutions :
Resolved, That Ihe House of Representa
tives concur in the opinion expressed l»v
Preside lit, i , his message of the litli of Mareh,
1822, that the American provinces of Spain,
which have declared their indi'pend, ice.
and are in the enjoyment of it, ought tone
recognized by tho" United States, us inde
pendent nations.
Resolved, That the Committee of V.’ a«
and Means In instructed to report a bill p
proprialing a sum, not exceeding one hun
dred thousand dollars, to enable the Presi
dent ofthe United States to gi\e due effect
to such recognition.
[translation.]
Extract from the report o f the committee,
[o/ - the Spanish CortesJ to whom was re
ferred the disturbances in the Ameri
can provinces, with instructions to pre-
jmre measures fur their general paci
fication.
“ Still New Spain, or rather the whole
of the Spanish provinces in North Ame
rica, having almost entirely returned
to u state ot tranquility, at that period
so desolating a war was terminated ;
while, on the other hand, a considerable
part of Peru constantly adhered to Spain,
as has also linen the case with G’uba and
tbe other Islands. Thus, while on the
Main, in Buenos Ayres, and in Chili, the
afflicting spectacle was beheld, of Span
ish and American blood being shed by
the very hands which had the greu'est
interest in its preservation—the most
important part of Spanish America re
mained free from so many calamities.—
But this tranquility is not sufficient, even
if it should extend throughout America
with a prospect of permanency. .Vo ! si
falls short of the wishes of the jriends of
humanity. It is necessary that America
should build her happiness upon a solid
foundation, so that, fir from counteract
ing, she may contribute to the prosperi
ty ol Europe.
“ Your committee, persuaded of this
truth, discussed in their several sittings
the questions which appeared most pro
per to attain the grand object we all
have in lieiv. These were examined
in conjunction with His Majesty’s Min
isters, who, i i the beginning, entirely co
incided in the general opinion prevailing
in the committee, hut were subsequent! *.
induced, by peculiar occurrences, to sus
pend their judgment, believing that pub
lic opinion was not yet prepared for a
final decision. In this situation your
committee are unable to bring forward
any forma! proposition, inasmuch as it
belongs to the government to determine
the matter of fact, that is to say, its to the
expediency and urgency of certain mea
sures ; and the cabinet not thinking that
moment yet arrived, nothing now re
mains to your committee but strongly to
recommend to ministers the aecf lerntion
ofso desirable u moment. This is loud
ly called for by justice ; it is demanded
by the uncertain arid precarious fate of
so many European Spaniards, settled in
those countries ; it is demanded by the
natives themselves, and the different clas
ses who have so gallantly supported the
cause ofthe metropolis ; inline it is de
manded by America and the true interests
of the Peninsula ; The prosperity of
the former resting in the restoration or
tranquility, which will prove a source
of incalculable benefit to her ; ami that
of the latter in not being obstructed in
i hpr progress, by having her councils
i\o. 9.
distracted by cares created by tbedepl
ruble situation of Ihose distinct climes.
The rights of the age, and a wise policy
ought to guide the government in forming
so neiv and so glorious a lesolutmn.
“ Your committee, fully sensible o'
the greatness of the subject, and lie
lieving that their decision will, pet
haps, affect the interests af the whole
world, would wish to impress upon the
minds of ull Spaniards tins, their tiro,
conviction, that they might all contribut,
to the completion of so great a work.—
Spain would reap advantages which oth
cruise she can never expect; and the tie ,
ot kindled und the uniformity of religion,
together with commercial relations, and
those emanating from free instituti
ons, would be the surest pledge of
mutual harmony and close union. Your
committee, therefore, riot being able
alone to coine to any determination, con
tent themselves with simply proposing,
that ministers be urged to lay br lore the
Cortes, with the least possible, delay, the
fundamental basis of such measures as
they may deem advisable and just, both
for the complete pacification ol the dis
tracted provinces of America, and to se
cure to them ull solid and lasting happi
ness."
INDIAN (T V I LIZ VTION.
A report of the Secretary of War, to the
1 louse ol* Representatives, ofthe measures
hitherto devised oai puraio d Ii r <* * ra.li-
•/ tin n ", i 'i >o Titin ** . *
Slati
Department of War, 8th Feb. 1822.
The Secretary of War, to whom was
referred the resolution efflie House of
K.’presentalii es. *• request,, g 'he Brest*
dent of {i.t United. Suites to causa to bo
l-'id before this Uou”e any inform ation
winch he may hive of flic condition of
I tie several Indian tribes within the
l nited States, and flic progress of tho
measures hitherto devi-md and pursued
for their civilization,” has thr honor to
transmit the ericlo-e.t table marked A,
cotih.i int-the number of schools estah
l.-heil under flie patronage of the c>
ertitnerit, uiildn the Indian country;
'.lie number ot s ...4,us at each; tha
time of tli ir cornnic.nrnrsiMit, whore
fixed, and by whom established, with re
in,irks on their i.ti lire””, pres »n* c v
ilili'i), &c. By reference to the table it
oill appear that there arc eleven princi
pal schools with three subordinate ones
irvactual operation, and that Ihree arts
in a state ot preparation ; and that the
number of scholars, a‘t the Inst return, at
the principal and subordinate schools,
amounted to five hundred and eight.—
On these schools there have been ex
pended $15,827 50, of which $7.4 17 dli
have been on account of buildings, ami
the balance, $0,300, on account of the
expence of tuition. It is made a condi
tion of the subscription on flic part of
the government, that the schools should
he established within the Indian r.otm.*
try, and that the system of education, in
addition to reading, w riting, and arith
metic, should, for the boys, embrace in
struction in agriculture nod the ordinary
mechanic arts,.and for the girls the cunt-
mon domestic industry of that sex.
It was thought advisable, at the e. on*
meiiccnient of the system, to proceed
with caution, and to enlarge the sphere
of operation, as experience should indi
cate the proper measures to be adopted,
by which nn useless expenditure of pub
lic money would he avoided, and the
system adopted for the civilization of tha
Indians have the fairest trial.—Experi
ence lias thus far justified (hose which
have been adopted ; and it is according
ly intended to give, this year, a great
activity to the fund”, of which a much
larger portion may be applied to tuition,
Ihe necessary buildings at so many
points having already been erected.
Whether the system which has been
adopted by the government, if persever
ed in, will ultimately bring the Indiana
w ithin the pale uf civilization, ran only
be determined by time. It has been iu
operation too short u period to pro
nounce will) certainly on the result.—
I'he present generation, which cnntiofc
be greatly affected by it, must pass a-
way, and those who have been reared
under the present system ot education
must succeed them, before it can be tru
ly tested. A” far, however, as civilizas-
(ton may depend on education onlv»
without taking into consideration tho
force of circumstances, it would seem
that is no insuperable difficulty in effect
ing tha benevolent intention of the go-
i eminent. It may be affirmed, almost
ivitliout qualification, that all of tho
tribes within our settlements, and near
our borders, are even solicitous for the
education of their children. With th»
exception of the Creeks, they have c-
very where freely and cheerfully as
sented to the establishment of *< hods,
to which, in some instances, they have
contributed. The Choctaws, in thin
respect, have evinced the most libi ral
spirit, having set aside $fiOOO of their
■ nimity in aid ofthe school” established
among them. The reports of the teach
ers are almost uniformly favouralde, botl*
as to the capacity and docility >4' their
youths. Their progress appears t:> be
quite equal to that o( white children of