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About The Georgia gazette. (Savannah, Ga.) 1763-1776 | View Entire Issue (May 20, 1767)
TH * A/ \ -JK W H flj) ft.- t ‘’ °\ .- * -ij \i r *** * . i Georgia Gazette BOSTON, March 23. SATURDAY evening died here, in the 30th year of hi 9 age, Mr. Samuel Draper, Printer. His exemplary behaviour in life makes his death a lots to the furviviijg relatives and acquaintance. He was co partner in business with Mr. Richard Draper, Publiiher of the Mafl'achufetts Gazette. The funeral will lie attended on Wednesday next. Ne<w~Ytn‘k, April §. The legislature of Rhode-Ifland have parted an aft calling in and finking all the money billsof that co onv emitted in March, April and May,- 1762, and empowering George Hazard, Esq. with the general treasurer, in lieu of the bills so brought in, to ilfye their own notes properly printed and decorated, to the owners of tlie bills brought In, payable in seven years from the date of the refpeftive bills.—And that the,notes given in lieu of said bills, ihall bear interest till the tiin * limit ed for their return, at the rate of fix per cent, per ann That a tax (hall be “'levied for the difehargeof the said bills, and that it ihall be death to fcoun terfeit them. .The fonnis that of a common proinTary note with iutc *eft. None more than tool, nor less than 6s. We are credibly informed that the man called Stephen Porter, who murdered Capt. Wefcotof Liverpool,as mentioned time ago, arrived here from the Grenades in a (loop commanded by Roger Richards, about 9 months since, and was known to be rtulh of money, and very possible hasbenthis courfetowards Virginia, inexpedationofmeeting with Whay pon another Teaman concerned in said muider, who was born in that pro vince: Porter Was born at Bristol, in England, is a flout tufty man, of a swarthy complexion, about 34 years old, and wore his own hair. t Antigua, April 8. We have just received the following particulars re. lative to the debate on the legality of the King's laying an embargo on the exportation of corn. Lord Bhelburn and Lord Chancellor Camden acquired great honour in the debates. * Both parties voted for addrefling the King. But this maintained and this opposed • ;a , die exportation of corn. Dtike of Grafton Duke of Bedford Lord Spencer Duke of Richmond Lord HilJfborough Lord Suffolk Lord Botetourt Lord Temple •Lord Chatham Lord Lyttleton Lord Northington Lord Mansfield Lord Chancellor Lord Buckinghamfhire Lord kavenfworth. • ’ Philadelphia, April 9. Extras of a Utter from London , fan. 10. f* Daring the present reccfs of parliament, and the consequent ftagna don in politicks, I cannot better entertain you by this packet, than by giving you the best account I am able, of the famous debatein an augufl assembly, the loth of lad month, on reading the idemnity bill. 44 After the motion was made for committing it, the Duke of Richmond flood up, and'exprefled his approbation of the bill, as he did of the mea fiye which occasioned it; but that as the law was thereby violated, and the constitution wounded, it was neceftary and proper to apply this reme dy, to indemnify the perfon* who had afted under the proclamation, and to prevent iuch a proceeding from being drawn into a precedent; and he Improved of it ths'mor, as upon a former day’s debate, certain Lords, nigh in office, *hd fome of v them remarkable for their knowledge in the law, had advanced very extraordinary doctrines, and given their positive opinion , that this was a legal measure ; doftrines which he could not ap firove, and opinions which ne could not adopt; that they appeared to him 0 unhinge tne constitution, and bind us with the chains of tyranny and slavery. That these Lords had now a fair opportunity of boldly avowing those principles, and supporting tneai with the arguments which they themselves were convinced with, or of doing that which great and gene ro\s minds were at all times ready to do, retraft their erroneous opinions, and confefs their ignorance and mistake. . 44 Lord Northington spoke next. He said, no man ever gave his opi nion more boldly than himfelf, and he always gave it from the conviftion of his own heart, founded upon any little knowledge he had from reading, experience, and obfeivation; that he'was lorry he had reason to complain to their Lordships, that any opinion he gave in a former debate should have been used with so much freedom in another house, as well as in noft publick companies, and twisted and distorted, to throw reflections upon nit character and principles ; that hb had then said what be now repeated, that he thought the embargo was a legal* aft.—He then pro ceeded to give his definition of the word legal , which htf endeavoured to perAiade their Lordships was not to be taken in that confined and limited sense in wk: vh it was understood in the petty courts of law. ” Lord Camden then got up He (aid, he rose thus early in the de batt, to clear himfelf from those impressions which a mifapprehenfton of ltisYentimtntt, upon a foray r day’s debate, may have made upon their Lordships, and which the who spoke hrft Teemed to throw out; ’ {hat, for his part* he never entertained any doubt of the legality of the NES D A 7~, Afay 20, 1767. measure under conlideration, and.that he flattered himfelf his arguments, which coincided very much with the noble Lord’s who spoke before him, would render it as clear to their Lordships. lnaqueflion of this kind, he said, he could by no means confine himfelf to the ftrift, narrow, cir cumfcribcd meaning, generally put upon the word Lgul, that limited i dca affix dtoit in Weft nun ller-hall: He then proceeded to give hisown meaning and conllruftioa of it, which he made a jus / quo.ed Mr. Locke, and other-writers, upon government, and entered very deeply into a logical and fcholallical difeuffion of the point. “ Lord Mansfield next flood up, and made the best fpecch that ever he uttered before. He said, lie paid no regard to whatever might be advan ced in the works of such authors, neither did he think that writers upon government, in general, were always to be relied on, ora blind obedi ence given to every position they advanced ; that they were talking of fa h, as applicable to their own constitution, which he had always con fidcred, and spoken of, as a governmeut bylaw; that no person, or ft of men, were superior to the law; that no power or authority could dif penfc with the law ; that the crown is fettled by and under the law, and is inverted with no prerogative that is not fixed and determined, either by the common or ilatute law; that by the common law he meant culiom and prcfci iption ; and that in no case whatever can any neceflity beset up, or pleaded, to extend the King’s prerogative. He thrtt> -proceeded, in a manner the moll elegant, forcible, and Convincing, to trace the nature of our conrtitution fiom its fir dawn to the present time, and shewed shat the great llruggle p‘ the people had always been to prevent any pretend ed neceflity of the crown, and pointed out many of the rtatutes in fa. our of the people, wherein the crown had always infilled to have a daufe, saving the neceflity of the crown, which was generally in.-.de use of as a colour for opprertion. That lometimes, indeed, the commons had been bold enough to thxow out these cl.iufes, bot that in all cases where tney had been ’ay influence cafried through, these laws riAver had any effect. —He then went through all the arguments for and again ft ihip money, and shewed, that in the great debates upon that’ subject, it was not the sum asked that was objefted to, but the doftrine by which it was de manded.—He next instanced a case from the flatus of Normandy, who complaining that many grievous contributions were raised upou them, an arret was published in their favour that forbid le yihg atly Turns not or dered by law, saving the neceflity of the Great Dulcet, See. which cie ftroyed the whole, for there was never wanting a pretence of neceflity.— He then recapitulated all the arguments that had been urged on theoppo fite fide, and anftvered them,’ one by one, with that iblidity of reason ing, the result of true knowledge, which never fails to carry coaviftion along with it. “ Lord Chatham answered him, but the bent of his speech seemed ra ther designed to find fault with the arguments, on which Lord Mansfield built his opinion, than to declare his own. His fp-ech was in truth so prolix, that it was impoflibie to retain it. He spoke mpeh of liberty', neceflity, expediency, dearth, famipe, the miseries of want, &c. and gave many.afTurances of his own integrity, and disinterestedness. “ Lord Mansfield replied, and with great eloquence! confuted evsry thing Lord Chatham had advanced ; and concluded, that he; unpenfton ed, unplaced, without reward or reverficnary grant, had, on every occa sion, to the best of his abilities, aflifted his royal mailer in every aft of administration ; and that, from affeftion to hit person, and love to his government, as well as from the zeal he had for the honour of the Bri. t.ilh crown, he would always do his utmost tofupport it with.that dignity, which he hoped to fee it ever maintain. “ Lord Chatham flood up agairf, and replied to him, but Rill kept off entering direftly into the merits of the case. “ The Duke of Richmond rose up again. He said, he had listened with attention to the noble Lord who fpolce last, in both the harangues be had delivered to their Lordships, and yet he could form no judgment of his opinion. That the last time this question had been agitated, he de clared boldly to their Lordships, that the embargo was a legal aft, but now he declined to use the word legal or illegal.—That he confidercd it as a rock threatening much danger, of which, like a careful pilot, he wilhed to steer clear. —That if he still continued in his former opinion, why did he not declare it ? If he is convinced he was then in the wrong, was be a. shamed to own it? At present, fays he, he is neither black or white; he neither favs yes, or no. •• Lord Chatham replied, that he was always ready to give his opini on at alt times, and in all places; that hr despised quibbling, of which he was at present accused ; —that had the noble Duke attended to him, he would easily have learned his opinion, which, fays he, I here repeat in my place, that the embargo was an illegal measure. He concluded his speech with faying, that he wilhed to conciliate the minds of all ranks and degrees of men ; but while he continued a minister he would aft for the publick good, to the best of his abilities, Tuid boldly look the prou dest conneftions of this in the face. 44 The Duke of Richmond flood up again. He said, that, like a Have put to the torture, he had at last confeflcd what he Teemed willing to evade. When he came to answer the last part of Lord Chatham’s speech, he re-
