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About The Southern tribune. (Macon, Ga.) 1850-1851 | View Entire Issue (Feb. 9, 1850)
THE SMBaarars H'lil published evert) SJtTVRDA Y Morning, It the Tiro-Story Wooden Building, at the Corner of Walnut and Fifth Street, II THE CITY OF MACON, GA. By WM. B. IIAICKISO.W TERMS: For tho Paper, in advance, per annum, *». if not paid in advance, $3 00, per annum. | jJ»Advertiaements will be inserted at the usual j rates— and when the number of insertions de sired i> not specified, they will be continued un- . »}/ /brbid and charged accordingly, j7Advertiscrs by the Year will be contracted with npon the most favorable terms. UySales of Land by Administrators,Executors ' orduardians, are required by Law, to be held on the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours cf ten o’clock in the Forenoon and three in the; Afternoon, at the Court House of the county in which the Property is situate. Notice of these Sales must be given in a public gazette Sixty Days previous to the day of sale. ITSalcs of Negroes by Administators, Execu tors or Guardians, must be at Public Auction, on the first Tuesday in the month,between the legal hours of sale, before the Court House of the county where the LettersTestamentary.or Administration or Guardianship may have been granted, first giv ing notice thereof for Sixty Days, in one of the public gazettes of this State, and at the door of the Court House where such sales are to be held. Notice for the sale of Personal Property must be given in like manner Forty Days pre vious to the day of sale. to the Debtors and Creditorsolan es tate must be published for Forty Days. that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Ne groes must be published in a public gazette in the jtitte for Four Months, before any order absolute can be given by the Court. Qj'Citations for Letters of Administration on aa Estate, granted by the Court of Ordinary, must bo published Thirty Days for Letters of Distnis noil IIUUI lilt auumiiaiiniiiiu <>i an r.SHie,i.iOß,,i V for Six Months —for Dismissiou from Guardian ship Forty Days. jj*ltules for the foreclosure of a Mortgage, must be published monthly for Four Months— f>r establishing lost Papers, for the full space of Uret Months —for compelling Titles from Ex ecutors, Administrators or others, where a Bond has been given by the deceased, the full space of Three Months. N. B. All Business of this kind shall receive prompt attontionat the SuUTHFR.X TRIRUA'E Office, and strict care will be taken that all legal ' Advertisements are published according to Law. gj’AII Letters directed to this Office or the Editor on business, must be post-paid, to in sure attention. political. Air. Clay’s Resolutions. Mr. Cl.ay read the following resolutions in the Senate of the United States on the 211th ult accompanying each with remarks. It being desirable, for the peace anij harmony of the Union of the United Stales, to settle und mljiist amicably all existing questions of contro versy between them, rising out of the institu tion of slavery, upon a fair, equitable and just basis, therefore Itrsolrcd, That California with suitable boun daries, ought, upon her application, to be admit ted as one of tho Slates of this Union, without the imposition by Congress of any restriction in rrspcci to the exclusion or introduction ot slave ry. Itrsolred, That, as slavery docs not exist by law, and is not likely to be introduced into any nf the Territory acquired by the United States from the Republic of Mexico, it is inexpedient fur Congress to provide by law, either for itsin troilurtion into, or its oxrlusion from, any part nf the said territory; and that appropriate Ter ritorial governments ought to be established by Congress in all of the said Territory not assign ed as the boundaries of the proposed State of California, without the adoption of any restric tion or condition on the subject of slavery. Ilcfoltrd, That the Western boundary of the State of Texas ought to be fixed on tbe Rio Del Norte,commencing one marine league from its mouth, and running up that river to the Southern line of New Mexico; thence, with that line, Lastivardly ; and so continuing in the same di rection, to the line as established between the Cnilcd Stales and Spain, excluding any portion (f Now Mexico, whether lying on tho East or West of that river. Resolved, That it be proposed to the State of Texas, that tho United States will provide for tbe payment of all that portion of the legitimate and bona fide public debt of that State contracted prior to its annexation to the United States, and l«r which the duties on foreign imports were pledged, by tbe said State, to its creditors, not exceeding tbe sum of § , in consideration of tbe said duties, so pledged, having been no lon ger applicable to that object after the said an nexation, but having thenceforward become pay able to tho United Stales; and upon tbe condi tion, also, that tho said State of Texas shall, by some solemn and authentic act of her Legisla ture or of a Convention, relinquish to the Uni ted States any claim which it has to any part of New Mexico. Resolved, That it is inexpedient to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, whilst that institution continues to exist in the Stato of Maryland, without the consent of that State, without the consent of tho people of tho Dis trict, and without just compensation to the owners o( slaves within the District. But resolved. That it is expedient to prohibit, within the District, the slave trade in slaves brought into it from States or places beyond the limits of the District, cither to lie sold therein as merchandise, or to be transported to other mar kets without the District ot Columbia. Resolved, That more effectual provision ought to bp made by law, according to tlie requirement tho Constitution, for the restitution and do ll' fry of persons bound to service or labor in * n J State, who may escape into any other Stato or territory in the Union. Resolved, That Congress lias no power to pro. bibit or obstruct the trade ill slaves between the slaveholding States; but that the admission or exclusion of slaves brought from one into anetiier of them depends exclusively upon iltcir ow n particular laws. As to the first resolution : It was ac knowledged by all that there had been snme irregularity in the movements adop r,';i in California, resulting in the formation a constitution, and the application on (j ( ’ r part for admission into this Union as a otate. The courso pursued was admitted to he irregular. It was not preceded by an y act of Congress defining her bounda- r "‘ s ’ as was the usual practice heretofore. •Michigan was the first State which, with •at being authorized by att act nf Congress, j' r med a constitution and knocked at the ' ant's of Congress for admission into the "ion. lie had opposed that departure 1,11,1 thc'uaiul practice, hut the majority THE SOUTHERN TRIBUNE. NE W SERIES —VOLUME I [. had decided otherwise ; but it must be ac knowledged that there was far greater reason for the course pursued hv Califor nia, than there was for Michigan to do what she had done. Happily the event of Michigan’s admission into the Union had proved highly advantageous; she was now a bright star in the constellation, and she has sent here to mingle in our councils Senators of great ability, and one particu larly of the most distinguished character, and with whom they all might associate with pride and satisfaction. If California be admitted, too, even with these inegularties, like Michigan, she too may send here Senators actuated by pat riotism and a desire to promote the good interests of the country. The resolution provides for her admission into the Union, and forms a part of the general plan he had prepared for the settlement of the dif ficul ies now existing. The second resolution contains two truths, or.e of law and the other of fact. The truth of law is, that there does not exist, at this time, slavery in any portion of the territories acquired from* Mexico. This truth was the conviction of his own deliberations; he was aware that there were other Senators who entertained dif ferent ground; but when those Senators have considered the question more fully, they will perhaps change their opinions. It they should still hold to their opinion, he thought it likely they would find them selves in a small minority. The next truth stated in the resolution was one of fact. It was, that slavety was not likely ever to exist in the Territories acquired trom Mexico. It was one evident to all Senators. From all he had heard ; from all that had been stated by the witnesses of affairs there ; ftom all that had trans pired, and all that would transpire, he was satisfied that slavery would never exist on one single foot of that territory, not even if established there by law. Facts are of importance to the consideration of this subject. He asked Senators, and par ticularly those from the ftee States, to pause snd'consider well upon w hat had occurred since they had met in the Capi tol—what had occurred since they had left their homes and their constituents.— It had been repeatedly declared thatsluve ry would never be allowed in California; and California has, in convention, by an unanimous vote, and in convention where some of the members were slaveholders, or from slaveholding States—from Mis- j eissippi.and perhaps other Southern States j —declared against slavery, and forever ex cludrng it from their limits. From all this he was, he thought, warauted in stating in the resolution, as a truth, that slavery was not likely to exist in any portion of the territory acquired from Mexico. The latter part of the resolution asserts to be the duty of Congress to established territorial governments for the Territories not included in the limits of California, and that no provision should he made either for the prohibition or admission of slavery in those Territories. Much as he was disposed at all times to refer to high authotity, and anxious to find himselfin position to act in harmony with other branches of tlie Government, he could not consent to any dereliction of his duty towards the Territories by abandi ning them, and leaving them exposed to all the dangers of anarchy,when it was possible to prevent it. It was the duty of Congress to legislate for the Territories, and ex tend to them the benefits and protection of a government and laws. The third and fourth resolutions should be read and considered together. It was not his intention then, nor perhaps at any time, to enter into an examination of the question contained in these resolutions.— It was a very complex and somewhat diffi cult subject to go into the question of what are the true limits of Texas. His own opinion was, that Texas has not a good title to a portion of the territory called New Mexico. Yet, while holding this opinion, he was free to admit, that looking at the grounds stated as the foundation of that title, first at the law of 1536 passed by Texas, then the treaty concluded with Santa Anna, and what has transpired be- j tween the commissioners who treated with Mexico, and the fact that all the country | has been 6ince given up to the United | States by Mexico and without giving to j these facts all the weights and importance attached to them by gentlemen, there was established a plau-iblc show of a claim, hut not a good title. Without now going into the inquiry whether tho Nueces or the Del Norte is or was the true boundry of Texas, he had proposed by his resolution, to fix that boundary at a short distance from the mouth of the Rio del Norte, and running along that river to the line of New Mexi co Easf.vatdly to the old line established by the United States and Spain. She would then be a country large enough, when peopled to make three or four States. The other resolution makes a proposi tion to Texas. It proposes that tbe United States will provide for tho payment of all lhal portion of her debts which have been secured by a pledge—made when Texas was a republic and competent to make such a pledge—of the duties arising from her foreign imports. How much that debt was, he could not, with all his efforts as certain ; hut it made hut little difference. It was tho ptincip'c. lie proposed to estab lish, and in the assertion of a principle the MACON, (GA..) SATURDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 9, 1850. amount was not necessary. The ground on which he proposed that the United States should assume this debt was one which he had more than once advocated, as founded on the principles of truth and justice. j . 1 exas was a free and independent rra i tion ;as such she had invited the world to make loans to her to enable her to proso . cute the war then existing between her j ar, d Mexico, and she told all those whom she had invited to make this loan that she will sacredly pledge the duties on her im ports to the payment of that loan. The money is lent, and it is expended in her war for independence. Afterwards she annexes herself to the United Slates, and j the thing pledged to pay her debts be j comes the property of the United States ; and the fund pledged to the payment of her debt is now turned into the vaults of the Treasury of the United States. Now, ' he thought, that by all the principles of , honor and justice known amongst men, j the United States, the recipients of this - pledge, should pay the debts due to the I creditors, at least as far as the tiling pledg-, j vvould go to that object. There were three parties to the affair—Texas, the creditor, and the United States; and the United States could not do anything to the prejudice or wrong of third parties. How much of that debt would uotv ex let IClEla C..-.. 1 l._ J 1 . •“* •* *••••» *'*u>a uciu mu Keen trans ferred to the United States, is uncertain. I he trade to Galveston and the other ports of 1 exas was now principally in the | hands of coasting vessels, and instead of I receivins imports from Europe, the goods were sent there from the other States of | tho Union. I3ut it is certain that if Tex as had not become a State of this Union, j the duties on her imports would in a few years have been sufficient to pay her debt, j 1 his proposal was made another condi j tion that Texas should relinquish any claim | to any portion of the Terriory called New l Mexico. Now, she had no valid title to any portion of that ’territory, but merely a claim ; and with a general desire to have harmony and peace, she and the United States might do, as is done by individuals, compromise, and the United States pay something even for a disputed claim for the sake of peace. The fifth and sixth resolutions, like the third and fourth, had some connexion, and should be considered together. The fifth asserted substantially no other principle than what was asserted by a resolution of his submitted in the Senate twelve years ago, and then passed by a majority of neat ly four-fifths of the Senate. That resolu tion was passed in 1838, and required that the abolition of slavery in this District should not l>e done except with the assent of Maryland, the assent of the people of the District, and upon a full compensation to the owners of the slaves. The sixth resolution is, that the slave trade should he abolished or prohibited in the District. It was not that the aliena tion or transfer of slaves between the in habitants or between neighbor and neigh bor should be prohibited, nor that the rights of property among the residents of the District should bo affected. But the slave trade, pronounced to be an abomin able traffic more than forty years ago by a distinguished son ofVirginia, Mr. Randolph should be broken up at least in this Dis trict. Ii was a mistake on the part of gen tlemen from the North if they supposed that the regular traders in slaves are look ed upon with particular favor at the South On the contrary, they were sometimes un justly excluded from social intercourse on account of the odium attaching to their business. There was no reason why the trade should be allowed to exist here any lon ger. There was, if it was desired to have a large number of slaves together for sale, Alexandria, Petersburg, Richmond, An napolis, and Norfolk, and let them be car ried there ; let the trader go there and es tablish his jails and his prisons, and not in this place, the capital of tho nation ; where too often are shocked the feelings of gen tlemen, by seeing slaves in chains, and in long trains, driven down the Avenue, from tho Capitol to that house where resides the President of a free republic. He spoke the sentiments of many Southern men when he declared the slave trade, now cat red on iu this city, to be abomina ble. The object and purpott of the seventh resolution had been made plain and oh-; vious by the debate already had upon the i bill before the Senate. It was obvious, al so, that no legislation is necessary, nor was ! it intended that any shouldfollowlheeighth I resolution. It established a truth sustain- j ed by law, and would meet with a general acquiescence. He had thought that a resort to the old \ custom ofour American and English an cestors, of an occasional declaration of great fundamental principles, would be ! the best plan to pursue, and the Senate j now had before them that plan of settling the great difficulties existing. How far it might prove acceptable to ! the two parties to this question, it was not! for him to say. It should be acceptable to j both. There was in tbe acceptance of it no sacrifice of principle by either. It was j founded on mutual forbearance, and ori-1 ginating in mutual concession and concilia-1 tion. At the Norih he knew there was a deep ‘ opposition to slavery, an opposition dicta-1 ted by the feelings of the purest humanity . and philanthropy. But while he believed there was, in these resolutions, about an equal amount of conscssion, lie thought he might have asked more from the North, in the way of concession, than from the South. With the gentlemen from the free States, what was this subject but an ab straction ? An ahs'raction, it was true, based upon the principles of humanity and philanthropy, noble when not dictated or, used lor party ends and party purposes. I he was also numerically greater than the slaves Slates, and greatness of power and magnanimity should ever go to gether. On the part of the North, the opposiii n to slavery was a sentiment of philanthropy and humanity; and, when sentiments ot that kind a>e entertained with the wish and disposition to make sacrifices to enforce them, they are truly nuhlc. But, when the sacrifises are not to be made by you of the North, but by those who cannot sympathize with you, it is nft so. On the one side, it is a sen timeht without any sacrifice or danger or loss; on the other, there must be a vast and incalculable sacrifice of property — without you of the North being burdened with any portion of it—a sacrifice of all the social relations of property, of life, and of every tiling dear. Look at the storin now raging—upon whom does its fury fall ? You of the North are safely housed, and feel none ofits force, but at the South how different Look at that dwelling-house wrapt in flames; rafter after rafter crackling, breaking, falling; look at those women ond chil dren rushing wildly through the flames, shriek ing, in their calamities, for help from Heaven. Is this in the free States? No; but in the slave States, and produced not intentionally, but by the measures introduced by you, and carried further than you had any intention they should proceed : On the one side there was sentiment, sentiment, and sentiment alone. On the other, property, life, and the whole social fabric, likely to be involved in ruin. He then moved that tbe resolutions he made t hc especial order of the day for Tiiesdnys;h Feb. North Carolina. —Southern Rights — A large and respectable meeting of the citizens of Duplin county, Norih Carolina, without respect to party, assembled on the 22d ult. Several sterling southern men ad dresed the meeting, and the preamble and resolutions offered were unanimously a dopted. We have room only fur the following, which exhibited the feeling and sentiment of the meeting— 2d. Resolved, That the lethargy which has prevailed among our people must be shaken off, and the evils and the dangers threatening the safety of our homes and property must be stared in the face. 4th. Resolved, That under all the cir cumstances there is a manifest expediency nr calling together tho strong and abie men of the South in Convention, to delib erate o.i the proper course to be pursued. sth. Resolved, 1 hat we approve a South ern Convention, to ba held at Nashville, Tennessee, on the first Monday of June next; and that we recommend to the other counties of this Congressional District to hold primary meetings and appoint dele gates to a District Convention, to be held in Wilmington, on the first Monday of March next, the duty of which Convention shall he to appoint delegetes to the South ern Convention—and we hereby pledge ourselves to support the measures of said Southern Convention. 7th. Resolved, That whatever may hap pen, the South must stand together at all times; That all who are not boldly for us are against us ; That self preservation is the brightest law of nature, and that we ought to prepare ourselves for any emer gency. The Wilmington (N. C.) Commercial, of tho 26th ult. says “From the proceed ings in Duplin, and olher movements now iu operation, it will be seen that thc sub ject of the Nashville Convention is be ginning to attract attention throughout the Slate.” Assaying Metals. —The assaying is the most curious and scientific of all the business in mint. The melters take the gold dust, melt it, and cast it into a bar, when it is weighed accurately, and a piece is cut offfor the assayer. He takes it melts it with twee its weight ofsilver, and several times its weight of lead. It is melted in small cups made of bone ashes, which absorbs all tbe lead ; a large part of silver is extracted by another process, and the sample is then rolled out a thin shaving, coiled up, and put in a sort of glass vjal called a rnatricc, with some nitric acid.— The matrices are in a furnace, and the acid is boiled some time, poured off, and anew supply put in and boiled again.— This is done several times, till the acid had extracted all tbe silver and other min eral substances, leaving the sample of pure gold. The sample is then weighed before assaying and after tbe true value is found. All the silver, over and above five penny weights for each lot, is paid for by the mint at its true value. The gold, after it has been assayed, is melted, re fined, and, being mixed with its due pro portion of alloy, is draw n into long strips, (not unlike an iron hoop for a cask,) the round pieces cut out with a sort of punch, each piece weighed and brought to right size, and put into a stamping press, whence it comes forth a perfect coin. From the Southern Sentinel. Ciencral Cass. In a preceding column will be found a synopsis of tho speech recently delivered in the Senate by this eminent statesman, on the great question of the day. If we had space enough we would gladly spread it entire before our readers. It is inter esting as a specimen of the ablest forensic eloquence; it is more interesting, as the exposition of the views, entertained by one ot our most profound statesmen, on thc gravest question which has ever been raised in our legislative halls; but it is more thrillingly interesting still, when re garded as the mighty effort of that patriot to save his country from the desolation which he knows to threaten its existence. Whatever may have been said of Mr. Cass, amid the unthinking excitement of party warfare, no one has ever yet denied him aplacc among the Hist men of Ameri ca; whatever may have been thought of him by those maddened with the fumes of faction, no one will now, question his pat riotism. We wish every Democrat to read this speech, that he may have the happy satisfaction, of being again assured, of the integrity of his standard bearer in the recent political struggle; we wish every Whig to read it, that ho may be con vinced of the injustice with which he has assailed this friend of the South ; wc- hope every Southern man will read it, that his heart may be cheered with the reflection, that there is at least one man at the North, whose patriotism extends beyond the limits of his section, whose soul is large enough to embrace his entire country; we hope every Northern man will read it, that he may learn from one, identified with thc North, to appreciate the lights of the South; we wish every American may rend it, that his heart may yet swell, with hope for his country. Gen. Cass takes the unequivocal position that Congress has no authority under the Constitution, to legislate on the subject of slavery in the territories. He denies not only the Constitutionality, but the expedi ency of the Wilmot Proviso. He adverts to the fact that he has been instructed by the Michigan Legislature, to vote for the Wilmot Proviso, and recognizes the right of the Legislature to instruct him, but de clares that he can no more disregard his conscientious obligations, than lie can those which he owes to his State, and that when the lime comes to act upon the ques tion, he shall resign his seat, rather than viola’e either. His position is a proud one; one that must command thc respect of all, friends as well as opponents. It is just tire position we had assigned him, in fact the only one consistent with his sentiments during the campaign, and al though in thisspeech, lie has done no more tiian we believed he would do, yet we publish his views, proud of the reflection lhal we have found him to be all that our partiality had represented him. We can not dismiss this subject, without painfully reflecting upon the singularity of Gen. Cass’ position, as a Northern man, on this subject, lie stands out almost alone, like some tall promontory to which the eye of the almost forlorn mariner, may yet turn in hope, amid Ihe raging of the elements around him. Besides him, there are pre haps two Senators from the North, to whom we may look for a recognition of Southern rights. Mr. Dickinson of New York, and Mr. Douglass of Illinois, have proved themselves superior to the pro scriptive spirit of Northern fanaticism, and friends of the South in this crusade against her rights. But it is to Mr. Cass, that we are to look mainly, to stay this fell spirit of invasion ; he it is, who is to pre serve the beautiful fabiic of this Govern ment, when the violent hand of the spoil er shall commence its work of desolation. We dislike exceedingly to mingle in matters of this sort, any considerations of party. The question is above party, and can only be brought to a successful ter mination when party distinctions shall have been forgotten ; but we can not be insensible to convictions, which are every day forced upon us, in spite of our disin clination to adopt them. The inquiry is as natural as it is painful, where is the Northern Whig who has ever stood by the side of the South, the cause of justice, the cause of the Union, in this section issue ? Where are the Whig Senators who are willing to aid Mr. Cass and Mr. Dickin son atul Mr. Douglass in their efforts to arrest the flood of fanaticism ? Were is the Whig Norih of Maryland who has ever dreamed that the South had any rights? Echo answers, where ? Certain it is, that such an otic is not to be found in the halls of Congress. We lament llicse parly discriminations in a matter, where there ought to be no party. They do ex ist, however, and justice demands they should be accorded. The last Speech or Mrs. Parting ton. —"Fifty-two Sons of Temperance,” exclaimed the old lady " and twenty-five Daughters too! Why bless me, how many children has aunt Tempy got! And I hear some talk about Cadets of Tcm perance—what sort of debts are them ? But no wonder she owes debts when she has so many children to maintain how 1 pity the old crittur.” And the old lady pulled her spectacles and »wu on her nose and returned to her knitting. BOOK AND JOB PRINTING, II ill be executed in thc most approved, and on the best terms, at the Office of the. SCTJTEEB.IT tpjbtjue, —BY— WM. B. HARRISON. NUMBER 5. From the Cherol.ee Advocate. Senatorial Districts. The action of the present l egislature, in reforming the Senatorial Districts, has produced the greatest dissatisfaction among the politicians, arid office seekers ot the parly now in the minority. It would seem from the outcry made, that such a thing had never happened before. Yet it lias never been denied, that thc ma jority in the Legislature of 1813, so ar ranged the Senatorial Districts, as to give themselves about thirty out of the fortv seven Senators. Ilovv this was done is no mystery. For example, Walton cour.tv with a large Democratic majority adjoins Newtonand Clarke. If attached to New ton, the district would send a Whig Sena tor, but it to Clarke, the chances would be against such a result. The Whigs having the ascendency in 1813, chose to attach it to Newton. Tbe Democrats now having the power, chose to throw Clarke and Walton together. Again Jackson was at tached to Clarke by the Legislature of 1843, for no earthly reason, except, that iu the two counties taken together, the ma jority was such as to make the election of a Whig Senator almost certain. Why should the Democratic parly be blamed for doing the same thing in connecting Clarke and Walton in one district now l Again, Franklin county with a Democrat ic majority of several hundred votes, might have been put with Madison or Elbert. Why was it joined with Elbert, except that the districts might bo mndo to send a Whig Senator! Had this ger rymandering been restricted within tho bounds of moderation bad the party in power shown any thing like liberality, or even justice to their opponents, no change would have been deemed necessaty by the present Legislature. But sweeping the board as they did, —taking to them selves thirty Senators, and leaving to tho Democratic party only seventeen, they now show great inconsistency in railing against conduct in political opponents which is really but rectifying thc wrong which they committed, and in thc worst construction that they can placoupon it, is what was done by the Whig party when in power. As it has been forcibly expressed by the Constitutionals! they should not make such wry faces at being forced to take their own physic, with which they had so liberally dosed others when they were iu the ascendency. New Cotton Press.— Mr. Tyler has recently put up a press for the “Ship Cotton Press Company,” Anson-6trcet, which for power anil celerity of operation, is believed to be superior to any other in the United States. The frame is of the most massive character, and apparently as strong as wood and iron can make it. The cylinder is foriy-eiglit inches in diam eter, und the force upon thc piston is equal to 350,000 lbs., and this, multiplied by the progressive action of ilie levers six times, affords a pressure of one thousand tons upon tho bale of cotton. While we were present, the press was turning out at the rate of seventy bales per hour, and one which was measured as it ca-me from iho plateau, gave 34 lbs. to the cubic foot. This was done with one half the power of the machine, as there was only a pres sure of 70 lbs. of steam to the square inch, whereas it is intended to work safely with 150 lbs. It is known that shipmas ters are perfectly satified with 20 lbs. to the cubic foot. Mr. Tyler’s presses, by their admirable comb.nation of all tho requisies for tbe purpose to which they are applied— sim plicity of arrangement, great power, and the celerity, safety and great economy with which they operate—arc rapidly su perseding all others, and within the last twelve months he has constructed thirty in different portions of the South. In this, his last, he has combined ell the improve ments which experience has suggested, and has given it 50 per cent, more power, and 100 percent, more strength, than any previously constructed. The public spiri ted proprietors made no restriction as to expense, and the result is a press which Mr. Tyler regards as his master-piece, and of which be ami they may be justly proud.— Charleston Mercury. Music of Old.— Tbe ancient Egyptian flute was only a cow’s horn with three or four holes iti it. and their harp or lvre had only three strings; the Jewish trumpets that made tho walls of Jericho fall down, were only ram’s horns; the psaltry was a small triangular harp or lyre with wire strings, and struck with uu iron needle or stick ; their sackbut resembled the zagg used at Malta in the present day—a species of bagpipe; the timbrel was a tambourine, and li e i u eimer a horizontal harp w ith wire sitings, and struck with a stick like a psaltery—such as aie seen about thesticcU of London at the present day. Imagine tbe discoid produced by two hundred thou sand of Mjclt instruments while playing at the dedication of Solomon’s Temple. Mexico. —We talk about Mexico a* being a poor country, and yet the reven ue of the established church is $250,000,- 000 per anum, But then it a’l goes to pamper a lazy, and ignorant priesthood, while the people wallow in the depths of poverty and superstition. Such Christiani ty is most emphatically “aftilvre. ’
