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THE
‘amaiEis’sig,)
Kill be published every S.l TLRD.I Y Morning,
In the Two-Story Wooden Building , at the
Corner of Walnut and Fifth Street,
IW THE CITT OF MACON, GA.
By WM. B. IIA Hit ISO.
SPEECH OF
Hon. JOHN C. CALHOUN,
On Ole Slavery Question.
Delivered in the Senate of the United States,
March 4, 1850.
I have, Senators, believed from the first that
the agitation of the subject of slavery would, if;
not prevented by some timely and effective
measure, end in disunion. Entertaining this
opinion, I have, on all proper occasions, endeav
ored to call the attention of the two great par
ties which divide the country to induce them to
adopt some measure to prevent so great a disas
ter, but without success. The agitation has
been permitted to proceed, with almost no at
tempt to resist it, until it lias reached a period
when it can no longer be disguised or denied
that the Union is in danger. You have thus
had forced upon you the greatest and the gravest
question that can ever come under your consid
eration : How can the Union be preserved ?
To give a satisfactory answer to this mighty
question, it is indispensable to have an accurate
and thorough knowledge of the nature and the
character of the cause by which the Union is
endangered. Without such knowledge it is im
possible to pronounce, with any certainty, by
what measure it can be saved ; just as it would
bs impossible for a physician to pronounce in the
case of some dangerous disease, with any cer
tainty, by what remedy the patient could be
saved, without similar knowledge of the nature
and character of the cause of the disease. The
first question, then, presented for consideration,
in the investigation I propose to make, in order
to obtain such knowledge, is: What is it that
has endangered the Union ?
To this question there can be but one answer:
that the immediate cause is the almost universal
discontent which pervades all the States com
posing the Southern section of the U nion. This
widely extended discontent is not of recent ori
gin. It commenced witli the agitation of the
slavery question, and lias been increasing ever
since. The next question, going one step fur
ther back, is: What has caused this widely
diffused and almost universal discontent?
It is n great mistake to suppose, as some have
done, that it originated with demagogues, who
excited the discontent with the intention of aid
ing their personal advancement, or with the dis
appointed ambition of certain politicians, who
resorted to it as the means of retrieving their
fortunes. On the contrary, all the great politic
al influences of the section were arrayed aganist
excitement, and exerted to the utmost to keep
the people quiet. The great mass of the people
of the South were divided, as in the o'her sec
tion, into Whigs and Democrats. The leaders
and the presses of both parties in the South
were very solicitous to prevent excitement and
to preserve quiet; because it was seen that the
effects of the former would necessarily tend to
weaken, if not destroy, the political ties which
united them witli their respective parties in the
oilier section. Those whoknow the stengtli of
parly lies will readily appreciate the immense
force which this cause exerted against agitation,
and in favor of preserving quiet. But, as great
ns it was, it was not sufficiently so to prevent
the wide-spread discontent whicli now pervades
the section. No: some cause, far deeper and
more powerful, than the one supposed, must ex
i-t, to account for discontent so wido and deep.
The question, then, recurs : VVliat is the cause
of this discontent ? It will be found in Ihe be
lief of the people of the Southern States, as
prevalent as the discontent itself, that they can
not remain, as things now arc, consistently with
honor and safety, in the Union. The next ques
tion to be considered is : What has caused this
belief?
One ofthe causes is, undoubtedly, to be traced
to the long-continued agitation oftlic slave ques
tion on the part of the North, and the many ag
gressions which they have made on the rights of
the South during the time. 1 will not enumerate
them at present, as it will be done hereafter in
its proper place.
There is another lying hack of it, with which
this is intimately connected, that may be regar
ded as the great and primary cause. It is to be
found in the fact that the equilibrium between
the two sections in tho Government, as it stood
when the Constitution was ratified and the
(iovernment put in action, has been destroyed.
At that time there was nearly a perfect equili
brium between the two, which afforded ample
means to each to protect itself against the ag
gression of the other; but, as it now stands, one
section has the exclusive power of controlling
the (iovernment, which leaves the other with
out any adequate means of protecting itself
against its encroachment and oppression. To
place this subject distinctly before you, 1 have,
Senators, prepared a brief statistical statement,
showing the relative weight of the two sections
in the Government under the first census of
I'DO and tho last census of 1840.
According to the former, the population of the
Utfffed States, including Vermont, Kentucky,
and Tennessee, which then were in their incip
ient condition of becoming Status, but were not
actually admitted, amounted to 3,1)2!),827. Os
this number the Northern States had 1,1)77,81)1),
and the Southern 1,1)52,072, making a difference
of only 25,827 in favor ofthe former States.
The number of States, including Vermont Ken
lucky, and Tennessee, were sixteen ; of which
eight, including Vermont, belonged to the North
ern section, and eight including Kentucky and
Tennessee, to the Southern, making an equal
division of tho States, between the two sections,
under tho first census. There was a small pre
ponderance in the House of Representatives,and
in the electoral college, in favor of the Northern,
owing to tho fact that, according to the provis
ions of the Constitution, in estimating federal
numbers, fivo slaves count but three ; hut it was
too small to affect, sensibly, the perfect equili
brium, which, with that exception, existed at
the time. Such was the equality of the two
sections when the States composing tiietn agreed
to enter into a Federal Union. Since then the
equiVibiiutn between them has been greatly dis
turbed.
According to the last census the aggregate
population of tlieUnite.il State amounted to 17,-
0(ij,357, of which the Northern section contain
ed 1),728,1)20, and the Southern 7,334,437, mak
ing a difference, in round numbers, of 2,400,000.
The number of States had increased from six
teen to twenty-six, making an addition ol ton
States. In the meantime tho position of Dela
ware had become doubtful as to which section
she properly belongs. Considering her as neu
,ral, the Northern States will have tnirtcen and
the Southern States twelve, making a difference
'» the Senate of two Senators in favor of the
former. According to the apportionment under
(ho census of 1840, there wore 223 members of
(be House of Representatives, of which the
Northern States had 135, and the Southern States
(considering Dclawnre as neutral) 87, making a
difference in favor of tho former in the House
Representatives of 48. The difference in
(he Senate of two members, added to this, gives
(° (he North, in tho Electoral College, a majori
()' of 50. Since the census of 1840, four States
,:iVe been added to the Union: lown, Wiscon-
S| "> Florida, and Texas. They leave the diflor
’ "te in the Senate as it stood when the census
Vi 15 liken ; hut add two to the side ofthe North
THE SOUTHERN TRIBUNE.
NEW SERIES— VOLUME 11.
in the House, making the present majority in
the House in its favor of 50, and in the electoral
college of 52.
The result of the whole is to give the North
ern section a predominance in every department
of the Government, and thereby concentrate in
it the two elements which const'itue the Federal
Government ; a majority of States, and a ma
jority of the population, estimated in federal
numbers. Whatever section concentrates the
two in itself, possesses the control of the entire
Government.
But we are just at the close of the sixth de
cade, and the commencement of the seventh.
The census is to bo taken this year, whicli must
add greatly to the decided preponderance of the
North in the House of Representatives and in
the electoral college. The prospect is, also,
that a great increase will be added to Its present
preponderance in the Senate during the period
of the decade, by the addition of new States.
Two Territories, Oregon and Mincsota, are
ulready in progress, and strenuous efforts are
making to bring in three additional States from
the Territory recently conquered from Mexico,
which, if successful, will add throe other States,
in a short time, to the Northern section, making
five States; and increasing the present number
of its States from fifteen to twenty, and of its
Senators from thirty to forty. On the contrary,
there is not a single Territory in progress in the
Southern section, and no certainty tiiat any ad
ditional State will be added to it during the de
cade. The prospect then is, that the two sec
tions in the Senate, should the efforts now made
to exclude the South from tiie newly acquired
Territories succeed, will stand, before the end
of the decade, twenty Northern States to twelve
Southern, (considering Delaware as neutral,)
and forty Northern Senators to twenty-four
Southern. This groat increase of Senators, ad
ded to the great increase of members of the
House of Representatives and the electoral col
lege on the part of the North, which must take
place under the next decade, will effectually and
irretrievably destroy the equilibrium which ex
isted when the Government commenced.
Had this destruction been the operation of
time, without the interference of Government,
the South would have had no reason to com
plain; but such was not the fact. It was caused
by the legislation of this Government, which
was appointed as the common agent of all, and
charged with the protection of the interestsand
security of all. The legislation by which it has
been effected, may he classed under three heads.
The first is, that series of acts by which the
South has been excluded from the common Ter
ritory belonging to all of the States, as the mem
bers of the Federal Union,and which have had
the effect of extending vastly the portion allot
ted to the Northern section, and restricting with
in narrow limits, the portion left the South.
The next consists in adopting a system ol' reve
nue and disbursements, by which an undue pro
portion of the burden ot taxation has been im
posed upon tlio South, and an undue proportion
of its proceeds appropriated to the North; and
the last is a system of political measures by
which the original character of the Government
lias been radically changed. I propose to be
stow upon each of these, in the order they stand,
a few remarks, with the view of showing that
it is owing to the action of this Government that
the equilibrium between the two sections has
been destroyed, and the whole powers of the
system centered in « Bmil™.! majority.
The first of the series of acts Gy v» hicti itie
South was deprived of its due share of the Ter
ritories, originated with the Conledcracy, which
preceded the existence of this Government. It
is to be fouud in the provision of'iho Ordinance
of 1787. Its effect was to exclude the South
entirely from that vast and fertile region which
liesbetween the Ohio and the Mississippi rivers,
now embracing five States and one Territory.—
The next of the series is the Missouri compromise
which excluded the South from that large por
tion of Louisiana which lies North of 36 deg.,
30 in., excepting whatjis included in the State of
Missouri. Thu last of the series excluded the
South from the whole of the Oregon Territory.
All these, in the slang of the day, were what is
called slave territories, and not free soil ; that is,
territories belonging to slaveliolding powers and
open to the emigration of masters with their
slaves. By these several acts, the Soutli was
excluded from 1,238,025 square miles, an extemt
of country considerably exceeding the entire
valley of the Mississippi. To the South was
left the portion of the Territory of Louisiana ly
ing South of36deg., 30m , and the portion North
of it included in the State of Missouri. The
portion lying South of 36 deg., 30m., including
the States of Louisiana and Arkansas, and the
territory lying West of the latter and South of
136 deg , 30m.,called the Indian country. This,
! with the Territory of Florida, now the State,
makes in the whole, 283,503 square miles. To
this must be added the territory acquired with
Texas. If the whole should be added to the
Southern section, it would make an iucrease of
325,520, which would make the whole left to
the South, 600,023. But a large part of Texas is
still in contest between the two sections, which
leaves it uncertain what wilt he the real extent
of the portion of territory that may he lefl to the
| South.
I have not included the territory recently ac
quired by the treaty with Mexico. The Nortli
is making the most strenuous efforts to appro
priate the whole to herself, by excluding the
South from every foot of it. If sho should suc
ceed, it will add to that from which the South
has already been excluded, 526,078 square miles,
and would increase the whole which the Nortli
has appropriated to herself to 1,764,023, not in
cluding the portion that she may succeed in ex
cluding us from in Texas. To sum up the whole,
the United States, since they declared their in
dependence, have acquired 2,373,046 square
miles of territory, from which tho North will
have excluded the South, if she should succeed
in monopolizing the newiy acquired territories,
about three-fourths of the whole, leaving to the
South but about one-fourth.
Such is the first and great cause that has des
troyed the equilibrium between the two sections
in the Government.
The next is the system of revenue and dis
bursements which has been adopted by the Gov
ernment. It is well known that the Government
has derived its revenue mainly from duties on
imports. 1 shall not undertake to show that
such duties must necessarily fall mainly on the
exporting States, and that the South, as the great
exporting portion ofthe Union, basin reality paid
vastly more than her due proportion of the reve
nue ; because I deem it unecessary, as the sub
ject has on so many occasions been fully discuss
ed. Nor shall I, for the same reason, undertake
to show that a far greater portion of tho revenue
has been disbursed at the North, than its duo
share ; and that tho joint effect ol those causes
has been, to transfer a vast amount from South
to Nortli, which, under an equal system ol rev
enue and disbursements, would not have been
lost to her. If to this be added that many of the
duties were imposed, not for revenue, hut for
protection—t hat is, intended to put money, not
in the Treasury, but directly into the pocket ol
the manufacturers,some conception may be form
ed of thu immense amount which, in thojong
(course of sixty years, has been transferred (Votrt
MACON, (GA.,) SATURDAY MORNING, MARCH 16, 1850.
South to North. There are no data by which it
can be estimated with any certainty; but it is
safe to say, that it amounts to hundreds of mill
ions of dollars. Under the most moderate esti
mate, it would be sufficient to add greatly to the
wealth of tiie North, and thus greatly increase
her population by attracting emigration from all
quarters to that section.
This, combined with the great and primary
cause, amply explains why the North has acquir
ed a preponderance over every department ofthe
Government by its disproportionate increase us
population and States. The former, as lias been
shown, has increased in fifty years, 2,400,000
over that ol t lie South. This increase of popula
tion, during sulonga period, is satisfactorily ac
counted for, by the number of emigrants, and
the increase of their descendants, which have
been attracted to the Northern section from Eu
rope and the South, in consequence ofthe ad
vantages derived from the causes assigned. If
they had not existed—if the South had retained
all the capital which has been extracted from
her by the fiscal action ofthe Government; and
if it had not been excluded by the ordinanceof
87, and the Missouri compromise, from the re
gion lying between the Ohio and tiie Mississippi
rivers, and between the Mississippi and the Rocky
Mountains, north of 36 deg., 30m—it scarcely
admits of a doubt, that she would ha\ e divided
the emigration with the North, and by retaining
her own people, would have at least equalled the
North in population under the census of 1840,
and probably under that about to be taken. She
wonld also, ifshc had retained her equal rights
in those Territories, maintained an equality in
the number of States with the North, and have
preserved the equilibrium between tho two sec
tions that existed at the comineuccincnt of the
Government. The loss then of the equilibrium,is
to be attributed to the action of this Government.
But while these measures were destroying
the equilibrium between the two sections, the
action of the Government was leading to a radi
cal change in its character, by concentrating all
the povler ofthe system in itself. The occasion
will not permit me to trace the measures by
which this great change has been consummate if.
It it did, it would not ho difficult to show that
the process commenced at an early period ofthe
Government; that it proceeded almost without
interruption, step by step, until it absorbed vir
tually its entire powers; hut without going
through the whole process to establish the fact,
it may he done satisfactorily by a very short state
ment.
Thatthc Government claims, and practically
maintains, the right to decide in the last resort,
as to the extent of its powers will scarcely he
denied by any one conversant with the political
history of the country. That it also claims the
right to resort to force, to maintain whatever
power it claims, against all opposition,is equally
certain. Indeed itis apparent, from what we
daily hear, that this has become the prevailing
and fixed opinion of a great majority of the com
munity. Now, I ask, what limitation can • ■
sibly he placed upon the powers of a go m
inent claiming and exercising such rights? An.j. i
it none can he, how can the seperute govc
ments ol the States maintain and protect tl
powers reserved to them bv the Constitution ri
the people of the several States maintain thus;
which are reserved to them, and among others,
the soverign powers by which they ordained |
and established, not only their separate State I
Constitutions and Governments, hut also . e
t onsiit..il.... « x. ... - (
States? But, if they have no constitutional meats
of maintaining them against the rightclanned by
this Government, it necessarily follows, that
they hold them at its pleasure and discretion,
and that all the powers of the system are in re
ality concentrated in it. It also follows, that
the character of the Government lias been chan
ged in consequence, from a federal Republic, as
it originally came from the hands of its framers,
into a great national consolidated Democracy.
It li asindecd,at present, all the characteristics
of the latter, and not one of the former, although
it still retains its outward from.
The result of the whole of these causes com
bined is, that the North has acquired a decided
ascendency over every department of this Gov
ernment, and through it a control over all the
powers of the system. A single section govern
ed by the will ofthe numerical majority, lias now
in fact, the control of the Government and the
entire powers of the system. What was once
a constitutional federal Republic, is now con
verted, in reality, into one as absolute as that of
the Autocrat of Russia, ami as despotic in its
tendency, as any absolute government that ever
existed.
As then, the North has the absolute control
over the Government, it is manifest, that on all
questions between it and the South, » here there
is a diversity of interests, the interest of the lat
ter will he sacrificed to the former, however op
pressive the effects may be, as the South posses
ses no means by which it can resist, through the
action of the Government. But if there was no
question of vital importance to the South, in re
ference to which there was a diversity of views
between the two sections, this stuto of things
might be endured, without the hazard of de
struction to the South. But such is not the fact.
There is a question of vital importance to the
Southern section, ill reference to which the views
and feelings of the two sections arc as opposite
and hostile as they can possibly be.
I refer to the relation between the two races
in the Southern section, which constitutes a vital
portion of her social organization. Every por
tion ofthe North entertains views and feelings
more or less hostile to it. Those most opposed
and hostile, regard it as a sin, and consider them
selves under the most sacred obligation to use
every effort to destroy it. Indeed to tho extent
that they conceive they have power, they regard
themselves ns implicated in the sin, and respon
sible for suppressing it by the use of all and ev
ery means. Those less opposed and hostile, re
gard it as a crime—an olfenec against humanity,
as they call it; and although not so fanatical,
feci themselves bound to use all efforts to effect
the same object; while those who arc least op
posed and hostile, regard it as a blot and a stain
on the eharacterof what they call the Nation,
and feel themselves accordingly hound to give
it no countenance or support. On tho contrary,
the Southern section regards the relation as one
w liich cannot bo destroyed without subjecting
the two races to the greatest calamity, and the
section to poverty, desolation, and wretched
ness; and accordingly they fuel hound, by every
consideration of interest and safety, to defend it.
The hostile feeling on the part of tho North
towards the social organization of the South,
long lay dormant, hut it only required some
cause which would make the impression on those
who felt it most intensely, that they were re
sponsible for its continuance, to call it into ac
tion. The increasing power of this Govern
ment, and the control of the Northern section
over all its departments, furnished the cause.—
It was this which made an impression on the
minds of many, that there was little or no re
straint to prevent the Government from doing
whatevor it might cliooso to do. This was
sufficient of itself to put the most fanatical por
tion of the North in action lor the purpose ol
destroying the exislingrelatioti between the two
races oftlic Snntfc
The first original movement towards it com
menced in 1835. Then, for the first time, so
cieties were organized, presses established, lec
tures sent forth to excite the people of the North,
and incendiary publications scattered over the
whole Soutli, through the mail. The South
was thoroughly aroused. Meetings were held
everywhere, and resolutions adopted, calling
upon the North to apply a remedy to arrest the
threatened evil, and pledging themselves to a
dopl measures for their own protection, if it
was not arrested. At the meeting of Congress
petitions poured in from the North, calling up
on Congress to abolish slavery in the District of
Columbia, and to prohibit w hat they called liio
internal slave trade between tlio States, announc
ing at the same time, that their ultimate object
was to abolish slavery, not only in the District,
but in the States, and throughout the Union.—
At this period, the number engaged in tlio agi
tation was small and possessed little or no per
sonal influence.
Neither party in Congress had,at that lime
any sympathy with them, or their cause. The
members of each party presented their petitions
with great reluctance. N overtheless, as small
contemptible as the party then was, both ot' the
great parties of the North dreaded them. They
felt, that though amall, they were organized in
reference to a subject which had a great and a
commanding influence over the Northern mind.
Each party, on that account, feared to oppose
their petitions, lest the opposite party might
take advantage of the one who might,by favor
ing their petitions. The effect was that both
united in insisting that the petitions should he
received, and that Congress should take jurisdic
tion of the subject for whicli they prayed. To
justify their course, they took the extraordinary
ground, that Congress was hound to receive pe
titions on every subject, however objectionable
it might be, and whether they find or had not
jurisdiction over tho subject. These views pre-
vailed in tho House of Representatives, and
partially in the Senate, and thus the party suc
ceeded in their first movements in gaining what
they proposed—a position in Congress, from
which agitation could he extended over the
whole Union. This was the commencement of
the agitation, which lias ever since continued,
and which, as is now acknowledged, lias endan
gered the Union itself.
As for myself, 1 believed at that early period,
if the party who got uppiie petitions should suc
ceed in getting Congress to taka jurisdiction, that
agitation would follow, and that it would in the
end, if not arrested, destroy the Union. 1 then
so expressed myself in debate, anti called upon
both parties to take ground against assuming
jurisdiction, hut in vain. Iliui my voice been
heeded, ami had Congress refused to take juris
diction, by the united votes of all parties, the
agitation which followed would have been pre
vented, and the fanatical zeal that gives impulse
■ i .t agi .lwn and which has brought us to
our ; nit perilous condition, would have
■ ■ \ from the want ofsomctliing
•:■ t ’ the flame That vvas the time for the
North to show hi t devotion to tlio Union; hut
us..; innately ho h ofthe great parties of that
ol were so it on obtaining or retaining
i. aset Milan ■ , that all oilier considerations
■•tv overlooked or forgotten.
What has since followed are but the natural
msuquences. With the success of their first
movement, this small fanatical party began to
acquire hoUMm ‘great' parties .-
Tho necessary consequence was, a further in
crease of power, and a gradual tainting of the
opinions of both of the other parties with their
doctrine, until the infection lias extended over
both ; and the great mass of the population of
the North, who, whatever may he their opinion
of the original abolition parly, which still pre
serves its distinctive orgnization, hardly ever
fail, when it conies to acting, to co-opcralc in
carrying out their measures. With the increase
of their influence, they extended the sphere of
their action. In a short time after the com
mencement of their first movement, they had
acquired sufficient influence to induce the Leg
islatures of most of the Northern States to pass
acts, which in effect abrogated the provision of
the Constitution that provides for the delivering
up of fugitive slaves. Not long after, petitions
followed to abolish slavery in forts, magazines,
and dock yards, and all other places where Con
gress had exclusive power of legislation. This
was followed by petitions and resolutions of
Legislatures of tho Northern States and popu
lar meetings, to exclude the Southern States
from all Territories acquired, or to he acquired,
and to prevent the admission of any State here
after into the Union, which, by its Constitution,
does not prohibit slavery. And Congress is in
voked to do all this expressly with the view to
the final abolition of slavery in the States.—
That lias been avowed to he the ultimate object
from the begining of the agitation until the prev
ent time; and yet the great body of both parties
of the North,with the full knowledge ofthe fact,
although disavowing the Abolitionists, have co
operated with them in almost all their measures.
Such is a brief history of the agitation, as far
as it has yet advanced. Now I ask, Senators,
what is there to prevent its further progress, un
til it fulfils the ultimate end proposed, unless
some decisive measure should he adopted to pre
vent it? Has one of the causes, which has ad
ded to its increase from its original small and
contemptible begining until it has attained its
present magnitude, diminished in force ? Is the
original cause of the movement, that slavery is
a sin, and ought to he suppressed, weaker now
than at the commencement ? Oris the Aboli
tion party less numerous or influential, or have
they less influence or control over tho two great
parties of the North in elections ? Or has the
South greater means of influencing or control
ing the movements of this Government now,
than it had when tho agitation common 1
To all these questions hut one answer can ho
given: No, no, no. The very reverse is true.
Instead of being weaker, all the elements in fa
vor of agitation arc stronger now than they were
in 1835, when the agitation first commenced,
while all the elements of influence on the part of
the South arc weaker. Unless something deci
sive is done, I again ask, what is to stop this
agitation, before the groat and filial object at
which it aims—the abolition of slavery in the
States—is consummated ? Is it, then, not cer
tain, that if something decisive is not now done
to arrest it, the South w ill bo forced to choose
between abolition and secession ? Indeed, as
events are now moving, it wiH not require the
South to secede to dissolve the Union. Agita
tion will ofitselfclfect it, of which its past histo
ry furnishes abundant prooi as 1 shall next pro
ceed to show.
It is a great mistake to suppose that disunion
can bo effected by a single blow. 3ho cords
which bound these States together in one com
mon Union aro far too numerous and powerful
for that. Disunion must he a work ol time. It
is only through a long process, and in succes
sion, that the cords can bo snapped, until the
whole fabric falls asunder. Already the agita
tion of the slavery question has snapped some
of the most important, and has grudunly wea
ken. and all the others, as I shall proceed to show.
The < ord that hind the Stnt- » together or;
not spiritual or ccclestastirwl pofei'vt .
others social, Some appertain to the benefit
conferred by the Union, and others to the feel
ing of duty and hligatton.
The strongest of those of a spiritual and eccle
siastical nature, consisted in the unity of the
great religious denominations, all of which
originally embraced the whole Union. All
these denominations, with the exception, per
haps, of the Catholics, were organized very
much upon the principle of our political institu
tions, licginning with smaller meetings,corres
ponding with the political divisions of the coun
try, their organization terminated in one great
central assemblage, corresponding very much
with the character ofCongress. At those meet
ings the principal clergymen and lay members
of the respective denominations from all parts
the Union met, to transact business relating to
their common concerns. It was not confined to
what appertained to the doctrinesand discipline
of the respective denominations, hut extended
to plans for disseminating the Bible, sending out
missionaries, distributing tracts, and establishing
presses for the publication of tracts, newspapers
and periodicals, with a view of diffusing reli
gious information, and for the support of the
doctrines and creed of the denomination. All
these combined, contributed greatly to stregtlien
the bonds of the Union. The strong tios w hich
held each denomination together formed a strong
cord to hold the whole Union together; hut, as
powerful ns they were,they have not been able to
resist the explosive effect ofthe slavery agitation.
Thu first of these curds which snapped, under
its explosive force, was that of tlio powerful
Methodist Episcopal Church, 'l'ho numerous
and strong tics which held it together aro all
broke, ami its unity gone. They now form
separate churches; and, instead of that feeling
of attachment and devotion to the interests of
the whole Church which was formerly felt, they
are now arrayed into two hostile bodies, engaged
in litigation about what was formerly their com
mon property.
The next cord that snapped was that of the
Baptists, onoof the largest and most respectable
of tho denominations. That of the Presbyterian
is not entirely snapped, hut some of its strands
have given way. Thatoftho Episcopal Church
is the only one of the four great Protestant de
nominations vv hicli remains unbroken and entire.
The strongest cord of a political character,
consists of the many and strong lies that have
held logctiiur the two great parties which have,
with sonic modifications, existed from the be
ginning of the Government. They both ex
tended to every portion of tlio Union, and
strongly contributed to hold all its parts together.
But this powerful cord lias fared no batter than
the spiritual, it resisted for a long time the ex
plosive tendency of the agitation, hut has finally
snapped its force—if not entirely, in a groat
measure. Nor is tlioro one of the remaning
cords which have not been greatly weakened.
To this extent the Union has already been des
troyed by agitation, in the only way it can he,
by snapping assitnder and weakening tho cords
which hind it together.
If the agitation goes on, the same force, act
ing witli increased intensity, us has been shown,
will finally snap every cord, when nothing will
he left to hold the States together except force.
But, surely, that cun, with no propriety of iau
guarge, ho called a Union, when the only means
by which tlio weaker is held connected with
tiie stronger portion is force. It may, indeed,
partake much more ot Clio diameter ot subjuga
tion, it the part of the weaker to the stronger,
than tho union of free, independent and si cr
cign States, in one Federal Union, us they stood
in the carl v stages ofthe Government, and whit'll
only is w orthy of tiie sacred name of Union.
Having now, Senators, explained what it *
that endangers the Union, and traced it to its
cause, and explained its nature and character,
the question again recurs: How cun the Union
he saved? To this I answer, there is hut one
way by which it can he, and that is, by adopting
such measures as will satisfy the States belong
ing to the Southern section that they can remain
in the Union consistently with their honor and
their safety. There is, again, only one way by
which that can bo effected, and that is by re
moving the cause by which this bcliuf lias been
produc ed. Do that, and discontent will cease,
harmony and kind feelings between tiie sections
he restored, and every apprehension of danger
to the Union he removed. The question, then,
is: by vvhat can this ho doue ? But, before 1 un
dertake to answer tliisquestion, I propose to show
by what the Union cannot be saved.
It cannot, then, be saved by eulogies on the
Union, however, splendid or numerous. The
cry of “Union, Union—the glorious Union!”
can no more prevent disunion than tho cry of
“ Health, health—glorious health !’’ on the part
of the physician, can save a patient lying dan
gerously ill. So long as tlio Union, instead of
being regarded as a protector, is regarded in the
opposite character, by not much less than a ma
jority of the States, it will be in vain to attempt
to conciliate them by pronouncing eulogies on it.
Besides, this cry of Union comes commonly
from those whom we cannot beiiuve to he sin
cere. It usually comes from our assailants. But
wo cannot believe them to be sincere; for, if
they loved the Union, they would necessarily
be devoted to the Constitution. It made the
Union, and to destroy the Constitution would he
todestroy the Union. But the only reliable and
certain evidence of devotion to the Constitution,
is, to abstain, on the one hand, from violating it,
and to repel, on the other, all attempts to violate
it. It is only by faithfully performing these
high duties that the Constitution can be preserv
ed, and with it the Union.
But how stands the profession of devotion to
i the Union by our assailants, when brought to
the test? Have they abstained from violating
the Constitution? Let the many acts passed by
the Northern States to set aside and annul the
clause of the Constitution providing for thu de
livering up of fugitive slaves, answer. 1 cite
this, not that it is the only instance, (for there
are many others,) but because the violation, in
this particular, of the Constitution is too noto
rious and palpable to be denied. Again : have
they stood forth faithfully to repel violations of
the Constitution? Let their course in reference
to the agitation of the slavery question, which
was commenced and carried on for fifteen years,
avowedly for the purpose of abolishing slavery
in the States—an object all allow to bo uncon
stitutional—answer. Let thorn show a single
instance, during this long period, in which they
have denounced the agitators or their attempts
to effect what is admitted to bo unconstitutional,
or a single measure which they linve brought
forward for that purpose. How; can we, with
all these facts before us, believe that they are
sincere in their professions of devotion to tho
Union, or avoid believing their profession is but
intended to increase the vigor of their assaults,
and to weaken the force of our resistance?
Nor can wo regard the profession of devotion
to the Union, on the part of thoso who are uot
our assailants, as sincere, when they pronounce
eulogies upon the Union, evidently with the in
tent of charging us with disunion, without ut
tering one word of denunciation against our as
sailants If liionds of the Union, their course
should ho to unite with us in repelling these as
•iql's, and denouncing the authors as enctni^
BOOK AND JOB PRINTING,
II ill be executed in the most approved stile
and on the best terms , at the Office ofthe
SCTJTHSPsIT TPJBTTOTBs
—BY—
WM. B. HARRISON.
ofthe Union. Why they avoid this, and pursue
the course they do, it is for them to explain.
Nor can tho Union be saved by invoking tho
name of tho illustrious Southerner whose mortal
remains repose on the western bank of the Po
tomac. He was one of us—a slaveholder and a
planter. We have studied his history, and find
nothing in it to justify submission to wrong. On
the contrary, his great fame rests on the solid
foundation, tiiat, while he was careful to avoid
doing wrong to others, he was prompt and de
cided in repelling wrong. I trust that, in this
respect, we liavo profited by his example. Nor
cau we find anything in his history to deter us
from seceding from the Union, should it fail to
fulfil the objects for which it vvas instituted, by
being permanently and hopelessly converted iu
to the means of oppressing instead of protecting
us. On the contrary, we find much in his exam
ple to encourage us, should we be forced to the
extremity ofdeciding between submission and
disunion. There existed then, as well as now, a
union—that between the parent country and her
then olonica. It was a union that had* much >•>
endear it to the people of the colonies. Un
der its protecting and superintending care, the
colonies were planted and grew up and prosper
ed, through a long course of years, until they be
came populous and wealthy. Its benefits were
not limited to them. Their extensive agricul
tural and other productions, gave birth to a flour
ishing commerce, whicli richly rewarded the
parent country for the trouble and expense of
establishing and protecting them. Washington
vvas horn and grew up to manhood under that
union, lie acquired his early distinction in its
service, and there is every reason to believe that
he was devotedly attached to it. But his devo
tion was a rational one. He was attached, not
as an end, hut as a means to an end- When it
failed to fulfil its end, and ins'eud ofuflording pro
tection, vvas converted into the means of ojqires.
sing the colonics, he did not iicsitate to draw his
sword, and head the great movement by which
that union was forever severed, and the inde
pendence of these States established. This was
the groat and crowning glory of his life, which
has spread his fame over the whole globe, ami
will transmit it to the latest posterity.
Nor can the plan proposed by the distinguish
ed Senator from Kentucky, nor that of the Ad
ministration, Rave tho Union. I shall pass by,
w itliout remark, the plan proposed by tho Sena
tor, and proceed directly to tlio consideration of
thatoftho Administration. 1 however assure
tho distinguished and able Senator, that in ta
king this course, no direspcct whatever is inten
ded to him or Itis plan. I liavo adopted it be
cause so many Senators ot distinguished abilities,
who were present when lie delivered his speech
and explained his plan, and who were fully ca
pable to do justice to the side they support, Ituvo
replied to him.
The plan ofthe Administration cannot save
the Union, because it can have no effect what
ever, towards satisfying the States composing
the Southern section of the Union, that they can,
consistently with safety and honor, remain in
the Union. It is in fact hut a modification ofthe
Wiltnot Proviso. It proposes to effect the same
object—to exclude the South from nil territory
acquired by the Mexican treuty. It is well
know n that the South is united against the Wil
myt Proviso, and has committed itself by solemn
resolutions, to resist,should it he adopted. Its
opposition is not to the name., (mt to that which
lioiil to he unconstitutional, unjust, inconsistent
with their equality as mouthers of tiie common
Union, and calculated to destroy irretrievably
the equilibrium between the two sections. Them
objections equally apply to what, for brevity,!
will call the Executive Proviso. There is no
difference between it and the YVilmot, expect
in the mode of effecting the object, and in that
respect I must say, that the latter is much tho
least objectionable. It goes to its object, open
ly, boldly, and distinctly. It claims for Con
gress unlimited power over the Territories, and
proposes to assert it over tho Territories, ac
quired from Mexico, by a positive prohibition of
slavery. Not so the Executive Proviso. It
takes an indirect course, and in order to elude
the Wilmot Proviso, and thereby avoid encoun
tering the united and determined resistance of
the South, it denies, by implication, _the author
ity of Congress to legislate for tnc Territories,
and claims the right ns belonging exclusively to
the inhabitants of the Territories. But to cflect
tlio object of excluding tho South, it takes cure,
in the mean time, of lotting in emigrants freely,
from the Northern Siaics and all othor quarters,
except from the South, which it takes special
care to exclude, by holding up to them the dan
ger of having their slaves liberated under the
Mexican.laws. The necessary consequence is
to exclude the South from the Territory, just as
effectually ns would the Wilmot Proviso. The
NUMBER 10.
only difference in this respect is, that what one
proposes to effect directly and openly, the other
proposes to effect inderectly and covertly.
But the Executive Proviso is more objection,i
uhlc than the V/ilmot, in another and more im
portant particular. Tho latter, to effect its ob
ject, intlicts a dangerous wound upon tho Con
stitution, by depriving tho Southern States as
joint partners and owners of the Territories, of
their rights in them ; but it inflicts no greater
wound than is absolutely necessary to effect
its object. The former, on the contrary, while
it inflicts the same wound, inflicts others equally
great, and if possible, greater, as I shall next
proceed to explain.
In claiming the right for the inhabitants, in
stead of Congress, to Legislate for the Territo
ries, in the Executive Proviso, it assumes that
the sovereignty of the Territories is vested in
the former, or to express it in the language used
in a resolution offered by one of the Senators
from Taxas, (Gen. Houston, now absent,) they
have “the same inherent right of self-^ovcrn
ment as the people in tho States.” The as
sumption is utterly unfounded, unconstitution
al without exsmole and contrarv in the entirn
practice of the Government, from its commence
ment to the present time, as I shall proceed to
show.
The recent movement of individuals in Cali
fornia to form a Constitution and a State Gov
ernment, and to appoint Senators and Represen
tatives, is the first fruit of this monstrous as
sumption. If the individuals, who made this
movement, had gone into California as adven
turers, and if, as such,they hud conquered the
Territory and established their independence,
the sovereignty of the country would have been
vested in them, as a separate and independent
community. In that case, they would have
had the right to form a Constitution, and to es
tablish a government for themselves, and if,
afterwards, they thought proper to apply to Con
gress for admission into tho Uriion us a sovereign
and indeponden State, all this would have been
regular, and according to established principles.
But such is not tho case. It was the United
States who conquered California, and finally
acquired it by treaty. Tho sovereignty, of
course, is vested in them, and not in tho indi
viduals who have attempted to form a Constitu
tion arid a State, without their consent. All
this is clear, boyond controversy, except it can
ho shown that they havu siuce lost or been di
\cstcd of their sovereignty.
[CONCLVL'I.V ON I 'I'STII i ur J
