The Southern tribune. (Macon, Ga.) 1850-1851, January 19, 1850, Image 1

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THE ! wmsmssm? Hill be published every SATURDAY Morning, l/n the Two-Story Wooden Building, at the Corner of Walnut and Fifth Street, Ilf THE CITY or MACON, GA. L ISV WM. B. 9(A If If 1 SO\. TERMS. t!ie Paper, in advance, per annum, $2. Hit' not paid in advance, $3 00, per annum. I Advertisements will be inserted at the usual ■tes—and when the number of insertions de ,ired is not specified, they will be continued un- H forbid and charged accordingly, ■ XT’Advertisers by the Year will be contracted ftth upon the most favorable terms. B pT’S.iles of Land by Administrators, Executor® ■ duarJians, are required by Law, to be held on ■eiirst Tuesday in the month, between the hours dl ten o’clock in the Forenoon and three in the Af fe noon, at the Court House of the county in which jfc Property is situate. Notice ofthese Sales must j* ijiven in a public gazette sixty days previous te She day of sale. I U*Sales of Negroes by Admiuistators, Execu- X,, or Guardians, must be at Public Auction, on Ac first Tuesday in the month, between the legal 1® irs of sale, before the Court House of the county ivi en 1 the Letters Testamentary, or Administration 3 < i iar lianship may have been granted, first giv- Br notice thereoffor sixty days, in one ofthepub gazettes of this State, and at the door of the |C irt House where such sales are to be held. Hi F Notice forthesaleof Personal Propertymust B ;iven in like manner forty days previous to He day of sale. ■rj’.Votice to the Debtors and Creditors otan Es in’ ; must be published for forty days. BffTNotice that application will be made to the I*i7rt of Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Ne lap es must be published in a public gazette in this |S,:de for four months, before any order absolute |ca i be given by the Court. I Citations for Letters of Administration on lao Kstate, granted by the Court of Ordinary, must lilt published thirty days— for Letters of Dismis- Isfc', from the administration ofan Estate, monthly IfuT six months — for Dismission from Guardian ship FORTY DAYS. HtJ’K.ui.f.s for the foreclosure of a Mortgage, ili it be published monthly for four months — for establishing lost Papers, for the full space of Wiiek months — for compelling Titles from Ex- Llitors, Administrators or others, where a Bond It-been given by the deceased, the full space of tßuee months. |l|\ B. All Business of this kind shall receive plmpt'attentionat the SOUTHERN TRIBUNE ft'"’ and strict care will he taken that all legal Ad •rtisements are published according to Law. Hl-T 'UI Letters directed to this Office or the Ed tor on business, must be post-paid, to in sEt attention. UD political. f oruicr Speakers of the House. kHit may be interesting, just at this time, to see who have been Speakers in the [Souse of Representatives of the United States, since the foundation of the govern ment. We give the record authentic, we Hlieve, ns follows. A. Muhlenberg, of Pennsyl jvf. iia, democrat, was elected" Speaker of ; H 'Use of Representatives in April, 1789. ■his was the first Congress under the present constitution. |oOf the second Congress commencing October, 1791, Jonathan Trumbull, of Connecticut, federalist, was elected. HOf the third Congress commencing Dtc’r, 1793, Frederick A. Muhlenberg ■ again elected. la Os the fourth Congress commencing Ijßec’r, 1795, Jonathan Dayton,of NevvJer sey, federalist, was elected. m Os the fifth, commencing May, 1797, he fas again elected. Mr. Adams was then President and both, branches of Con g ess federal. [f Os the sixth Congress commencing Uec’r, 70S, Theodore Sedgwick, of Mas sachusetts, a federalist was elected. M Nathaniel Macon, of North Carolina, a loniocrat, presided over the seventh, eigiith, and ninth Congress, i ■ Joseph B. Varnum, of Massachusetts, a lemocrat, was elected, both at the tenth •ti l eleventh sessions. g Henry Clay, of Kentucky, elected No vember, 1811, and resigned May, 1813, |»he!i Langdon Cheeves, a democrat, of ■°uth Corolina, was elected. ■ Henry Clay was again chosen, Decem- P er > ISIS, and resigned in the first month ~ sixteenth Congress, 1819, when John •V. Taylor, of New York, was chosen ■ bis brings us down to the time within Pie reccollection of modern politicians, Pnd we therefore presentthe remainder of p! e information in the tabularform: H XVTI. Dec., 1821, Philip B. Barbour, ■®iemocrat, of Va. y Will. Dec., 1823,Henry Clay, whig, |®f Ky. | XIX. Dec., 1825, John W. Taylor, If X. Y. Jft XX. Dec., 1827, Andrew Stevenson, ■pemocrat, of V r a. A-VI. Dec., 1829, Andrew Stevenson, oemoerqt, of Va. X yH. Dec., 1831, Andrew Stcvcn- L J o, h demcrat, of Va. ft XXIII. Dec., 1833, Andrew Stcven ft? n * (resigned,) democrat, of Va. John r e 'J, whig, of Tenn. m * XIV. Dec., 1835, James K. Polk, Hf c ™°crat, of Tenn. % ‘ AA r . Dec., 1837, James Iv. Polk, flemocvat, of Tenn. AVI. Dec., 1539, Bobert M. T. 11 democrat, of Va. l^MKy. May " 1841 ’ J ° lin WhitC ’ I XXVIII. Dec,, 1843, John W. Jones, I I democrat, of Va. 1iW XIX - r) ec., 1845, John XV. Davis, H vvy 3 ' 1 lu^iana - EtWT l)ec ’, IS47 > Robert C. Win it y v v, ll S’ °f Mass. dom X • I)ec - 1849. Howell Cobb, of Georgia. THE SOUTHERN TRIBUNE. NEW SERIES —VOLUME 11. From the Casstill Standard What Shall Georgia do ! Mr. Burke : I make no appoligy for addressing my constituents, as well as others whom this may reach, on the sub ject of our Federal relations : It has been my fortune to become a member of the Legislature of Georgia at a time of momentous interest for the State, and for the whole country. In that ca- 1 pacity I have made bold to speak for those 1 immediately represent, and to assert that in the defence of the honor and the inter ests of the South, they would not be be hind any other portion of the State. If in that assertion 1 expressed the sentiments of patriotism 1 believed 1 was represen ting, I feel that 1 have done well, —if not I ask to be corrected by the voice of that sovereign which freemen alone acknowl edge—the voice of the people. After more than twenty years of en croaching aggression on the rights of the South, Fanaticism has acquired sufficient strength to defeat the election, hitherto, of a Speaker of the House of Representa tives in our National Congress. The free soil party is now the strongest party in this Union, because they hold the balance of power. They know their strength, we feel it. They have gained their power by wip ing out the injury of yesterday with the insult of to-day. They have gaiued it because we of the South, in reverence to that Constitution which is hallowed by the patriotism of our forefathers, have for borne to resent its repeated violation, as freemen and patriots should have done. The property of Southern men has been wrested from them, and they have been slain by the mob in the attempt to rescue it. Laws have been passed in many of the non-slaveholding Slates to prevent the Southern man from making reclamation of his property, and having a direct ten dency to encourage the violence of the mob towards our citizens. The Constitu tion is but a shield for those who violate it —a terror to the timorous patriot, who dares not resent its desecration. And now we are told that Slavery shall be abolished in the District of Columbia; that the slave trade among the States shall he prohibited ; that our own vessels in our own wateis with slaves on boaid, shall be seized by the Revenue cutters of our com mon Union ; that in no territory now ac. quired or to he acquired shall we be per mitted to go with our property. Aye, that California, which Southern toil and Southern courage mainly won, while these fanatics cursed with envenomed tongues the patriotism, and scorned the gallantry of our hero army, that this same California so won is closed to us, but is to be the rich inheritance of traitors to their country in the Mexican war. Were it not for the common blood of our ancestors shed to gether as an offering to liberty upon a thousrnd glorious battle fields, even pa tience would be turned to wrath and love become a demon of revenge. Dare we by the recollection of that common blood, spilt in such a cause, fall craven from the protection of our rights against further aggression ! Say we look for a compromise. O f what avail have been the sacred compro mises of our Constitution! Os what avail the Missouri compromise, “when one halt of the nation demands what it had no right to receive and the other half yielded what it had no right to surrender.” Os what avail can he any compromise by political caucus at Washington, hut to delay the question until we shall have grown weaker and ou^ - advesaries stronger! Will he who doubts his rights, now, ever recover confidence to maintain them ! Can he who does not now perceive the danger that the Abolitionists will accom plish all they threaten, ever awake from his false security! While this danger threatens an institution, sanctioned by Revelation, an institution which elevates all white men to that Republican equality which we claim, and which with us fill the place occupied by serfs and white slaves in other nations. While these attacks fall so thick upon us that we are staggered by the next before we have recovered from the stu.' of the first, what does it become Georgia, the key-stone State of the South to do ! Shall we cry trust the President, trust party ! What can the President do, what can party do, to give us security for the future ? Shall we trust the justice of our assailants ? By firm councils, harmonious with other States of the South, we may yet present that united strength which will make those who have been heedless to our protesta tions, yield to their fears for their inter ests; and thus we may compel them to a reform of the Union of these States upon terms of reciprocity and equality, if not of fraternity. This is the only com pi o mise we dare trust. It is in the moral and relative strength of the South to be able to compel it. We are in every re source, in every advantage, in every ele ment of wealth, absolutely independent of the world, if so we choose to be. This strength will bring us justice sooner than appeals, sooner than protests, sooner far than sounding resolutions. My opinion is that we should use it now for the reforma tion of the Union, or be hereafter dumb. It may be enquired of me, if we fail in this endeavor, “what shall then be done!” In reply, the samo duty devolves upon MACON, (GA.,) SATURDAY MORNING, JANUARY 19, ISSO. States that rests upon individuals, the duty of self-protection.— We will take care of ourselves ! I have written with freedom because candor should bind the Representative to his constituents, because the exigency of the case, in my opinion, demands it. I ask for such interchange of opinions as may be calculated to advise and inform me—what shall Georgia do ? A. D. SHACKELFORD. Cassville, Dec. 24, 1849. From the Southern Sentinel. the crisis. Our readers w ; U find in anotlier column the very able Report of the Committee ou the State of the Republic. That report has been elicited by the gravest issue pre sented to the American people since the adoption of the Constitution. Compared with it, all questions of mere party policy dwindle into insignificance, and we rejoice that in its consideration, party has been forgotten, and party lines obliterated. We know neither Democrat or Whig in the union of Southern men for the purposes of resistance to Northern encroachments; nor do we acknowledge any alliance with that party or that man at the North or else wliere, who hesitates in the perfect recog nition of our rights. The spirit of deter mined opposition to the institutions of the South has overleaped the barriers of party at the North, and why should not the South be equally united in resisting the encroachment ? The day has been, when one of the great parties of the South, for the ill advised purpose of securing its tri umph in the election of its candidate for the Presidency, faltered in its devotion to the peculiar interests of its own section of the Union, but that day has passed, and we now behold the gratifying prospects of this union of all parties on this paramount question. We deprecate, as much as any one can, the necessity which forces us to these geographical discriminations; they exists in the hearts of the people, and we can not make them less real by closing our eyes to the fact. The fraternal ties of union by which these States have been held together, have been blighted by the milldew of faction ; the Union is now po litical only, and it is to considerations of policy alone, that we are to look for its perpetuity. It is vain to deceive ourselves longer with the hope that the North may be awakened to a generous recognition of our rights. The hour has arrived when we must appeal to other motives than those of “ natural affection," and we do not believe that the appeal will he in vain. The North loves the Union, if she does not love the South ; she regards the fruits of our labor, if she does not es’eem us; she appreciates our commercial worth, if she is blind to our rights. These are the considerations to which we would appeal, and we repeat, the appeal will not be in vain. The Union may totter upon the brink of dissolution—we believe it does, but we do not fear its fall. The Union may be preserved, and with honor to the South. A temporizing policy of conces sion and compromise, may postpone the hour of dissolution, hut it will only make that catastrophe more inevitable when the question is finally met, as it will eventual ly have to be. We have in the brief his tory of the last twenty-five years, had enough to satisfy us of the insufficiency of compromise. In 1821, when the Union reeled under the very agitation which now threatens its integrity, the South, blinded to her rights by that devotion to the Union which has always characterized her, con ceded to the North under the so called compromise, all that was then thought ne cessary to preserve the Government. That concession was the first fatal error, and we are now reaping its legitimate consequen ces. Away then, say we, with compro mises. Let the South openly and deci dedly plant itsetf upon the very thresh hold of its rights, and there proclaim to the spirit of encroachment from the North, thus far thou mayest come, but no farther. We would say to Congress, you shall not touch the question, even to compromise it; we know our rights under the consti tution and we demand an unqualified re cognition of them in their fullest extent. If we intend to base ci r position in prin ciple, this is the only course to be pursued. The Missouri compromise is as clear an infraction of the constitution as the Wil mot Proviso itself, and we hope the South will not longer submit to its unjust pro visions. We abhor the name of compromise. Under its guise, the South has already been robbed of its solemnly guarantied rights, and we have no faith in the securi ty which is promised by yielding to its in ordinate demands. Why should the South submit to a compromise of rights about which she has no doubt 1 Is it merely in obedience to the exactions of the North 1 And are vve to submit to a compromise of every right wnichtbe North may have the hardihood to invade ? Where is this con cession to end ? What guaranty of the constitution is so sacred but that it may be disregarded, if we are to publish abroad our intention to submit to it. The North knows no limit to this crusade against her pledges, save in the determined opposi tion of her intended victims. Let that op position be made now while there is hope, that it may protect us from shame, and our glorious Union from dissolution. We may, by concession, divest ourselves of the ability to resist, and then indeed the Union may be preserved, but it will lie the union of lord and vassal, not of equals. 1 he only safety for the South is in de nying to the general government any and all jurisdiction over this question, whether in the States, the District of Columbia or the 1 erritories. 1 his denial embraces what lias been, in derision, termed an ab stractim, and it is only as an abstract pro position that it can ever be settled. It is unwise to leave this question to be agitated and discussed whenever an occasion may arise for its application to any new meas ure that may be presented. Let us once for all, publish to the North the conditions upon which we will continue the political ties by which we are united. Let the naked alternative of the Constitution or Dissolution be presented, and let the choice be made now. If the terms of the com pact are to be tortured into benefits alone for one, and burdens only for the other section, let us at once sever all connection with a majority which claims aud exerci ses the right thus to construe it. The U nion is indeed invaluable to all sections of the country, so long as its blessings are equally distributed to all, but of what val ue is the Union, if we are to bear all the burdens of its government, and reap none of the rewards of its administration I Just Reward. —Thomas Butler King, a Whig member of Congress from Geor gia, went to California as an emissary,it is believed, of the Regency, to procure the adoption of a State Constitution by Cali fornia, even with the slavery clause, so as to turn from Old Zack the bitter cup of meeting the slavery question, on which he had duped one or the other section of the Union. Mr. King, instead of returning to his post at Washington at a moment of deep interest to the South, abandoned the people of Georgia to their fate, and open ly electioneered for the place of United States Senator from the new State of Cali fornia. His culpable conduct has receiv ed a merited rebuke—all accounts agree, and the returns of the election confirm the impression, that he will be disappointed in his ambition and will be driven ‘boot less home and weather beaten back.’— Richmond Enquirer . Weighing the Gals. Sum body says it aint a fair question to ax a gal her age. The old maids, I reck on sed that. Now I think it’s fully as un fair to ax a gal her weight as it is, to ax her her age, case it’s a tuff question, so it is and when you hears about weighing’ Sally Greeney, you will say so too. You know casen Jeff, he is a rale sta ver among the gals, he is, and he don’t care a straw what he says to any on’em lie dont. Cusen Jeff cum over to our house one Sunday, and he ses io me, ‘Pete, let’s go to 6ee Greeney’s gals.’ ‘Agreed said I, and so out vve struck, I felt orful bold when vve first started, but some how the nearer we got to Squire Greeney’s, the worser skeered I was. I wished we had never started, but it was too late now, so in we went. Squire Greeney's got two gals, Sally and Betsey, as nice gals as you ever seed, they is. They all seemed mighty perlite, and me and cusen Jeff thought we was getting on fust rate ; vve did. Sally looked dreadful nice, I tell you. I’d gin the world if I could only a found sumlhing to say to her, but 1 studied over everything 1 ever had heard or thought about in my whole life, hut not the first word could I think of worth sayin. Cusen Jeff was all the time talkin’ like all nature to Betsey. After a while Sally proposed we should all go and weigh. So out vve all went, Squire Greeney going along to weigh us. When Sally’s turn cum, Squire Greeney he looked sorter ’stonished. ‘Why Sally,’ says he, ‘you weigh a hundred and fifty. ‘Law par, said Sally. ‘Aint it Jeff, said the Squire, ‘yes, sir-ee’ said Jeff. And sure enuff, Sally weighing a hundred and fifty ; the heviest critter in the whole gang on us. Well we all went back to the house and arter a while sez the Squire, ‘Old ’oman, Sally weighs a hundred and fifty.’ “No she don’t, said the old lady. ‘Yes, but I tell you she duz,’ sed the Squire, ‘Don’t she Jeff?’ ‘I don’t believe it,’ said the old lady. ‘Well we’ll weigh Sally again, and show you,’ said the Squire. ‘Oh, no, don’t’ sed Sally. ‘Why not, Sally?’ Oh case its Sunday.’ ‘But I will, though,’ said the Squire. So Sally was Strung up agin, and the i Squire he balanced the steelyards to the last kickup place and then he commenced lookin’ over his specks and counting his fingers. ‘Jeff,’ sez he, how much is that!’ ‘Jeff, he looked over the Squire’s shoul der, ‘One hundred and thirty-seven. ‘Yes,’ says the squire, ‘a hundred and thirty-seven.’ ‘Thar, now, sez the old lady, ‘1 told you Sally didn’t weigh a hundred and fifty-’ ‘W ell, how on earth did we make such a mistake" said the Squire. ‘I know,’ said Kate, Sally’s little sister. ‘Hush,’ said Sally, shaking her fist at Kate and turning as red as a beet in the face. ‘How ? said the Squire. ‘Efyou do,’ said Sally,stamping her foot. ‘But I will though,’ 6ed Kate. ‘Yes, tell,’ said tho Squire. ‘Sally has took her bustle off! ” Bring tho champhor here straight!’ Population and ltcsonrccs of our Country. In 1790 the Union consisted of 17 States I with a population of 3,929,827, and 451,- 124 square miles of land, or 8 persons to a square mile, avoiding fractions. 1« 1800 there were 20 States, with a population of 5,305,940, and an area of 572,024 square miles, or 9 persons to the square mile. In ISIO there were 24 States, contain ing a population of 7,239,814, and an area of 783,544 square miles, or 9 persons | to the square mile. In 1820 there were 27 States, with a ! population of 9,638,191, and an area of | 894,344 square miles, or 10 persons to the square mile. In 1830 there were 27 States, contain ing a population of 12,866,020, and an area ol 948,314 inilcs, or 13 persons to a square mile. In 1840 there were 29 States, contain ing a population of 17,068,666, and an area of 1,173,344 square miles, or 14 per sons to a square mile. The above are extracted from the cen sus of the United States prefixed to “Brooks’ Gazetteer,” and the area from the “Christian Almanac,” published by the Tract Society, page 50. According to the estimate of Mr. Burke, United States Commissioner of Patents, there were, in IS4S, 30 States, containing a population of 21,686,000, and an area ol about 1,912,126 square miles, or 11 per sons to a square mile. Since the treaty with Mexico 750,000 square miles have been added to the Union; making, with other lands not enumerated, a grand total of 2,75,000 square miles. Now suppos- j ing that in 1850 the United States contain j 23,000,000 of human beings, there will he ; a density of 8 persons to a square mile. Thus we see that in the year 1790 there were 8 persons to a sq. mile. ISOO “ 9 1810 “ 10 1820 “ 13 IS3O “ 14 “ " 1840 “ 11 1850 probably 8 “ “ This will convince anyone that although there is a great increase of population, by immigration and otherwise, there need be no fear of increase of density. But while on the other hand vve have no fear for the United States generally, there may be rea sons to fear for particular portions of it. The Colporteurs, in their reports to the Tract Societies, frequently mention that they have found districis in the West, with a population of not more than 2 or 3 in habiiants to a square mile. How is it with the East. The NevvEngland States contain 65,323 square miles, and a population as follows: Population. Density. 1790 1,009,828 15 1800 1,233,315 18 1810 1,471,831 22 1820 1,661,50S 25 1830 1,950,717 29 1840 2.234.522 34 1848 2,553,000 39 There were grown in the six New Eng land States in 1848, 2,594,600 bushels of wheat, or a little more than one bushel per head. In Ohio, in the same year, there were grown 20,000,000 bushels of v/hcut or something more them ten bubiicla per head. It may be asked, has the wealth of the Union increased with the population ? It is estimated that the value of the crops in 184S, in the United States, was $610,000,000. The value of the livestock on farms is estimated at over $557,000,000. The sums invested in manufactures for the same time amounted to $343,300,000. The sums invested in merchandise amoun ted to $322,000,000, exclusive of $149,- 000,000 employed in the commission bu siness and foreign trade. The aggregate of the productions and business of our country, then, amounts to the enormous sum of more than $2,000,000,000. The Agreeable Old Bachelor.— The following is beautifully descriptive of i that being of friendship and benevolence, the agreeable “old bachelor.’ It is chaste ly and elegantly written, and burnishes the golden chain of the bachelor’s benevo lence to a wonderful brightness : The bachelor is an agreeable, smiling, happy, independant fellow. He is all at tention to widow as well as to maid—he has no children to divert his attention—no family cares—consequently no family trou bles ! He is always at the parties of La dy bless-her-soul, because he is always 60 agreeable among the ladies, while Mr. Crossman, with a dozen children, 6its in a corner and says nothing but ‘yes ma’am’ ‘no ma’am’ during tho whole evening There is none of the poetry of conversa tion in his soul—none of tho golden hues of benevolence beaming from his coun tenance—none of the real agreeableness of the bachelor in anything Ac says or does. The bachelor, on the coutrary, is tho lion of their pianos—the ladies never refuse to open their pianos if he merely hints his wishes—they never hesitate to sing the latest song—they never refuse to walk with the bachelor—they never reject his proffered arm in a walk—parents flatter him,—widows sigh for him, and maids fore him !’ lUT’Love is the shadow of morning, which decreases as the day advances.— Friedship is the shadow of the evening, which strengthens with the setting sun of life. BOOK AND JOB PRINTIN G, Will be executed in the most approved style and on the best terms,at the Office of the SOTTTHEB,IT TPJBTJITZ, -BY— * WM. B. HARRISON. NUMBER 2 Southern Labor. Speaking of industrial operations Got. Collier, of Alabama, in his Inaugural ad dress, says: XV e rely too exclusively upon our agri culture as a source of wealth, while vve are exhausting lands without an effort to reclaim them. But few form attachments for the soil, and only seek to make it most productive at the least cost and trouble.— Such a life is unfriendly to social enjoy ment and cultivation of tire sympathies —it prevents us from devoting our proper share of attention to the improvement of the intellectual powers and tire elevation of moral feelings. The remedy for tlieso evils is to divert larbor into all the chan nels in which it can he made useful and profitable instead of employing the entire capital of our agriculturalists in the produc tion of a single staple—diminishing the price by an over suply. The producer, tiie manufacturer,and the consumer would | then be placed in proximity to each other —each pursuit would stimulate and ad vance the other; and agriculture, which languishes in solitude, would become ani mate and very prosperous. The concen tration of industry and capital at home, would arrest the propensity of oar people to emigrate, an education in all the depart ments of knowledge would receive an im pulse which would be felt ami seen every where around us. The benefit of such a state of things is exemplified in many States of this confederacy ; but, perhaps is more fully illustrated in Massachusetts and Rhode Island. These Stales take our cotton and wood and manufacture them into cloths and ships—selling us the former at compensating prices, and with the other become our carriers upon the ocean.— Thus they grow rich in despite of the in hospitablenesa of the climate and inapti- tude of soil to grow a sufficiency of bread stuffs. While Alabama, with quite enough surplus labor to manufacture her cotton ami produce all her provisions, without diminishing the product of the great staple, is comparatively poor. These States safe ly and successively employ a banking capital of forty-five millions, and have millions always awaiting an opportunity for profitable investment, while the peo ple of Alabama, with natural advantages greatly superior, are tho most of them, harrowers, without an active monied cap ital, adequate to the supply of their wants. If, in ice-bound New England, with a soil which even in virgin state, requires artifi cial stimulants, such are the results of well directed enterprise and indomitable energy what might be achieved in the south, if in practice, vve manifested the economy, the tact and energy of our puritan brethern ? With a climate as mild as could be desired the healtlifulness of which is attested by comparative hills of mortality, with a soil suited to the production of almost every thing that vegetates ; in short, with the elements of wealth scattered broad-cast in our midst, ready to be made available by effort, the south has voluntarily yielded up her birth-right. Shall we not claim the heritagewhichProvidence lias gratuitously tendered ! We have already slumbered our twenty years. Shall we still sleep on! Shall inactivity, while every thing around invites to industry still he the pasß wovd : and the imputation of ignorance and indo lence, by those we have enriched, be re peated again and again,without awakening us to our interest! Or, shall vve arrise with strength unimpaired by age, or ex hausted by effort, and entering the arena, become a mighty competitor in the race for developement and wealth ? Who does not feel the pride of the caviliei ris ing within him at the mere annunciation of these questions, while he deplores that vve have been so long ’ indifferent to our welfare ! Innocence and Virtue. — Innocence and virtue, though totally different, are often mistaken for the same thing. Inno cence is hardly to be found in this world ; our specimeuts of it are to be seen in the lamb, the dove, and the infant; it consists in ignorance of evil. Virtue alone attain ed through knowledge both good and evil and a determined strife against the latter in all its forms. The innocence of this world may often go estray from very ig nornace. Virtue knows both the good and evil path, but adheres firmly to the for mer. Virtue, then, is by far the nobler attainment of the two. — Mrs. lieid's “ Woman.” “It smells virtuous,” said Mrs. Parting ton as she smelt of the hartshorn bottle that had long lain away in an old fashioned high closet, before which the old lady stood on a tall chair exploring the dark interior of the receptable for “unconsider ed trifles.” “It smells virtuous.” We had often heard of the peculiar odor of goodness, that rises like frakincense, amid an atmosphere of vice ; and here was a practical application that attested the just ness of the term. It was sublime ! and the figure standing there on the high chair like Truth on a pedestal, with the specs, and the close cap, and the blue yarn stock ings, formed a subject for a sculptor, poorer than which had immortalized hun dreds. ljp J Persons who desire to be happy when they are old, should be temperate when they are young.