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The Future.
FROM THE N. Y. EVENING POST.
The future! oh,could we hut look
Into that dark mysterious book
VVIi ich shrouds our doom,
Hearts that are now with joy e'ato,
Would then be sad and desolate,
And filled with gloom.
Could we but lifl the shadowy veil
Which hides from us life’s mournful title,
Our hopes w ould die !
Courage and faith would take their flight,
Our life would be one sombre night,
One heavy sigh.
Oh, let us then ne’er seek to know
What lime in its unceasing flow
Will soon reveal ;
But wisely from the present hours,
And wisely from lifo’s passing flowers,
The fairest steal.
IJoTitt cal~
From the Richmond Enquier.
Constitutional ItightNofthc South
Recent developments have proven that
the time has arrived when it becomes the
representatives of the South to maintain
mid vindicate, with united zeal and deter
mined energy, her rights against the offen
sive assaults of the North. We too, as
constituents, must long ere this have be
come sensible of the great wrongs inflicted
upon us, and while we are painfully alive
to every inroad upon our long cherished
institutions, cannot conceal the deep inter
est we manifest with regard to the pro
ceedings of our present National Assem
bly. From whence is the authority de
rived to apply the Wilmot Proviso to our
Mouth western territory, is a query which,
horn the present gloomy prospect, will too
soon be presented fur our consideration,
in an aspect truly unpleasant and hopeless
ly forbidding. For one, the writer, hum
ble as his opinion may be, is ready to de
ny the constitutional guaranty of this pro
viso. The Constitution, as its framers de
clare in the preamh’e to that significant in
strument, was designed “to form more
perfect union, establish justice,” &c. Is
there anything in the discussion of free
soilism which tends to harmonize this fra
terui y of States I Is there anything in
the agitation of that subject, which tends
to cement the bonds of union I—Far from
|t. Iho direct tendency of such a course
is to marshal the North against the Souih ;
to create sectional prejudices which time
will scarcely, if ever, efface; to array one
half of the Union in an unfriendly and
hostile attitude to the otiier: thus throw
! ’ n 3 the apple of discord among us, dis
turbing the harmony of the country, and
Jeopardizing the existence of thecenfede
to carry out the designs of spurious
P ulanthropy; and thus has the strongest
* ri 1 noblest incentive to the formation of
’ut solemn compact, been disregarded by
blinded zealots.
( 'V here, we ask, would he tho “justice”
'j 1 measure! Justice to the North
' )us n<,t demand the introduction of such
Proviso. The same channels through
Ic h wealth has flowed in an uninter
'P f ed stream to her capitalist and manu-
THE SOUTHERN TRIBUNE.
NEW SERIES—V OLUME 11.
facturers, will remain unobstructed. The
same variety of employment will exist for
her laborers and mechanics, while her
prosperity, in general, will remain unin
jured and unabated.
But, while "justice” to the North does
not require this interference, “justice” to
the South docs demand that there should
be no such interfence on the part of Con
gress. The South, ever ready to do or
die in the defence of national honor, bore
fatal testimony to its own in common with
our country’s rights, throughout the strug
j gle with Mexico. The blood of her
! noblest sons crimsoned every contes
ted plain, and the hones of her bravest
heroes moulder on every hill, as monu
! ments of daring and military prowess.
! The tenitory was eventually purchased
[ by the common treasure of gold and life.
Has she offered up this bloody and invalu
able sacrifice, for the acquisition of a ter
ritory in the enjoyment of which we are
forbidden to participate ? That we would
be in a great measure excluded from
this landed acquisition, none could gain
say, if this nefarious proviso become a
law of the land. Though we should he
admitted to the rights of ci izenship in the
new States, one species of property, in
which the wealth of tho Sou'll principally
consists, would he interdicted. Why this
species of property more than another ?
Slave t>v
to be property. — Art. 4, 2d clause, 3d sec.
Any power which can assume the authori
ty to exclude slave labor, can, with Ihe
same propriety, exclude any and every
kind of property. Yet we hazard nothing
in the expression, that there is no man
who has any pretentions to sanity, who
would claim for Congress the constitution
al right to exclude tlie manufactures of the
North or Northern capital. Where, then,
I is the “justice” which ought always to be
an ingredient of constitutional power, to
banish the Southern man with his capital,
for bis slaves constitute his capital? Yet,
as soon as this mad scheme is enforced, an
insuperable banieris erec ed between him
and the numerous advantages he hoped to
realize in this additional extent of coun
try. We appeal to men of all parties —for
it is a subject which rises paramount to
pai ty considers' ions— to know if such par
tial legislation is calculated to enhance the
stabi ity of the Republic, to “establish
jusfee,” or cany out the great objects for
which the constitutional compact was
formed! We appeal to those Northern
desperadoes, who have set law and the
Constitu ion at defiance, to know if their
claims to the territory rise up superior to
our own !
Kill there are those who are unwilling
to usurp for Congress this unwarranted
power, without some shadow of authority.
“Congress (say they) shall have power to
dispose of and make all needful rules and
regulations respecting the territory or
other property belonging to the United
States.” If this clause is applicable to the
prohibition of slavery from the tertitory,
it is equally so to the prohibition of slavery
from our forts, arsenals, and other public
works included, under the term “other
property.” Such a construction of this
term, would, at the time of the adoption
of tiie Constitution, have rendered the
clause as nugatory and invalid as if omit
ted in toto. It should be home in mind
that the same clause required the “con
sent" of the State Legislature, in which
such works might he deemed necessary,
before the same could he erected. Out
Eastern coast was but poorly defended by
forts of any kind from foreign aggression.
More than half of the exposed shore was
within the limits of slaveholding States.
If the framers of the Constitution inten
ded to claim f r Congress the power to
legislate over slavery with the public
works, at that time necessary to be estab
lished, it required no statesman’s sagacity
to foresee that no such fortifications ever
would be erected with the “consent” of
our Legislatures. Nor is it even probable
1 that the Southern members would have
yielded so tamely to the.usurpation ol'lliat
i power over this “peculiar institution,”
which they hud guarded with moie than
human vigilance on all other occasions.
Thus constructed at that time, the clause
would have been void and of no effect—a
perfect dead letter. The South so rightly
jealous of the basis on which its institutions
were to be founded, would not have vol
untarily surrendered those lights by plac
ing in her forts and arsenals the bomb of
her own destruction, only requiring to be
ignited by the hand of incendiarism.
Suppose, for the sake of argument, that
the words of the text would formerly have
admitted of a twofold interpretation—the
f< rmer claiming for Congress the power
to legislate oversla'ery within our own
national fortifications, thus rendering the
sanction of our legislature to the location
of such works a matter of impossibility:
For no legislature would have dared, with
this fact staring them in the face, to deed
away is right to legislate on this most vi
tal of all subjects. The authors of that
instrument could easily foresee that the
direct tendency of this construction would
be to render our coasts as desti ute of for
tifications as the miserable plains of Ara
bia. The latter interpretation, leaving
our domestic institutions untrammeled,
and under the exclusive control of the
States individually, would have had the
effect of fulfilling the intention of
the clause by the willing co-operation of
our State legislatures. Looking upon the
MACON, (GA.,) SATURDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 2, ISSO.
authors of that compact, renowned for its
equality and wisdom, as sensible men, we
are forced, nolens vole ns, to adopted the
latter construction.
We have briefly endeavored to show
that it would result in a naked reductio ad
absurdum to place this fanatical meaning
upon certain words, which meaning proves
wholly untenable and nonsensical when
taken in connection with the spirit of the
entire clause. If, then, this miserable
subterfuge for argument fails, when traced
to the legitimate consequences which must
as inevitably follow its application to our
forts, arsenals and other public works, as
effect follows cause, then it must prove
equally unsound when applied to the ter
ritory. The authority to interfere with
slavery in either case is derived from the
same source ar.d traceable to the same
narrow and paitial interpretation.
\et in spite of justice, in spite of this
constitutional guaranty toprotectourrights
our property, and our safety, we have
much tofear. Alieady the couds thicken,
and the storm isbeard to mutter indistinct
ly in the distance. We honor the Union
formed by the common blood of our an
cestors and cemented by the eternal fideli
ty they swore to give it in that dark and
trying hour. Tut when it becomes an en
gine of wrong and oppression, it loses the
magic charm with which it was wont to
hind us j and under the garh of fiiend
sliip, we almost see the glittering steel of
assassin. We deprecate a dissolution of
the Union, but the right of property and
safety iise above all earthly considera'ions,
and as soon as these are trodden under
foot it becomes us, as a nation of freemen,
to sever it from ocean to ocean. We
have done all we can to avoid the mighty
wreck. Much may yet be accomplished
by wise and patriotic legislation; but
should our warnings prove in vain, ( which
God forbid !) the South can exclaim with
an honest heart and unruffled conscience—
“ Thou can'st not say I did it.”
V. D. M.
Powhatan County, Dec. 12, 1549.
Charleston, Jan.24, 1850.
To the Editors of the Courier:
Gentlemen : — l send you the accompanying
letter for publication. It was drawn from Judge
lleydenfei.dt, as one best calculated to inform
us of the position of Alabama in the present
controversy between the South and North. That
gentleman is well known as the author of the
letter to the Governor of Alabama, wri ten in
January last, by which the progress of Aboli
tionism on our frontier States, and particularly
Kentucky, was put a stop to, ns by magic. The
same clear and determined mind will be seen in
the production of the letter I now send you;
and I hesitate not to say that the positions there
taken are the positions of the State of Alabama.
My propositions to him were simple; among
others—“ Can these States live longer under a
contemptible system of Compromise Govern
ment P” You will see how (airly he meets the
general proposition, and then how aptly lie ap
plies it to the most fatal of all our compromises.
But it is to the position which he assumes in re
lation to the approaching Convention that I
would draw your particular attention. It is
there that we are to return to the integrity of
our olu Constitutional Government, or to form
anew one — we are no longer to listen to compro
mise, in any shape or form. But Judge Hev
denfei.dt speaks for himself.
Your ob’t serv’t,
A. 11. BRISBANE.
Montgomery, Ala, Jan 16, 1850.
My Dear Sir .-—After much delay, 1
had the pleasure of receiving your letter
of the 26th ult. In the midst of many pres
ent engagements, 1 will attempt to make
you an answer, although 1 cannot follow
your propositions in consecu ive order.—
The thought of the age is aroused to at
tempt a solution of some of the questions
you suggest —the mind of the South ought
to be awakened to that portion of them
which most seriously affect her well
being.
In considering the progress w hich man
kind is constantly making, it is folly to
suppose that, while in intellect and thought
he is improving, in action he should stand
still. If this be true of individuals, it
must equally be true of Governments: and
history gives us the recurrence at various
periods, of reforms and changes, which
exemplify that they also are the subject
of this universal law. Our country was
the first broadly to assert and maintain
that Governments were created fur the
benefit of the governed ; and the doctrine
that the people have a right at pleasure to
alter or destroy their existing mode of gov
ernment is so clearly admited as to be
come a political axiom. As undeniable
as the last must also be considered the po
sition that, when a Government is formed,
it ought to be on distinct and well-defined
principles, which w ill leave no doubt as to
its own powers, and afford equal certain
ty to its subjects. But, in the course of
lime, the improving and changing condi
tion and circumstances of a nation will ex
pose and even create defects in the pow
ers of the Government on the one hand
while on the other, interest, selfishness, or
the passions of one portion of society lead
to usurpations of power and encroachment
upon the rights of the minority, distinct
ive of the purpose of government, and
which, by constant concession, subvert
the most cherishing principles, and must
rasult in an absolutism which is next akin
to anarchy- The first resistance to ag
gression is always the cheapest and most
succesful. Every delay lias no meet an
accumulation of power and precedent, and
gives a fresh argument for a renewal of
wrongs, until the period is reached when
there is no adequate remedy except in a
thorough re-orginization.
To apply these principles to the present
state of controversy between the Northern
and Sou hern States ot our confederacy, it
will be necessary to ascertain what are
and have been the benefits and evils result
ing to each section from the action of the
General Government. 1 will not try to do
this fully, because it would be the repeti
tion ofan “oft-told talc;” hut, as far as 1
undertake it,l will not be embarrassed bv
the common cant that we ought not to cal
culate the value of the Union. Tne U
tiion was formed on account of its anticipa
ted value—it grew into regard, and fasten
ed itself upon the affections of the Ameri
can people from its real value in the bet
ter days of the Republic—it is only on
account of its value that it ought to be re
garded, and when it has ceased to have
value, it should cease to exist.
It has often been discussed how the un
equal laws, and unconstitutional expendi
ture of the public revenue has enriched
the Northern States, by building up their
commerce, manufactures and internal im
provements, at the expense of the South.
I his subject forms a great pecuniary item
in estimating tho advantages of the Onion,
and has assumed sufficient shape and form
in the Southern mind. But a more mo
mentous question is now the all absorbing
one, and to that my reply must be con
fined.
W lien our Confederacy was formed,
the slave-holding States constituted its
most important section. ’They possessed
not only more wealth than the free States,
but also at least four-fifths of all the terri
toty within its limits, and each subdivision
of that territory of far greater natural im
portance than any equal portion of the
Sou' h, and that which constituted her grea
test wealth, was her propei ty in slaves.
Ihus, by a safe rule of lessening, it fol
lows that property in slaves was the most
important interest of the Union, and the
protection and defence of that property
was necessarialy one of its great objects.
How it has accomplished that object and
what is its present attitude towards us,
are the questions w liich demand our reflec
tions. its history will answer, that, while
it has not only failed to protect us from
aggressions, it has been our worst enemy,
and engaged, in our midst, in disturbing
our peace.it has inflicted the most serious
injuries upon our States and people, and
now threatens to subvert our entire sys
tem, by a plan of operations as skilful and
sure as they are iniquitous. But assertion
without proof have but little authority.
Let us see what are the facts ;
in 1794, our relations with Great Brit
ain were of the most critical character.
We complained against her for spoliations
upon commerce, and the seizuio of our
staves. A treaty, negotiated by Mr. Jay,
was made for the amicable adjustment of
these difficulties, by which full payment
was allowed for the ships and cargoes of
the North, and not one cent lor the slaves
taken from the tSouih : and it was especi
ally assigned by our Minister that the res
titution cf slave property was not insisted
on, front li:e fear that it would result in
tlie defeat ot the treaty, ihus early in
the history of their Union was the bouth
taught the inequality in the protection it
afforded between her property and the
more favored chattels ot her co-federates.
At a more recent period, which is within
the recollection of most of us, when some
of our vessels were wrecked on the Bri
tish Islands, the slaves they contained were
seized, their owners deprived of their
property, and restitution ultimately refu
sed. Great Biitain was allowed to read
us a lesson on morality, and the statesmen
of the Union bowed in submission and
concurred. When at a latter period, a
strip of worthless and frozen territory was
the subject of legitimate dispute, these
same statesmen cried lustily for the honor
of the nation, and were ready to “let slip
the dogs of war.” The South read with
complacency the lesson, that her interest
vveie unconnected with the honor of the
nation, and that for the protection of her
rights, the Union was but “as sounding
brass, or a tinkling cymbal.”
In the ordinance of 1787, the South
yielded to the fanatical clamor of the
North, and an immense territory, the pro
perty of a slave holding State, was given
up to become the right arm of a power
which was to be used fur her destruction.
Upon the application of Missouri, she
bad complied with every requisition of the
Federal Constitution. The South stood
upon vantage ground—but again was she
fated to recieve her share of tlie blessings
of the Union . That which was her most
perfect right, she accepted as a boon ; and
to receive in quiet one more slave State
into the Union, she yielded to a most dar
ing usurpation of power, and give up slave
territory enough to make a dozen free
States.
She give up all, and got nothing in re
turn ; and her statesmen, who were guilty
of this act of mingled cow ardice and fol
ly, solaced her wounded pride, by christ
ening the heresy w ith the nnmeofeompro
mis. Under that name it has since be
come the fashion of the North to ask all
that she w ant 9, and to get all that she asks.
Texas came in, and there was another
compromise. California and New Mexi
co are ours, and now, forsooth, the South,
the equal partner of the concern,is begging
for a compromise ; begging to give up,once
more, her honor, for the sake of peace.—
She has descended so low, that she asks
but to feed upon the crumbs, and the bless
ed Union refuses even that.
The Constitution gives to the s’ave hold
er the right to recapture his fugitive slave,
yet in contravention of this provision, State
after State have enacted laws to deprive
him of his right, and citizens of the
Souih have been mobbed and murdered in
attempting to enforce it.
Even now, in the halls of Congress, we
are told that no more slave States are to
be admitted—that slavery is to be pro
scribed in all places under the jurisdication
of the Union, and our commerce in slaves
is to he destroyed, This is the plan of op
eration openly avowed, which aims at no
thing less than the total overthrow of our
domestic institutions.
The twelve hundred millions of dollars
which the South has invested in slaves,
constitute almost her entire wealth; the
continuance of the African race in its pre
sent servile condition is her only safety.
She lias reached that period when she
must act for her preservation. She seems
to be awakening to its necessity, and what
is to he her policy is a question for her
grave consideration. Shall she again con-1
cede away her rights, and let it be called
compromise ? It has been the custom to
style us “ a Government of Compromise.”
Now, although the concessions of the
South, on so many occasions, may have
originated the term, it is neverthless a
piece of gross absurdity. In the forma
tion or organization of a Government, it
may be well to yield even cherished ideas,
for die sake of harmony and strength; but
when the terms are once agreed to, and
the contract signed, sealed and delivered,
it must, of necessity, he a government of
principle, with the rights and powers of
all the parties to it fixed and determined
by its character, and is no longer the sub
ject of compromise. Such is the true po
sition of our Federal Government, and
if we yield a particle of our well defined
rights, under any name whatsoever, it is a
concession to usurpation, and is the en’er
ing-wedge tootherand still greater wrongs,
as our experience has well taught us.
I do not know if the South is alive to this
great danger, but I fear that is not from the dis
position some have manifested to yield again,
in the shape of compromise, to the hard pressed
demands of the North. The only indication to
the contrary, is the action of the State of Mis
sissippi, in calling for a Convention of the
Southern States. This has been in some meas
ure responded to, hut what is to be its fruits?
Some have said that it is lo be a united expression
of the voice of the South, and threatening her
united action if the North persists in her ag
gressions. If this is to be all, then, us far as my
bumble voice is concerned, I wish to have none
of it. Wc have been called resolution-mongers
long enough, and our resolves have produced
naught but repeated insults and taunts from the
lips of our oppressors
Every consideration conduces to the belief
that it will be the time for the South to act, and
if she does act boldly and promptly, she will
certainly save herself, and may save the Union
by restoring to it the purity in which it was cre
ated. Tlie people of the South are prepared for
this action, and the feeling which now inspires
the multitude, is far ahead of ihat which seems
to move their politicians. If we accede to any
new proposition, by which a part of our rights
are again yielded, we accustom our people, by
one more example, to doubt or to forget what
belongg to them ; wo allay an excitement which
a wise forecast seize upon to effect a
thorough reformation in government, and a com
plete recaption of the rights we have yielded,
and those of which we have been robbed; and
we afford afresh reason of calm for the abolition
fanatics to mature their plans, recruit their
strength, and renew their attacks—and at a time
when ille moral force of our people will have
been weakened by this new surrender.
Let us, then, meet in convention with a pur
pose worthy of a people who understand that
they are fit for self government. Let our first
and only duty be to form anew Constitution for
the United States of North America, and which,
while it will leave the door open for all, will af
ford equal justice and protection to all, and
prompt and efficient remedies for ifs infractions.
If this be done, I think I hazard nothing in
predicting that tho States will
promptly enter into the new confederation.
They have a keun perception of the difference
in value between dollars and cents, on the one
hand, and moral abstractions on the other. They
struggle for the latter, to attain political impor
tance—they will readily yield them to obtain
the former. Their progenitors were engaged in
bringing to us slaves from the African coast, as
long as it was profitable and permitted—the
same economical intuition will force them to let
our slaves alone, when they find that, otherwise,
it will cost them our custom. We afford the
products which sustain their commerce,
and the market of their varied manufactures;
and we have the power to dictate our own terms,
if we only havo the courage to exercise it. Let
us, make our terms of the must rigid equaiity •
let us hesitate to discard any partnership which
disallow s the recognised property of one State
to be carried to and held in another.
It it be possible that the Northern States, unu
sually regardless of their well being, should de
cline to unite with us, we then havo, within our
selves, the elements of prosperity and success,
beyond calculation. By confining the operations
of the natural rights of the citizen in a good
BOOK AND JOB PRINTING,
IT ill be executed in the most approved style
and on the best ter ms,at the Office of the
SCTJTEEMT TP*I3TJXT:E,
-BY— *
WM. B. HARRISON.
NUMBER 4.
9tate of society—by a thorough organization of
our industry, combining all the occupations
which are preferred by the immense resources
of the Mississippi Valiev and the Cotton States
—we must soon attain," over the rest of the
vvorlj, a civilization as superior as are the boun
ties w hich Nature has bestowed on us.
I cannot, at this lime, go more into tbs sub
ject of your inquiries. Such of them ts I have
not dwelt upon, are so totally dependent upolt
the success of thut which i have considered,
that without the attainment of the one, 1 feel
indifferent lo the others.
In developing the important ideas and meas
ures to which you are devoted, you have my
best wishes for your success. Mv opinions co
incide with yours, and I would gladly bes io.
worker in their advocacy, were I not too bum
ble to be useful.
With the greatest regard,
1 am,your obedient servant,
S. HEVDENFEI.DT.
Gen A. II Brisbane, Charleston, S. C.
The Old nii«l the New t ear.
BV MRS. SIQO.IRNEJ.
I mused as the midnight hour drew
nigh, aud metliought the Old Year stood
before me. Weary and way-worn he
seemed.nnd in his hand was an hour-glass,
whence the last-sands were fleeting.
As 1 looked upon his wrinkled fore
head, memories both pleasant and mourn
ful came over me. Fain would I have
constrained his longer stay,and spake ear
nestly to him:
“Many blessings hast thou brought me,
I for which 1 give thee thanks. New have
they been every morning, and fresh every
moment.
I hou hast indeed, from my heart’s gar
den, uprooted some hopes that I planted
there. With their clustering buds they
ndl, and were never quickened again.’
Then he said, ‘Praise God, both for
what 1 gave, and what I look away. And
lay up treasures in heaven, that they
may be there also. What thou callest
blighted hopes, are oftimes changed into
the fruits of rightousness.
But I answered, ‘Thou hast also hidden
from my sight the loved and the revered.
Clods are strewn upon their faces; they re
ply to my call no more. To the homes
that they made so fair they return not, and
the places that once knew them, will
know them no more forever.*
Still he said, ‘Give praise to God.—
Ttouble not thyself about those that are
with him. Rather make thine own salva
tion sure, that thou mayst go un’.o them,
and be parted no more.’
i hen, in a faint voice, he murmured,
‘My mission unto man is done. For me,
the 6tone is rolled away from the door of
the sepulchre. I will enter in, and slum
ber with the years beyond the flood, till,
the last trumpet soundeth.’
1 gazed upon his wan brow, and to mo
it was beautiful. Fain would I have
swept away the snows that gathered a
round his hoary temples ; but he suffer
ed me .tot, and stretched himself out lo die.
By his side I knelt, and said, ‘O depart
ing Year! I behold a scroll folded beneath
thy mantle. What witnessshull it bear of
me at the judgment!’
Low and solemn were his last tones.—
‘Ask me not. '1 hou shalt know when the
books ate opened, and the dead,small and
great, stand before God.’
The midnight clock struck. And I cov
ered my face, and mourned for his death
who had once been my friend. 1 remem
ber with pain how oft I had slighted his
warnings and the opertunities he had giv
en me of doing good, and had cast aw ay
the wealth of time, that priceless boon
from the. Eternal.
Metliought from the flying lips came a
feeble sigh, ‘Farewell— farewell.’ Then a
passion of weeping fell upon me. And
when again 1 lifted up my head, lo ! the
New-Year stood in the place of the de
parted.
Smiling, he greeted me with good wish
es and words of cheer, while around me
lay many bright tokens of friendship and
of love. But 1 was afraid. For to me he
was a stranger; and when I would have
returned his welcome, my lips trembled
and were silent.
Then he said, ‘Fear not. I come unto
thee from the Giver of every good and
perfect gift.
‘New Year, whither wilt thou lead me !
Art thou appointed to bring me joy or sor
row, life or death V
He replied, ‘1 know not. Neither doth
the angel nearest the throne know. Only
him who sittetli thereon. Give me thy
hand, and question not. Enough for thee,
that 1 accomplish his will. Make that
will thine own, and thou shalt wear an an
gel’s smile even here below.
‘I promise thee nothing. Be content to
follow me. Take, with a prayer for wis
dom, this winged moment. The next
may not be mine to give. Yet, if we
walk onward together, forget not that thou
ait a pilgrim from eternity.
‘lf 1 bring thee the cup ofjoy, be thank
ful, and pitiful to those who mourn ; and
let men he unto thee as brethren. If the
dregs of bitterness cleave unto thy lip,
be not too eager to receive comfcit, lest
thou betray the weakness of thy faith.
God’s perfected discipline givetli wisdom.
There fore count them happy who endure.
‘When morn breaketh in the east, gird
thyself for thy duties with a song of thanks
giving. For God is near to those who
when night putteth on her coronet of stars
kneel and ask that the day’s sins mar be
forgiven thee.
‘So, when I bare no longer any dav or
nights to give thee, and must myself die,
thou shall bless me as a friend, and a help
er on the road to heaven.’
