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THE
SMBaarars
H'lil published evert) SJtTVRDA Y Morning,
It the Tiro-Story Wooden Building, at the
Corner of Walnut and Fifth Street,
II THE CITY OF MACON, GA.
By WM. B. IIAICKISO.W
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UySales of Land by Administrators,Executors '
orduardians, are required by Law, to be held on
the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours
cf ten o’clock in the Forenoon and three in the;
Afternoon, at the Court House of the county in
which the Property is situate. Notice of these
Sales must be given in a public gazette Sixty Days
previous to the day of sale.
ITSalcs of Negroes by Administators, Execu
tors or Guardians, must be at Public Auction, on
the first Tuesday in the month,between the legal
hours of sale, before the Court House of the county
where the LettersTestamentary.or Administration
or Guardianship may have been granted, first giv
ing notice thereof for Sixty Days, in one of the
public gazettes of this State, and at the door of
the Court House where such sales are to be held.
Notice for the sale of Personal Property
must be given in like manner Forty Days pre
vious to the day of sale.
to the Debtors and Creditorsolan es
tate must be published for Forty Days.
that application will be made to the
Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Ne
groes must be published in a public gazette in the
jtitte for Four Months, before any order absolute
can be given by the Court.
Qj'Citations for Letters of Administration on
aa Estate, granted by the Court of Ordinary, must
bo published Thirty Days for Letters of Distnis
noil IIUUI lilt auumiiaiiniiiiu <>i an r.SHie,i.iOß,,i V
for Six Months —for Dismissiou from Guardian
ship Forty Days.
jj*ltules for the foreclosure of a Mortgage,
must be published monthly for Four Months—
f>r establishing lost Papers, for the full space of
Uret Months —for compelling Titles from Ex
ecutors, Administrators or others, where a Bond
has been given by the deceased, the full space of
Three Months.
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Advertisements are published according to Law.
gj’AII Letters directed to this Office or the
Editor on business, must be post-paid, to in
sure attention.
political.
Air. Clay’s Resolutions.
Mr. Cl.ay read the following resolutions in
the Senate of the United States on the 211th ult
accompanying each with remarks.
It being desirable, for the peace anij harmony
of the Union of the United Stales, to settle und
mljiist amicably all existing questions of contro
versy between them, rising out of the institu
tion of slavery, upon a fair, equitable and just
basis, therefore
Itrsolrcd, That California with suitable boun
daries, ought, upon her application, to be admit
ted as one of tho Slates of this Union, without
the imposition by Congress of any restriction in
rrspcci to the exclusion or introduction ot slave
ry.
Itrsolred, That, as slavery docs not exist by
law, and is not likely to be introduced into any
nf the Territory acquired by the United States
from the Republic of Mexico, it is inexpedient
fur Congress to provide by law, either for itsin
troilurtion into, or its oxrlusion from, any part
nf the said territory; and that appropriate Ter
ritorial governments ought to be established by
Congress in all of the said Territory not assign
ed as the boundaries of the proposed State of
California, without the adoption of any restric
tion or condition on the subject of slavery.
Ilcfoltrd, That the Western boundary of the
State of Texas ought to be fixed on tbe Rio Del
Norte,commencing one marine league from its
mouth, and running up that river to the Southern
line of New Mexico; thence, with that line,
Lastivardly ; and so continuing in the same di
rection, to the line as established between the
Cnilcd Stales and Spain, excluding any portion
(f Now Mexico, whether lying on tho East or
West of that river.
Resolved, That it be proposed to the State of
Texas, that tho United States will provide for
tbe payment of all that portion of the legitimate
and bona fide public debt of that State contracted
prior to its annexation to the United States, and
l«r which the duties on foreign imports were
pledged, by tbe said State, to its creditors, not
exceeding tbe sum of § , in consideration of
tbe said duties, so pledged, having been no lon
ger applicable to that object after the said an
nexation, but having thenceforward become pay
able to tho United Stales; and upon tbe condi
tion, also, that tho said State of Texas shall, by
some solemn and authentic act of her Legisla
ture or of a Convention, relinquish to the Uni
ted States any claim which it has to any part of
New Mexico.
Resolved, That it is inexpedient to abolish
slavery in the District of Columbia, whilst that
institution continues to exist in the Stato of
Maryland, without the consent of that State,
without the consent of tho people of tho Dis
trict, and without just compensation to the
owners o( slaves within the District.
But resolved. That it is expedient to prohibit,
within the District, the slave trade in slaves
brought into it from States or places beyond the
limits of the District, cither to lie sold therein as
merchandise, or to be transported to other mar
kets without the District ot Columbia.
Resolved, That more effectual provision ought
to bp made by law, according to tlie requirement
tho Constitution, for the restitution and do
ll' fry of persons bound to service or labor in
* n J State, who may escape into any other Stato
or territory in the Union.
Resolved, That Congress lias no power to pro.
bibit or obstruct the trade ill slaves between the
slaveholding States; but that the admission or
exclusion of slaves brought from one into
anetiier of them depends exclusively upon iltcir
ow n particular laws.
As to the first resolution : It was ac
knowledged by all that there had been
snme irregularity in the movements adop
r,';i in California, resulting in the formation
a constitution, and the application on
(j ( ’ r part for admission into this Union as a
otate. The courso pursued was admitted
to he irregular. It was not preceded by
an y act of Congress defining her bounda-
r "‘ s ’ as was the usual practice heretofore.
•Michigan was the first State which, with
•at being authorized by att act nf Congress,
j' r med a constitution and knocked at the
' ant's of Congress for admission into the
"ion. lie had opposed that departure
1,11,1 thc'uaiul practice, hut the majority
THE SOUTHERN TRIBUNE.
NE W SERIES —VOLUME I [.
had decided otherwise ; but it must be ac
knowledged that there was far greater
reason for the course pursued hv Califor
nia, than there was for Michigan to do
what she had done. Happily the event of
Michigan’s admission into the Union had
proved highly advantageous; she was now
a bright star in the constellation, and she
has sent here to mingle in our councils
Senators of great ability, and one particu
larly of the most distinguished character,
and with whom they all might associate
with pride and satisfaction.
If California be admitted, too, even with
these inegularties, like Michigan, she too
may send here Senators actuated by pat
riotism and a desire to promote the good
interests of the country. The resolution
provides for her admission into the Union,
and forms a part of the general plan he
had prepared for the settlement of the dif
ficul ies now existing.
The second resolution contains two
truths, or.e of law and the other of fact.
The truth of law is, that there does not
exist, at this time, slavery in any portion
of the territories acquired from* Mexico.
This truth was the conviction of his own
deliberations; he was aware that there
were other Senators who entertained dif
ferent ground; but when those Senators
have considered the question more fully,
they will perhaps change their opinions.
It they should still hold to their opinion,
he thought it likely they would find them
selves in a small minority. The next
truth stated in the resolution was one of
fact. It was, that slavety was not likely
ever to exist in the Territories acquired
trom Mexico. It was one evident to all
Senators. From all he had heard ; from
all that had been stated by the witnesses
of affairs there ; ftom all that had trans
pired, and all that would transpire, he was
satisfied that slavery would never exist
on one single foot of that territory, not
even if established there by law. Facts
are of importance to the consideration of
this subject. He asked Senators, and par
ticularly those from the ftee States, to
pause snd'consider well upon w hat had
occurred since they had met in the Capi
tol—what had occurred since they had
left their homes and their constituents.—
It had been repeatedly declared thatsluve
ry would never be allowed in California;
and California has, in convention, by an
unanimous vote, and in convention where
some of the members were slaveholders,
or from slaveholding States—from Mis- j
eissippi.and perhaps other Southern States j
—declared against slavery, and forever ex
cludrng it from their limits. From all this
he was, he thought, warauted in stating
in the resolution, as a truth, that slavery
was not likely to exist in any portion of the
territory acquired from Mexico.
The latter part of the resolution asserts
to be the duty of Congress to established
territorial governments for the Territories
not included in the limits of California,
and that no provision should he made
either for the prohibition or admission of
slavery in those Territories.
Much as he was disposed at all times to
refer to high authotity, and anxious to find
himselfin position to act in harmony with
other branches of tlie Government, he
could not consent to any dereliction of his
duty towards the Territories by abandi ning
them, and leaving them exposed to all the
dangers of anarchy,when it was possible to
prevent it. It was the duty of Congress
to legislate for the Territories, and ex
tend to them the benefits and protection of
a government and laws.
The third and fourth resolutions should
be read and considered together. It was
not his intention then, nor perhaps at any
time, to enter into an examination of the
question contained in these resolutions.—
It was a very complex and somewhat diffi
cult subject to go into the question of what
are the true limits of Texas. His own
opinion was, that Texas has not a good
title to a portion of the territory called New
Mexico. Yet, while holding this opinion,
he was free to admit, that looking at the
grounds stated as the foundation of
that title, first at the law of 1536 passed
by Texas, then the treaty concluded with
Santa Anna, and what has transpired be- j
tween the commissioners who treated with
Mexico, and the fact that all the country |
has been 6ince given up to the United |
States by Mexico and without giving to j
these facts all the weights and importance
attached to them by gentlemen, there was
established a plau-iblc show of a claim,
hut not a good title.
Without now going into the inquiry
whether tho Nueces or the Del Norte is
or was the true boundry of Texas, he had
proposed by his resolution, to fix that
boundary at a short distance from the
mouth of the Rio del Norte, and running
along that river to the line of New Mexi
co Easf.vatdly to the old line established
by the United States and Spain. She
would then be a country large enough,
when peopled to make three or four
States.
The other resolution makes a proposi
tion to Texas. It proposes that tbe United
States will provide for tho payment of all
lhal portion of her debts which have been
secured by a pledge—made when Texas
was a republic and competent to make
such a pledge—of the duties arising from
her foreign imports. How much that debt
was, he could not, with all his efforts as
certain ; hut it made hut little difference.
It was tho ptincip'c. lie proposed to estab
lish, and in the assertion of a principle the
MACON, (GA..) SATURDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 9, 1850.
amount was not necessary. The ground
on which he proposed that the United
States should assume this debt was one
which he had more than once advocated,
as founded on the principles of truth and
justice.
j . 1 exas was a free and independent rra
i tion ;as such she had invited the world
to make loans to her to enable her to proso
. cute the war then existing between her
j ar, d Mexico, and she told all those whom
she had invited to make this loan that she
will sacredly pledge the duties on her im
ports to the payment of that loan. The
money is lent, and it is expended in her
war for independence. Afterwards she
annexes herself to the United Slates, and
j the thing pledged to pay her debts be
j comes the property of the United States ;
and the fund pledged to the payment of
her debt is now turned into the vaults of
the Treasury of the United States. Now,
' he thought, that by all the principles of
, honor and justice known amongst men,
j the United States, the recipients of this
- pledge, should pay the debts due to the
I creditors, at least as far as the tiling pledg-,
j vvould go to that object. There were
three parties to the affair—Texas, the
creditor, and the United States; and the
United States could not do anything to
the prejudice or wrong of third parties.
How much of that debt would uotv ex
let IClEla C..-.. 1 l._ J 1 .
•“* •* *••••» *'*u>a uciu mu Keen trans
ferred to the United States, is uncertain.
I he trade to Galveston and the other ports
of 1 exas was now principally in the
| hands of coasting vessels, and instead of
I receivins imports from Europe, the goods
were sent there from the other States of
| tho Union. I3ut it is certain that if Tex
as had not become a State of this Union,
j the duties on her imports would in a few
years have been sufficient to pay her debt,
j 1 his proposal was made another condi
j tion that Texas should relinquish any claim
| to any portion of the Terriory called New
l Mexico. Now, she had no valid title to
any portion of that ’territory, but merely
a claim ; and with a general desire to have
harmony and peace, she and the United
States might do, as is done by individuals,
compromise, and the United States pay
something even for a disputed claim for
the sake of peace.
The fifth and sixth resolutions, like the
third and fourth, had some connexion, and
should be considered together. The fifth
asserted substantially no other principle
than what was asserted by a resolution of
his submitted in the Senate twelve years
ago, and then passed by a majority of neat
ly four-fifths of the Senate. That resolu
tion was passed in 1838, and required that
the abolition of slavery in this District
should not l>e done except with the assent
of Maryland, the assent of the people of
the District, and upon a full compensation
to the owners of the slaves.
The sixth resolution is, that the slave
trade should he abolished or prohibited in
the District. It was not that the aliena
tion or transfer of slaves between the in
habitants or between neighbor and neigh
bor should be prohibited, nor that the
rights of property among the residents of
the District should bo affected. But the
slave trade, pronounced to be an abomin
able traffic more than forty years ago by a
distinguished son ofVirginia, Mr. Randolph
should be broken up at least in this Dis
trict. Ii was a mistake on the part of gen
tlemen from the North if they supposed
that the regular traders in slaves are look
ed upon with particular favor at the South
On the contrary, they were sometimes un
justly excluded from social intercourse on
account of the odium attaching to their
business.
There was no reason why the trade
should be allowed to exist here any lon
ger. There was, if it was desired to have
a large number of slaves together for sale,
Alexandria, Petersburg, Richmond, An
napolis, and Norfolk, and let them be car
ried there ; let the trader go there and es
tablish his jails and his prisons, and not in
this place, the capital of tho nation ; where
too often are shocked the feelings of gen
tlemen, by seeing slaves in chains, and in
long trains, driven down the Avenue, from
tho Capitol to that house where resides
the President of a free republic. He
spoke the sentiments of many Southern
men when he declared the slave trade,
now cat red on iu this city, to be abomina
ble.
The object and purpott of the seventh
resolution had been made plain and oh-;
vious by the debate already had upon the i
bill before the Senate. It was obvious, al
so, that no legislation is necessary, nor was !
it intended that any shouldfollowlheeighth I
resolution. It established a truth sustain- j
ed by law, and would meet with a general
acquiescence.
He had thought that a resort to the old \
custom ofour American and English an
cestors, of an occasional declaration of
great fundamental principles, would be !
the best plan to pursue, and the Senate j
now had before them that plan of settling
the great difficulties existing.
How far it might prove acceptable to !
the two parties to this question, it was not!
for him to say. It should be acceptable to j
both. There was in tbe acceptance of it
no sacrifice of principle by either. It was j
founded on mutual forbearance, and ori-1
ginating in mutual concession and concilia-1
tion.
At the Norih he knew there was a deep ‘
opposition to slavery, an opposition dicta-1
ted by the feelings of the purest humanity .
and philanthropy. But while he believed
there was, in these resolutions, about an
equal amount of conscssion, lie thought he
might have asked more from the North,
in the way of concession, than from the
South. With the gentlemen from the free
States, what was this subject but an ab
straction ? An ahs'raction, it was true,
based upon the principles of humanity and
philanthropy, noble when not dictated or,
used lor party ends and party purposes.
I he was also numerically greater
than the slaves Slates, and greatness of
power and magnanimity should ever go to
gether. On the part of the North, the
opposiii n to slavery was a sentiment of
philanthropy and humanity; and, when
sentiments ot that kind a>e entertained
with the wish and disposition to make
sacrifices to enforce them, they are truly
nuhlc. But, when the sacrifises are not
to be made by you of the North, but by
those who cannot sympathize with you,
it is nft so. On the one side, it is a sen
timeht without any sacrifice or danger or
loss; on the other, there must be a vast
and incalculable sacrifice of property —
without you of the North being burdened
with any portion of it—a sacrifice of all
the social relations of property, of life,
and of every tiling dear.
Look at the storin now raging—upon whom
does its fury fall ? You of the North are safely
housed, and feel none ofits force, but at the South
how different Look at that dwelling-house
wrapt in flames; rafter after rafter crackling,
breaking, falling; look at those women ond chil
dren rushing wildly through the flames, shriek
ing, in their calamities, for help from Heaven.
Is this in the free States? No; but in the
slave States, and produced not intentionally, but
by the measures introduced by you, and carried
further than you had any intention they should
proceed : On the one side there was sentiment,
sentiment, and sentiment alone. On the other,
property, life, and the whole social fabric, likely
to be involved in ruin.
He then moved that tbe resolutions he made
t hc especial order of the day for Tiiesdnys;h Feb.
North Carolina. —Southern Rights —
A large and respectable meeting of the
citizens of Duplin county, Norih Carolina,
without respect to party, assembled on the
22d ult. Several sterling southern men ad
dresed the meeting, and the preamble and
resolutions offered were unanimously a
dopted.
We have room only fur the following,
which exhibited the feeling and sentiment
of the meeting—
2d. Resolved, That the lethargy which
has prevailed among our people must be
shaken off, and the evils and the dangers
threatening the safety of our homes and
property must be stared in the face.
4th. Resolved, That under all the cir
cumstances there is a manifest expediency
nr calling together tho strong and abie
men of the South in Convention, to delib
erate o.i the proper course to be pursued.
sth. Resolved, 1 hat we approve a South
ern Convention, to ba held at Nashville,
Tennessee, on the first Monday of June
next; and that we recommend to the other
counties of this Congressional District to
hold primary meetings and appoint dele
gates to a District Convention, to be held
in Wilmington, on the first Monday of
March next, the duty of which Convention
shall he to appoint delegetes to the South
ern Convention—and we hereby pledge
ourselves to support the measures of said
Southern Convention.
7th. Resolved, That whatever may hap
pen, the South must stand together at all
times; That all who are not boldly for us
are against us ; That self preservation is
the brightest law of nature, and that we
ought to prepare ourselves for any emer
gency.
The Wilmington (N. C.) Commercial,
of tho 26th ult. says “From the proceed
ings in Duplin, and olher movements now
iu operation, it will be seen that thc sub
ject of the Nashville Convention is be
ginning to attract attention throughout the
Slate.”
Assaying Metals. —The assaying is
the most curious and scientific of all the
business in mint. The melters take the
gold dust, melt it, and cast it into a bar,
when it is weighed accurately, and a piece
is cut offfor the assayer. He takes it melts
it with twee its weight ofsilver, and several
times its weight of lead. It is melted in
small cups made of bone ashes, which
absorbs all tbe lead ; a large part of silver
is extracted by another process, and the
sample is then rolled out a thin shaving,
coiled up, and put in a sort of glass vjal
called a rnatricc, with some nitric acid.—
The matrices are in a furnace, and the
acid is boiled some time, poured off, and
anew supply put in and boiled again.—
This is done several times, till the acid
had extracted all tbe silver and other min
eral substances, leaving the sample of
pure gold. The sample is then weighed
before assaying and after tbe true value is
found. All the silver, over and above
five penny weights for each lot, is paid for
by the mint at its true value. The gold,
after it has been assayed, is melted, re
fined, and, being mixed with its due pro
portion of alloy, is draw n into long strips,
(not unlike an iron hoop for a cask,) the
round pieces cut out with a sort of punch,
each piece weighed and brought to right
size, and put into a stamping press,
whence it comes forth a perfect coin.
From the Southern Sentinel.
Ciencral Cass.
In a preceding column will be found a
synopsis of tho speech recently delivered
in the Senate by this eminent statesman,
on the great question of the day. If we
had space enough we would gladly spread
it entire before our readers. It is inter
esting as a specimen of the ablest forensic
eloquence; it is more interesting, as the
exposition of the views, entertained by
one ot our most profound statesmen, on
thc gravest question which has ever been
raised in our legislative halls; but it is
more thrillingly interesting still, when re
garded as the mighty effort of that patriot
to save his country from the desolation
which he knows to threaten its existence.
Whatever may have been said of Mr.
Cass, amid the unthinking excitement of
party warfare, no one has ever yet denied
him aplacc among the Hist men of Ameri
ca; whatever may have been thought of
him by those maddened with the fumes of
faction, no one will now, question his pat
riotism. We wish every Democrat to
read this speech, that he may have the
happy satisfaction, of being again assured,
of the integrity of his standard bearer in
the recent political struggle; we wish
every Whig to read it, that ho may be con
vinced of the injustice with which he has
assailed this friend of the South ; wc- hope
every Southern man will read it, that his
heart may be cheered with the reflection,
that there is at least one man at the North,
whose patriotism extends beyond the
limits of his section, whose soul is large
enough to embrace his entire country; we
hope every Northern man will read it,
that he may learn from one, identified with
thc North, to appreciate the lights of the
South; we wish every American may rend
it, that his heart may yet swell, with hope
for his country.
Gen. Cass takes the unequivocal position
that Congress has no authority under the
Constitution, to legislate on the subject of
slavery in the territories. He denies not
only the Constitutionality, but the expedi
ency of the Wilmot Proviso. He adverts
to the fact that he has been instructed by
the Michigan Legislature, to vote for the
Wilmot Proviso, and recognizes the right
of the Legislature to instruct him, but de
clares that he can no more disregard his
conscientious obligations, than lie can
those which he owes to his State, and that
when the lime comes to act upon the ques
tion, he shall resign his seat, rather than
viola’e either. His position is a proud
one; one that must command thc respect
of all, friends as well as opponents. It
is just tire position we had assigned him,
in fact the only one consistent with his
sentiments during the campaign, and al
though in thisspeech, lie has done no more
tiian we believed he would do, yet we
publish his views, proud of the reflection
lhal we have found him to be all that our
partiality had represented him. We can
not dismiss this subject, without painfully
reflecting upon the singularity of Gen.
Cass’ position, as a Northern man, on this
subject, lie stands out almost alone, like
some tall promontory to which the eye of
the almost forlorn mariner, may yet turn
in hope, amid Ihe raging of the elements
around him. Besides him, there are pre
haps two Senators from the North, to
whom we may look for a recognition of
Southern rights. Mr. Dickinson of New
York, and Mr. Douglass of Illinois, have
proved themselves superior to the pro
scriptive spirit of Northern fanaticism,
and friends of the South in this crusade
against her rights. But it is to Mr. Cass,
that we are to look mainly, to stay this fell
spirit of invasion ; he it is, who is to pre
serve the beautiful fabiic of this Govern
ment, when the violent hand of the spoil
er shall commence its work of desolation.
We dislike exceedingly to mingle in
matters of this sort, any considerations of
party. The question is above party, and
can only be brought to a successful ter
mination when party distinctions shall
have been forgotten ; but we can not be
insensible to convictions, which are every
day forced upon us, in spite of our disin
clination to adopt them. The inquiry is
as natural as it is painful, where is the
Northern Whig who has ever stood by the
side of the South, the cause of justice, the
cause of the Union, in this section issue ?
Where are the Whig Senators who are
willing to aid Mr. Cass and Mr. Dickin
son atul Mr. Douglass in their efforts to
arrest the flood of fanaticism ? Were is
the Whig Norih of Maryland who has
ever dreamed that the South had any
rights? Echo answers, where ? Certain
it is, that such an otic is not to be found in
the halls of Congress. We lament llicse
parly discriminations in a matter, where
there ought to be no party. They do ex
ist, however, and justice demands they
should be accorded.
The last Speech or Mrs. Parting
ton. —"Fifty-two Sons of Temperance,”
exclaimed the old lady " and twenty-five
Daughters too! Why bless me, how
many children has aunt Tempy got! And
I hear some talk about Cadets of Tcm
perance—what sort of debts are them ?
But no wonder she owes debts when she
has so many children to maintain how 1
pity the old crittur.” And the old lady
pulled her spectacles and »wu on her nose and
returned to her knitting.
BOOK AND JOB PRINTING,
II ill be executed in thc most approved,
and on the best terms, at the Office of the.
SCTJTEEB.IT tpjbtjue,
—BY—
WM. B. HARRISON.
NUMBER 5.
From the Cherol.ee Advocate.
Senatorial Districts.
The action of the present l egislature,
in reforming the Senatorial Districts, has
produced the greatest dissatisfaction
among the politicians, arid office seekers
ot the parly now in the minority. It
would seem from the outcry made, that
such a thing had never happened before.
Yet it lias never been denied, that thc ma
jority in the Legislature of 1813, so ar
ranged the Senatorial Districts, as to give
themselves about thirty out of the fortv
seven Senators. Ilovv this was done is no
mystery. For example, Walton cour.tv
with a large Democratic majority adjoins
Newtonand Clarke. If attached to New
ton, the district would send a Whig Sena
tor, but it to Clarke, the chances would be
against such a result. The Whigs having
the ascendency in 1813, chose to attach it
to Newton. Tbe Democrats now having
the power, chose to throw Clarke and
Walton together. Again Jackson was at
tached to Clarke by the Legislature of
1843, for no earthly reason, except, that iu
the two counties taken together, the ma
jority was such as to make the election of
a Whig Senator almost certain. Why
should the Democratic parly be blamed
for doing the same thing in connecting
Clarke and Walton in one district now l
Again, Franklin county with a Democrat
ic majority of several hundred votes,
might have been put with Madison or
Elbert. Why was it joined with Elbert,
except that the districts might bo mndo
to send a Whig Senator! Had this ger
rymandering been restricted within tho
bounds of moderation bad the party in
power shown any thing like liberality, or
even justice to their opponents, no change
would have been deemed necessaty by
the present Legislature. But sweeping
the board as they did, —taking to them
selves thirty Senators, and leaving to tho
Democratic party only seventeen, they
now show great inconsistency in railing
against conduct in political opponents
which is really but rectifying thc wrong
which they committed, and in thc worst
construction that they can placoupon it, is
what was done by the Whig party when in
power. As it has been forcibly expressed
by the Constitutionals! they should not
make such wry faces at being forced to
take their own physic, with which they
had so liberally dosed others when they
were iu the ascendency.
New Cotton Press.— Mr. Tyler has
recently put up a press for the “Ship
Cotton Press Company,” Anson-6trcet,
which for power anil celerity of operation,
is believed to be superior to any other in
the United States. The frame is of the
most massive character, and apparently as
strong as wood and iron can make it.
The cylinder is foriy-eiglit inches in diam
eter, und the force upon thc piston is
equal to 350,000 lbs., and this, multiplied
by the progressive action of ilie levers six
times, affords a pressure of one thousand
tons upon tho bale of cotton. While we
were present, the press was turning out at
the rate of seventy bales per hour, and
one which was measured as it ca-me from
iho plateau, gave 34 lbs. to the cubic foot.
This was done with one half the power
of the machine, as there was only a pres
sure of 70 lbs. of steam to the square
inch, whereas it is intended to work safely
with 150 lbs. It is known that shipmas
ters are perfectly satified with 20 lbs. to
the cubic foot.
Mr. Tyler’s presses, by their admirable
comb.nation of all tho requisies for tbe
purpose to which they are applied— sim
plicity of arrangement, great power, and
the celerity, safety and great economy
with which they operate—arc rapidly su
perseding all others, and within the last
twelve months he has constructed thirty in
different portions of the South. In this,
his last, he has combined ell the improve
ments which experience has suggested,
and has given it 50 per cent, more power,
and 100 percent, more strength, than any
previously constructed. The public spiri
ted proprietors made no restriction as to
expense, and the result is a press which
Mr. Tyler regards as his master-piece,
and of which be ami they may be justly
proud.— Charleston Mercury.
Music of Old.— Tbe ancient Egyptian
flute was only a cow’s horn with three or
four holes iti it. and their harp or lvre had
only three strings; the Jewish trumpets
that made tho walls of Jericho fall down,
were only ram’s horns; the psaltry was a
small triangular harp or lyre with wire
strings, and struck with uu iron needle or
stick ; their sackbut resembled the zagg
used at Malta in the present day—a species
of bagpipe; the timbrel was a tambourine,
and li e i u eimer a horizontal harp w ith
wire sitings, and struck with a stick like a
psaltery—such as aie seen about thesticcU
of London at the present day. Imagine
tbe discoid produced by two hundred thou
sand of Mjclt instruments while playing at
the dedication of Solomon’s Temple.
Mexico. —We talk about Mexico a*
being a poor country, and yet the reven
ue of the established church is $250,000,-
000 per anum, But then it a’l goes to
pamper a lazy, and ignorant priesthood,
while the people wallow in the depths of
poverty and superstition. Such Christiani
ty is most emphatically “aftilvre. ’
