Hill be published every SATURDAY Morning,
l/n the Two-Story Wooden Building, at the
Corner of Walnut and Fifth Street,
Ilf THE CITY or MACON, GA.
L ISV WM. B. 9(A If If 1 SO\.
t!ie Paper, in advance, per annum, $2.
Hit' not paid in advance, $3 00, per annum.
I Advertisements will be inserted at the usual
■tes—and when the number of insertions de
,ired is not specified, they will be continued un-
H forbid and charged accordingly,
■ XT’Advertisers by the Year will be contracted
ftth upon the most favorable terms.
B pT’S.iles of Land by Administrators, Executor®
■ duarJians, are required by Law, to be held on
■eiirst Tuesday in the month, between the hours
dl ten o’clock in the Forenoon and three in the Af
fe noon, at the Court House of the county in which
jfc Property is situate. Notice ofthese Sales must
j* ijiven in a public gazette sixty days previous
te She day of sale.
I U*Sales of Negroes by Admiuistators, Execu-
X,, or Guardians, must be at Public Auction, on
Ac first Tuesday in the month, between the legal
1® irs of sale, before the Court House of the county
ivi en 1 the Letters Testamentary, or Administration
3 < i iar lianship may have been granted, first giv-
Br notice thereoffor sixty days, in one ofthepub
gazettes of this State, and at the door of the
|C irt House where such sales are to be held.
Hi F Notice forthesaleof Personal Propertymust
B ;iven in like manner forty days previous to
He day of sale.
■rj’.Votice to the Debtors and Creditors otan Es
in’ ; must be published for forty days.
BffTNotice that application will be made to the
I*i7rt of Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Ne
lap es must be published in a public gazette in this
|S,:de for four months, before any order absolute
|ca i be given by the Court.
I Citations for Letters of Administration on
lao Kstate, granted by the Court of Ordinary, must
lilt published thirty days— for Letters of Dismis-
Isfc', from the administration ofan Estate, monthly
IfuT six months — for Dismission from Guardian
ship FORTY DAYS.
HtJ’K.ui.f.s for the foreclosure of a Mortgage,
ili it be published monthly for four months —
for establishing lost Papers, for the full space of
Wiiek months — for compelling Titles from Ex-
Llitors, Administrators or others, where a Bond
It-been given by the deceased, the full space of
|l|\ B. All Business of this kind shall receive
plmpt'attentionat the SOUTHERN TRIBUNE
ft'"’ and strict care will he taken that all legal
Ad •rtisements are published according to Law.
Hl-T 'UI Letters directed to this Office or the
Ed tor on business, must be post-paid, to in
sEt attention. UD
f oruicr Speakers of the House.
kHit may be interesting, just at this time,
to see who have been Speakers in the
[Souse of Representatives of the United
States, since the foundation of the govern
ment. We give the record authentic, we
Hlieve, ns follows.
A. Muhlenberg, of Pennsyl
jvf. iia, democrat, was elected" Speaker of
; H 'Use of Representatives in April, 1789.
■his was the first Congress under the
|oOf the second Congress commencing
October, 1791, Jonathan Trumbull, of
Connecticut, federalist, was elected.
HOf the third Congress commencing
Dtc’r, 1793, Frederick A. Muhlenberg
■ again elected.
la Os the fourth Congress commencing
Ijßec’r, 1795, Jonathan Dayton,of NevvJer
sey, federalist, was elected.
m Os the fifth, commencing May, 1797, he
fas again elected. Mr. Adams was then
President and both, branches of Con
g ess federal.
[f Os the sixth Congress commencing
Uec’r, 70S, Theodore Sedgwick, of Mas
sachusetts, a federalist was elected.
M Nathaniel Macon, of North Carolina, a
loniocrat, presided over the seventh,
eigiith, and ninth Congress,
i ■ Joseph B. Varnum, of Massachusetts, a
lemocrat, was elected, both at the tenth
•ti l eleventh sessions.
g Henry Clay, of Kentucky, elected No
vember, 1811, and resigned May, 1813,
|»he!i Langdon Cheeves, a democrat, of
■°uth Corolina, was elected.
■ Henry Clay was again chosen, Decem-
P er > ISIS, and resigned in the first month
~ sixteenth Congress, 1819, when John
•V. Taylor, of New York, was chosen
■ bis brings us down to the time within
Pie reccollection of modern politicians,
Pnd we therefore presentthe remainder of
p! e information in the tabularform:
H XVTI. Dec., 1821, Philip B. Barbour,
■®iemocrat, of Va.
y Will. Dec., 1823,Henry Clay, whig,
| XIX. Dec., 1825, John W. Taylor,
If X. Y.
Jft XX. Dec., 1827, Andrew Stevenson,
■pemocrat, of V r a.
A-VI. Dec., 1829, Andrew Stevenson,
oemoerqt, of Va.
X yH. Dec., 1831, Andrew Stcvcn-
L J o, h demcrat, of Va.
ft XXIII. Dec., 1833, Andrew Stcven
ft? n * (resigned,) democrat, of Va. John
r e 'J, whig, of Tenn.
m * XIV. Dec., 1835, James K. Polk,
Hf c ™°crat, of Tenn.
% ‘ AA r . Dec., 1837, James Iv. Polk,
flemocvat, of Tenn.
AVI. Dec., 1539, Bobert M. T.
11 democrat, of Va.
l^MKy. May " 1841 ’ J ° lin WhitC ’
I XXVIII. Dec,, 1843, John W. Jones,
I I democrat, of Va.
1iW XIX - r) ec., 1845, John XV. Davis,
H vvy 3 ' 1 lu^iana -
EtWT l)ec ’, IS47 > Robert C. Win
it y v v, ll S’ °f Mass.
dom X • I)ec - 1849. Howell Cobb,
THE SOUTHERN TRIBUNE.
NEW SERIES —VOLUME 11.
From the Casstill Standard
What Shall Georgia do !
Mr. Burke : I make no appoligy for
addressing my constituents, as well as
others whom this may reach, on the sub
ject of our Federal relations :
It has been my fortune to become a
member of the Legislature of Georgia at
a time of momentous interest for the State,
and for the whole country. In that ca- 1
pacity I have made bold to speak for those
1 immediately represent, and to assert that
in the defence of the honor and the inter
ests of the South, they would not be be
hind any other portion of the State. If in
that assertion 1 expressed the sentiments
of patriotism 1 believed 1 was represen
ting, I feel that 1 have done well, —if not
I ask to be corrected by the voice of that
sovereign which freemen alone acknowl
edge—the voice of the people.
After more than twenty years of en
croaching aggression on the rights of the
South, Fanaticism has acquired sufficient
strength to defeat the election, hitherto,
of a Speaker of the House of Representa
tives in our National Congress. The free
soil party is now the strongest party in this
Union, because they hold the balance of
power. They know their strength, we
They have gained their power by wip
ing out the injury of yesterday with the
insult of to-day. They have gaiued it
because we of the South, in reverence to
that Constitution which is hallowed by
the patriotism of our forefathers, have for
borne to resent its repeated violation, as
freemen and patriots should have done.
The property of Southern men has been
wrested from them, and they have been
slain by the mob in the attempt to rescue
it. Laws have been passed in many of
the non-slaveholding Slates to prevent the
Southern man from making reclamation
of his property, and having a direct ten
dency to encourage the violence of the
mob towards our citizens. The Constitu
tion is but a shield for those who violate it
—a terror to the timorous patriot, who
dares not resent its desecration.
And now we are told that Slavery shall
be abolished in the District of Columbia;
that the slave trade among the States shall
he prohibited ; that our own vessels in our
own wateis with slaves on boaid, shall be
seized by the Revenue cutters of our com
mon Union ; that in no territory now ac.
quired or to he acquired shall we be per
mitted to go with our property. Aye,
that California, which Southern toil and
Southern courage mainly won, while these
fanatics cursed with envenomed tongues
the patriotism, and scorned the gallantry of
our hero army, that this same California
so won is closed to us, but is to be the rich
inheritance of traitors to their country in
the Mexican war. Were it not for the
common blood of our ancestors shed to
gether as an offering to liberty upon a
thousrnd glorious battle fields, even pa
tience would be turned to wrath and love
become a demon of revenge. Dare we
by the recollection of that common blood,
spilt in such a cause, fall craven from the
protection of our rights against further
Say we look for a compromise. O f
what avail have been the sacred compro
mises of our Constitution! Os what avail
the Missouri compromise, “when one halt
of the nation demands what it had no right
to receive and the other half yielded what
it had no right to surrender.”
Os what avail can he any compromise
by political caucus at Washington, hut to
delay the question until we shall have
grown weaker and ou^ - advesaries stronger!
Will he who doubts his rights, now, ever
recover confidence to maintain them !
Can he who does not now perceive the
danger that the Abolitionists will accom
plish all they threaten, ever awake from
his false security! While this danger
threatens an institution, sanctioned by
Revelation, an institution which elevates
all white men to that Republican equality
which we claim, and which with us fill the
place occupied by serfs and white slaves
in other nations. While these attacks fall
so thick upon us that we are staggered by
the next before we have recovered from
the stu.' of the first, what does it become
Georgia, the key-stone State of the South
to do !
Shall we cry trust the President, trust
party ! What can the President do, what
can party do, to give us security for the
future ? Shall we trust the justice of our
By firm councils, harmonious with other
States of the South, we may yet present
that united strength which will make those
who have been heedless to our protesta
tions, yield to their fears for their inter
ests; and thus we may compel them to a
reform of the Union of these States upon
terms of reciprocity and equality, if not
of fraternity. This is the only com pi o
mise we dare trust. It is in the moral
and relative strength of the South to be
able to compel it. We are in every re
source, in every advantage, in every ele
ment of wealth, absolutely independent of
the world, if so we choose to be. This
strength will bring us justice sooner than
appeals, sooner than protests, sooner far
than sounding resolutions. My opinion is
that we should use it now for the reforma
tion of the Union, or be hereafter dumb.
It may be enquired of me, if we fail in
this endeavor, “what shall then be done!”
In reply, the samo duty devolves upon
MACON, (GA.,) SATURDAY MORNING, JANUARY 19, ISSO.
States that rests upon individuals, the duty
of self-protection.— We will take care of
I have written with freedom because
candor should bind the Representative to
his constituents, because the exigency of
the case, in my opinion, demands it.
I ask for such interchange of opinions
as may be calculated to advise and inform
me—what shall Georgia do ?
A. D. SHACKELFORD.
Cassville, Dec. 24, 1849.
From the Southern Sentinel.
Our readers w ; U find in anotlier column
the very able Report of the Committee
ou the State of the Republic. That report
has been elicited by the gravest issue pre
sented to the American people since the
adoption of the Constitution. Compared
with it, all questions of mere party policy
dwindle into insignificance, and we rejoice
that in its consideration, party has been
forgotten, and party lines obliterated. We
know neither Democrat or Whig in the
union of Southern men for the purposes
of resistance to Northern encroachments;
nor do we acknowledge any alliance with
that party or that man at the North or else
wliere, who hesitates in the perfect recog
nition of our rights. The spirit of deter
mined opposition to the institutions of the
South has overleaped the barriers of party
at the North, and why should not the
South be equally united in resisting the
encroachment ? The day has been, when
one of the great parties of the South, for
the ill advised purpose of securing its tri
umph in the election of its candidate for
the Presidency, faltered in its devotion to
the peculiar interests of its own section of
the Union, but that day has passed, and we
now behold the gratifying prospects of this
union of all parties on this paramount
question. We deprecate, as much as any
one can, the necessity which forces us to
these geographical discriminations; they
exists in the hearts of the people, and we
can not make them less real by closing our
eyes to the fact. The fraternal ties of
union by which these States have been
held together, have been blighted by the
milldew of faction ; the Union is now po
litical only, and it is to considerations of
policy alone, that we are to look for its
perpetuity. It is vain to deceive ourselves
longer with the hope that the North may
be awakened to a generous recognition of
our rights. The hour has arrived when
we must appeal to other motives than
those of “ natural affection," and we do
not believe that the appeal will he in vain.
The North loves the Union, if she does
not love the South ; she regards the fruits
of our labor, if she does not es’eem us;
she appreciates our commercial worth, if
she is blind to our rights. These are the
considerations to which we would appeal,
and we repeat, the appeal will not be in
vain. The Union may totter upon the
brink of dissolution—we believe it does,
but we do not fear its fall. The Union
may be preserved, and with honor to the
South. A temporizing policy of conces
sion and compromise, may postpone the
hour of dissolution, hut it will only make
that catastrophe more inevitable when the
question is finally met, as it will eventual
ly have to be. We have in the brief his
tory of the last twenty-five years, had
enough to satisfy us of the insufficiency of
compromise. In 1821, when the Union
reeled under the very agitation which now
threatens its integrity, the South, blinded
to her rights by that devotion to the Union
which has always characterized her, con
ceded to the North under the so called
compromise, all that was then thought ne
cessary to preserve the Government. That
concession was the first fatal error, and we
are now reaping its legitimate consequen
ces. Away then, say we, with compro
mises. Let the South openly and deci
dedly plant itsetf upon the very thresh
hold of its rights, and there proclaim to
the spirit of encroachment from the North,
thus far thou mayest come, but no farther.
We would say to Congress, you shall not
touch the question, even to compromise
it; we know our rights under the consti
tution and we demand an unqualified re
cognition of them in their fullest extent.
If we intend to base ci r position in prin
ciple, this is the only course to be pursued.
The Missouri compromise is as clear an
infraction of the constitution as the Wil
mot Proviso itself, and we hope the South
will not longer submit to its unjust pro
We abhor the name of compromise.
Under its guise, the South has already
been robbed of its solemnly guarantied
rights, and we have no faith in the securi
ty which is promised by yielding to its in
ordinate demands. Why should the South
submit to a compromise of rights about
which she has no doubt 1 Is it merely in
obedience to the exactions of the North 1
And are vve to submit to a compromise of
every right wnichtbe North may have the
hardihood to invade ? Where is this con
cession to end ? What guaranty of the
constitution is so sacred but that it may
be disregarded, if we are to publish abroad
our intention to submit to it. The North
knows no limit to this crusade against her
pledges, save in the determined opposi
tion of her intended victims. Let that op
position be made now while there is hope,
that it may protect us from shame, and
our glorious Union from dissolution. We
may, by concession, divest ourselves of the
ability to resist, and then indeed the Union
may be preserved, but it will lie the union
of lord and vassal, not of equals.
1 he only safety for the South is in de
nying to the general government any and
all jurisdiction over this question, whether
in the States, the District of Columbia or
the 1 erritories. 1 his denial embraces
what lias been, in derision, termed an ab
stractim, and it is only as an abstract pro
position that it can ever be settled. It is
unwise to leave this question to be agitated
and discussed whenever an occasion may
arise for its application to any new meas
ure that may be presented. Let us once
for all, publish to the North the conditions
upon which we will continue the political
ties by which we are united. Let the
naked alternative of the Constitution or
Dissolution be presented, and let the choice
be made now. If the terms of the com
pact are to be tortured into benefits alone
for one, and burdens only for the other
section, let us at once sever all connection
with a majority which claims aud exerci
ses the right thus to construe it. The U
nion is indeed invaluable to all sections of
the country, so long as its blessings are
equally distributed to all, but of what val
ue is the Union, if we are to bear all the
burdens of its government, and reap none
of the rewards of its administration I
Just Reward. —Thomas Butler King,
a Whig member of Congress from Geor
gia, went to California as an emissary,it is
believed, of the Regency, to procure the
adoption of a State Constitution by Cali
fornia, even with the slavery clause, so as
to turn from Old Zack the bitter cup of
meeting the slavery question, on which he
had duped one or the other section of the
Union. Mr. King, instead of returning
to his post at Washington at a moment of
deep interest to the South, abandoned the
people of Georgia to their fate, and open
ly electioneered for the place of United
States Senator from the new State of Cali
fornia. His culpable conduct has receiv
ed a merited rebuke—all accounts agree,
and the returns of the election confirm the
impression, that he will be disappointed
in his ambition and will be driven ‘boot
less home and weather beaten back.’—
Richmond Enquirer .
Weighing the Gals.
Sum body says it aint a fair question to
ax a gal her age. The old maids, I reck
on sed that. Now I think it’s fully as un
fair to ax a gal her weight as it is, to ax her
her age, case it’s a tuff question, so it is
and when you hears about weighing’ Sally
Greeney, you will say so too.
You know casen Jeff, he is a rale sta
ver among the gals, he is, and he don’t care
a straw what he says to any on’em lie dont.
Cusen Jeff cum over to our house one
Sunday, and he ses io me, ‘Pete, let’s go
to 6ee Greeney’s gals.’ ‘Agreed said
I, and so out vve struck, I felt orful bold
when vve first started, but some how the
nearer we got to Squire Greeney’s, the
worser skeered I was. I wished we had
never started, but it was too late now, so
in we went. Squire Greeney's got two
gals, Sally and Betsey, as nice gals as you
ever seed, they is. They all seemed
mighty perlite, and me and cusen Jeff
thought we was getting on fust rate ; vve
did. Sally looked dreadful nice, I tell you.
I’d gin the world if I could only a found
sumlhing to say to her, but 1 studied over
everything 1 ever had heard or thought
about in my whole life, hut not the first
word could I think of worth sayin.
Cusen Jeff was all the time talkin’ like
all nature to Betsey. After a while Sally
proposed we should all go and weigh. So
out vve all went, Squire Greeney going
along to weigh us. When Sally’s turn
cum, Squire Greeney he looked sorter
’stonished. ‘Why Sally,’ says he, ‘you
weigh a hundred and fifty. ‘Law par,
said Sally. ‘Aint it Jeff, said the Squire,
‘yes, sir-ee’ said Jeff. And sure enuff,
Sally weighing a hundred and fifty ; the
heviest critter in the whole gang on us.
Well we all went back to the house and
arter a while sez the Squire, ‘Old ’oman,
Sally weighs a hundred and fifty.’
“No she don’t, said the old lady.
‘Yes, but I tell you she duz,’ sed the
Squire, ‘Don’t she Jeff?’
‘I don’t believe it,’ said the old lady.
‘Well we’ll weigh Sally again, and show
you,’ said the Squire.
‘Oh, no, don’t’ sed Sally.
‘Why not, Sally?’
Oh case its Sunday.’
‘But I will, though,’ said the Squire.
So Sally was Strung up agin, and the i
Squire he balanced the steelyards to the
last kickup place and then he commenced
lookin’ over his specks and counting his
fingers. ‘Jeff,’ sez he, how much is
‘Jeff, he looked over the Squire’s shoul
der, ‘One hundred and thirty-seven.
‘Yes,’ says the squire, ‘a hundred and
‘Thar, now, sez the old lady, ‘1 told
you Sally didn’t weigh a hundred and
‘W ell, how on earth did we make such
a mistake" said the Squire.
‘I know,’ said Kate, Sally’s little sister.
‘Hush,’ said Sally, shaking her fist at
Kate and turning as red as a beet in the
‘How ? said the Squire.
‘Efyou do,’ said Sally,stamping her foot.
‘But I will though,’ 6ed Kate.
‘Yes, tell,’ said tho Squire.
‘Sally has took her bustle off! ”
Bring tho champhor here straight!’
Population and ltcsonrccs of our Country.
In 1790 the Union consisted of 17 States
I with a population of 3,929,827, and 451,-
124 square miles of land, or 8 persons to
a square mile, avoiding fractions.
1« 1800 there were 20 States, with a
population of 5,305,940, and an area of
572,024 square miles, or 9 persons to the
In ISIO there were 24 States, contain
ing a population of 7,239,814, and an
area of 783,544 square miles, or 9 persons
| to the square mile.
In 1820 there were 27 States, with a !
population of 9,638,191, and an area of
| 894,344 square miles, or 10 persons to the
In 1830 there were 27 States, contain
ing a population of 12,866,020, and an
area ol 948,314 inilcs, or 13 persons to a
In 1840 there were 29 States, contain
ing a population of 17,068,666, and an
area of 1,173,344 square miles, or 14 per
sons to a square mile.
The above are extracted from the cen
sus of the United States prefixed to
“Brooks’ Gazetteer,” and the area from
the “Christian Almanac,” published by
the Tract Society, page 50.
According to the estimate of Mr. Burke,
United States Commissioner of Patents,
there were, in IS4S, 30 States, containing
a population of 21,686,000, and an area
ol about 1,912,126 square miles, or 11 per
sons to a square mile. Since the treaty
with Mexico 750,000 square miles have
been added to the Union; making, with
other lands not enumerated, a grand total
of 2,75,000 square miles. Now suppos- j
ing that in 1850 the United States contain j
23,000,000 of human beings, there will he ;
a density of 8 persons to a square mile.
Thus we see that in the year
1790 there were 8 persons to a sq. mile.
ISOO “ 9
1810 “ 10
1820 “ 13
IS3O “ 14 “ "
1840 “ 11
1850 probably 8 “ “
This will convince anyone that although
there is a great increase of population, by
immigration and otherwise, there need be
no fear of increase of density. But while
on the other hand vve have no fear for the
United States generally, there may be rea
sons to fear for particular portions of it.
The Colporteurs, in their reports to the
Tract Societies, frequently mention that
they have found districis in the West, with
a population of not more than 2 or 3 in
habiiants to a square mile. How is it with
The NevvEngland States contain 65,323
square miles, and a population as follows:
1790 1,009,828 15
1800 1,233,315 18
1810 1,471,831 22
1820 1,661,50S 25
1830 1,950,717 29
1840 2.234.522 34
1848 2,553,000 39
There were grown in the six New Eng
land States in 1848, 2,594,600 bushels of
wheat, or a little more than one bushel
per head. In Ohio, in the same year,
there were grown 20,000,000 bushels of
v/hcut or something more them ten bubiicla
It may be asked, has the wealth of the
Union increased with the population ?
It is estimated that the value of the
crops in 184S, in the United States, was
$610,000,000. The value of the livestock
on farms is estimated at over $557,000,000.
The sums invested in manufactures for
the same time amounted to $343,300,000.
The sums invested in merchandise amoun
ted to $322,000,000, exclusive of $149,-
000,000 employed in the commission bu
siness and foreign trade. The aggregate
of the productions and business of our
country, then, amounts to the enormous
sum of more than $2,000,000,000.
The Agreeable Old Bachelor.—
The following is beautifully descriptive of i
that being of friendship and benevolence,
the agreeable “old bachelor.’ It is chaste
ly and elegantly written, and burnishes
the golden chain of the bachelor’s benevo
lence to a wonderful brightness :
The bachelor is an agreeable, smiling,
happy, independant fellow. He is all at
tention to widow as well as to maid—he
has no children to divert his attention—no
family cares—consequently no family trou
bles ! He is always at the parties of La
dy bless-her-soul, because he is always 60
agreeable among the ladies, while Mr.
Crossman, with a dozen children, 6its in a
corner and says nothing but ‘yes ma’am’
‘no ma’am’ during tho whole evening
There is none of the poetry of conversa
tion in his soul—none of tho golden hues
of benevolence beaming from his coun
tenance—none of the real agreeableness
of the bachelor in anything Ac says or does.
The bachelor, on the coutrary, is tho lion
of their pianos—the ladies never refuse to
open their pianos if he merely hints his
wishes—they never hesitate to sing the
latest song—they never refuse to walk
with the bachelor—they never reject his
proffered arm in a walk—parents flatter
him,—widows sigh for him, and maids
fore him !’
lUT’Love is the shadow of morning,
which decreases as the day advances.—
Friedship is the shadow of the evening,
which strengthens with the setting sun of
BOOK AND JOB PRINTIN G,
Will be executed in the most approved style
and on the best terms,at the Office of the
WM. B. HARRISON.
Speaking of industrial operations Got.
Collier, of Alabama, in his Inaugural ad
XV e rely too exclusively upon our agri
culture as a source of wealth, while vve
are exhausting lands without an effort to
reclaim them. But few form attachments
for the soil, and only seek to make it most
productive at the least cost and trouble.—
Such a life is unfriendly to social enjoy
ment and cultivation of tire sympathies
—it prevents us from devoting our proper
share of attention to the improvement of
the intellectual powers and tire elevation
of moral feelings. The remedy for tlieso
evils is to divert larbor into all the chan
nels in which it can he made useful and
profitable instead of employing the entire
capital of our agriculturalists in the produc
tion of a single staple—diminishing the
price by an over suply. The producer,
tiie manufacturer,and the consumer would
| then be placed in proximity to each other
—each pursuit would stimulate and ad
vance the other; and agriculture, which
languishes in solitude, would become ani
mate and very prosperous. The concen
tration of industry and capital at home,
would arrest the propensity of oar people
to emigrate, an education in all the depart
ments of knowledge would receive an im
pulse which would be felt ami seen every
where around us. The benefit of such a
state of things is exemplified in many
States of this confederacy ; but, perhaps
is more fully illustrated in Massachusetts
and Rhode Island. These Stales take our
cotton and wood and manufacture them
into cloths and ships—selling us the former
at compensating prices, and with the other
become our carriers upon the ocean.—
Thus they grow rich in despite of the in
hospitablenesa of the climate and inapti-
tude of soil to grow a sufficiency of bread
stuffs. While Alabama, with quite enough
surplus labor to manufacture her cotton
ami produce all her provisions, without
diminishing the product of the great staple,
is comparatively poor. These States safe
ly and successively employ a banking
capital of forty-five millions, and have
millions always awaiting an opportunity
for profitable investment, while the peo
ple of Alabama, with natural advantages
greatly superior, are tho most of them,
harrowers, without an active monied cap
ital, adequate to the supply of their wants.
If, in ice-bound New England, with a soil
which even in virgin state, requires artifi
cial stimulants, such are the results of well
directed enterprise and indomitable energy
what might be achieved in the south, if in
practice, vve manifested the economy, the
tact and energy of our puritan brethern ?
With a climate as mild as could be desired
the healtlifulness of which is attested by
comparative hills of mortality, with a soil
suited to the production of almost every
thing that vegetates ; in short, with the
elements of wealth scattered broad-cast in
our midst, ready to be made available by
effort, the south has voluntarily yielded up
her birth-right. Shall we not claim the
heritagewhichProvidence lias gratuitously
tendered ! We have already slumbered
our twenty years. Shall we still sleep on!
Shall inactivity, while every thing around
invites to industry still he the pasß wovd :
and the imputation of ignorance and indo
lence, by those we have enriched, be re
peated again and again,without awakening
us to our interest! Or, shall vve arrise
with strength unimpaired by age, or ex
hausted by effort, and entering the arena,
become a mighty competitor in the race
for developement and wealth ? Who
does not feel the pride of the caviliei ris
ing within him at the mere annunciation
of these questions, while he deplores that
vve have been so long ’ indifferent to our
Innocence and Virtue. — Innocence
and virtue, though totally different, are
often mistaken for the same thing. Inno
cence is hardly to be found in this world ;
our specimeuts of it are to be seen in the
lamb, the dove, and the infant; it consists
in ignorance of evil. Virtue alone attain
ed through knowledge both good and evil
and a determined strife against the latter
in all its forms. The innocence of this
world may often go estray from very ig
nornace. Virtue knows both the good
and evil path, but adheres firmly to the for
mer. Virtue, then, is by far the nobler
attainment of the two. — Mrs. lieid's
“It smells virtuous,” said Mrs. Parting
ton as she smelt of the hartshorn bottle
that had long lain away in an old fashioned
high closet, before which the old lady
stood on a tall chair exploring the dark
interior of the receptable for “unconsider
ed trifles.” “It smells virtuous.” We
had often heard of the peculiar odor of
goodness, that rises like frakincense, amid
an atmosphere of vice ; and here was a
practical application that attested the just
ness of the term. It was sublime ! and
the figure standing there on the high chair
like Truth on a pedestal, with the specs,
and the close cap, and the blue yarn stock
ings, formed a subject for a sculptor,
poorer than which had immortalized hun
ljp J Persons who desire to be happy
when they are old, should be temperate
when they are young.