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SOUTHERN TRIBUNE.
t CITED AND PUBLISHED WEEKLY, BY
W3I. B . HARRISON .
Mr. Beiuiiiiips Letter.
To the Editor of the Southern Sentinel ,
Sir—-In your last paper, a communica
tion signed‘Muscogee,” closes with the
following sentence:
"If harmony and union are to prevail,
let the opinions and policy of those who
are selected as candidates be fully and
freely expressed, and let the selection fall
on no ultraist.”
I know not whether this was meant for
me or not. Indeed I have not been di
rectly notified of my nomination as a can
didate to represent the 2d district, in the
Nashville Convention. All that 1 know,
on that subject is, what I have seen in the
newspapers, and what I have heard from
unofficial persons. But as I think there
can bo but little doubt of my having in fact
received such nomination from the Demo
cratic party by its representatives at Mil
ledgeville, and also to some extent by its
own primary action in some parts of the
District, and as 1 am willing to serve if
elected, and as this is not a time to stand
upon forms, I will with your permission
seize the oppoitunaty which the communi
cation of “Muscogee” presents to express,
through your colums, the opinions which
I entertain on the subjects in question.
I think then, tho following propositions
are true.
1. That the North has already the will
to abolish slavery every where in the U.
States as soon as she can do it safely to
herself.
2. That she is rapidly acquiring the
power to carry out this will.
3. That of all the calamities which ever
afflicted a nation, there have been none
which would equal those which abolition
would visit upon the Southern States.
A few words upon each of these. The
first you will observe, Mr. Editor, is only
what you yourself assert in more energet
ic and unlimited language in the same pa
per, when you say. “it is the solemn and
fixed determination of the Northern States
to extirpate slavery from the confines of the
American Union." Surely elaborate argu
ment and citation of proofs arc not requir
ed, to establish this proposiion. Wc can
almostsee itstruth with our eyes. Where
ever the North has hitherto been able to
abolish slavery with impunity, she has in
variably abolished it. The old Northern ;
States were all, at one time, sla'e Staes.
Each has abolished slavery within its own
limits bylaw. The constitution to which
the North gave her solemn assent requires
her to surrender fugitive slaves who may
be found in her midst, to their owners, on
being claimed. Instead of observing this
obligation, she knowingly and deliberately
violates it as far as she can do so, without
incurring physical penalty. In place of
surrendering such fugitives she throws a
round them a barrier of legal enctment,
judicial interpretation and public opinion
which to the master is impassable or passa
ble only at the risk of his life.
Every Northern State, with perhaps one
or two exceptions, confined to those late
ly admitted into theUnion,has passed laws,
the wh'de aim of which is to render the
constitution in this particular, a nullity
that is to say, as much as in her lies the
North, has already applied the principle
of abolition to the slavery of the Southern
States. She has done this not only at the
expence of her faith most solemnly plight
ed to the South, but in contravention of a
most darling domestic policy of her own—
that which seeks to include free negroes
from her bonds—for what can she make
of a rescued slave but a free negro] Ran
dolph’s emancipated slaves to the number
of some three hundred were driven out of
Ohio as a3 a curse—had they been slaves
unemancipated and fleeing from him, their
legal owner, every door would have flown
open at their approach for welcome and
Concealment. Year after year her intre
pidity in this sort of treachery, becomes
more and more atrocious. About two
years ago the pursuer of a fugitive slave
was mobbed and murdered in Pensylva
nia. Nothing has been done with the mur
derers ; they have not even been placed
under the ban of public opinion. The
mob was not made up of riff-raffand scum
neither. Professors in Colleges, ministers
of the Gospel, figured conspicuously.—
Even now, Pensylvania has a Maryland
er in jail whom she found on her free soil
seeking forhis runaway slave—put there
on some other miserable pretext. The
case is so glaring, that Maryland in lier
sovereign capacity has had to take notice
of it, and send thither her own counsel to
try to have iustice done the man. Yet
Pennsylvania is claimed to bo the North
ern State which is infected with abolition
in its mildest form. At the late great abo
lition convention in Massachusetts it was
made a boast, that no fugitive slave had
been recovered from that State for the last
seven years. Indeed the case there and
in all New England, and the greater part
of New York and Ohio, now is,that a fugi
tive ftom the South is not only protected,
but he is instantly made a lion of. Thou
sands assemble to hear him tell his “expe
rience to sympathize with him, to curse
the slave ocracy. Such conduct is gloried
in by ‘a moral and religious people.* It
was but the other day that a whole steam
boat load of slaves was stolen from the
city of Washington, during the sitting of
Congress, almost in the face of the sun,
and in open defiance of law. Having ex
tirpated slavery from her own soil, the
North is now ready to go beyond it. She
is now ripe to abolish slavery iti the Dis
trict of Columbia, in all the’ U. S. forts,
arsenals, dockyard*, ships, &c She can
hardly be restrained from instantly pounc- ‘
ing, at every hazard, upon the District of
Columbia. The apprehension of deter
mined resistance on the part of the whole
South is barely sufficient to rein her in.—
The Union is a partnership, in which all
the members are equals and entitled to
share profits, and divide losses. This part
nership since it has been in operation has
acquited nearly 2,500,000 square miles of
ten ilory of land. But such has been the
hatred of the North to slavery, that tramp
ling under foot this characteristic and es
sential quality of every partnership—this
first dictate of the sentiment of justice
even in its rudest state of developcment,
she has appropriated, or is appropriating
to herself three fourths of all of this rich
acquisition, and is prosecuting a fierce
claim to third a of the residue—to half of
Texas. Almost every Northern State has,
in some form, announced the principle that i
slavery must he abolished by the general
government in all places in which it has ju
risdiction over the subject, and that it must
he excluded from all places in which it
does not now at present exist. Yeta
while, she would be understood by this to
point at the district of Columbia and the
territories only.
But the genaral welfare clause in the
constitution is her pet clause. Rapidly
becoming a majority large enough to com
mand every branch of the government, it
needs but her favorite interpretation of that
clause—that is a liberal one, to give her
jurisdiction over slavery in the States as
well as in thedistrict of Columbia and the
territories. Mr. Wm. H.Seward, ‘the ris
ing star of the North’ thus delivered him
se f little more than a year ago,in a studied
address to the people of Cleai eland, Ohio,
“Slavery can be limited to its present
bcunds—it can be ameliorated—it can be
ami it must he abolished, and you and l ran
and must do it." When did he ever mis
take the beat of the public pulse I Tli 1
tone of Horace Mann, Tbad. Stevens, Col.
Bissell, each representing a distinct section
of the North—New England—the middle
States-tlie Northwest, in their late speech
es, what does it proclaim but war to the
knife, unending war upon slavery 1 will
these different sections repudiate these
men 1 It were fatuity to believe it.—
Are not the voices of the whole one bun
died and forty membeis of the House
from the North tuned in unison ? and
what are they,the faint echoes of the cease
less howls of their mighty constituency I
The sentiment of abolition, universal abo
lition pervades the Northern mass, like
gravity does mutter.
2. That the North is rapidly acquiring
the power to carry this sentiment into ef
fect. She is doing this, by seizing to her
self all ot the public territory, by fright
ening slavery out of the border slave
btatis, by the well founded expec.ancy of
the early annexation of Canada; by ahsoib
ing into her bosom the whole tide of foreign
emigration atnonting fr0m250,000 to 300,
000 peisons a year—by establishing a sys
tem of laws—tariffaud others, which pours
into her lap annually millions of the sub
stance of the South—by growing into a size
which according to the law of our present
organization, will soon give her the legal
control of the purse and sword of the
whole nation, and which in short, will en
able her to wield all her strength of what
ever kind or h >\vever acquired, agaimt
the South, to the very best advantage—
whilst this is going on at the North, the
South moulders away—a black population
flows in upon the South Atlantic and the
Gulf States, and by and bye, under a
sense of the coming catastrophe, a w hite
one in constantly increasing volume flows
out. The decreasing remnant of whites,
growiug more and more disspitited.w ill in
the end bo easily crushed under the united
mass of the negroes and the North. The
North as rapidly acquiring the power to
abolish slavery at her mere pleasure—
Abolition therefore is only a question of
time. Some thirty or fifty years off.
2. What is abolition 1 It is certainly
universal Bankruptcy to all those States in
which slavery may be found existing when
it is proclaimed—it is almost a-; certainly
the extirpation of the whole white race.
The 3000,000 slaves now in the South are
worths 1,200,000,000. By the time abolition
comes, they will probably have doubled
their numbers and their value. The loss
of 2,000,000 of dollars, whether it conics
in the twinkling of an eye, or is spread
over half a dozen years, connot but re
sult in indiscriminate bankruptcy. The
incomes of Cotton, Sugar and Rice plant
ers will be cut down to nothing—stiil
they will be better off than any otherclasss
“f the community savetbo hoarders of gold;
they will still have their lands—being all
the lands which are choice. From these
they may draw a precarious support, such
as are out of debt—but they will have
little or nothing to buy with from the mer
chant—to pay the mechanic —to supply to
laborits wages. The occupations of these
latter classes will be utterly gone until a
new system—a new order of things can be
slowly and gradually, if at all, constructed
out of the old disrupted fragments. This
is the most favorable, the mildest effect
which can be anticipated from abolition.
But, in addition to this, we may look for
honors, such as have not been seen since
the sacking of Jerusalem by Titus—and
were not then. A war will break out be
tween the white race and the black, which,
from its nature, must be a war without
quarter, without mercy, without any civil
ized usages—a war which shall spare nei
ther age nor sex, nor condition—a war in
which women shall pray for unpolluted
death, as a delivcrence beyond price. The
Notlh having decreed abolition, will, of
course, assist in executing her own decree.
She will not take tho 6ide of the whites
who will be heaping upon her curses and
anathemas as the author of the evil. Join
ing the negroes, the united forces over
whelm the whites—all of the latter are
killed, except, perhaps, some miseiable
remnant which may, like the outcast Sem
inolcs, find a temporary refuge in the ev
et glades of Flot ida, or like the aboriginal
Britons, escape into some inaccessible
Wales. In the end, the allies fall out, too.
The North begins to covet the rich lands
and the happy climate which have fallen
to the lot of the negroes. She picks a
quarrel with them, Then comes a war.—
Then peace, on condition of a large slice
of territory to the stronger poicer. This
process being repeated a few times, the
black race will be driven into the Atlantic,
as the Red is being driven into the Pacific.
This, 1 take it, is the kind of thing abolition
will be.
If I am l ight in these positions, it is plain
what should be the object and the duty of
I the Nashville Convention. It should be
to provide a remedy for the coming evil,
that is to say, to devise some means by
which the fixed determination of the North
to abolish slavery shall he abandoned, or
if that is impossible, by which her acqui
sition of the power to abolish it may be
attested. The remedy must be adequate
to the accomplishment of one of these two
things, or manifestly it will prove a mere
delusion and a snare. Now, I have no
doubt the Convention will have in it wis
dom en< ugh and patriotism enough to hit
upon and to recommend for adoption such
a r rnedy. Should the one selected be
found within the Union, it will afford me
sofuraa I am individually concerned,high
gratification should it not, still I will ac
cept it even at the expence of the Union.
I consider escape from the evils to which
I have alluded, a matter to be weighed,
even against all the honor and all the profit
of an alliance with Mr. Webster and Se
ward, Mr. Cass and Mr. Bissel.Mr. Corwin
and Mr. Mann, Mr. Buchanan and Mr. Wil
mot, Messrs. Van Burcn, and Stevens,
(Iliad.) Root, Allen, Tuck, Giddings,
Gates, and their respective associates and
followers. Most assuredly l will notsup
port any remedial measure which looks to
a dissolution of the Union, except in the
language of “Muscogee,” “that shall be
the last and only honorable alternative.”
This I believe, to be what, not only the 2d
district, but the whole South, would have
me do. And the will of that district 1
would hold to be a law to me whether it
agreed with my own or not—any thing
else would he a misrepresentation instead
of a representation of the district.
Thus, sir, you have my opinions upon
some leading points in the slavery question
—upon the objects and duty of the Nash
ville Convention and upon the course which
l should pursue if honored with a seat in
that Convention. Other kindred topics in
vite to discussion, and these might no
doubt, be expanded to advantage, but en
gagements, which will not be put off, re
strain me from the undertaking.
The papers of the District will much
oblige me, by laying this communication
before their readers.
HENRY L. HENNING.
Mr. Toomb’s Letter.
( Copy.)
Washington, D.C.. March 11, ISSO.
*iit: 1 have received, under cover of
your favor of ihe 25th ult., the resolutions
passed by tbe late General Assembly of
the State of Georgia.
J he Bth resolution of the series declares
that it will become the immediate and im
perative duty of the people of this State
(Georgia) to meet in convention to take
into consideration the mode and measures
ot redress, upon the happening of either
ot the four contingencies :
Ist. The passage of the Wilmot Pro
viso by Cong: ess.
2d. The abolition of slavery in the Dis
trict of Columbia.
3d. The admission of California as a
State in its present pretended organiza
tion.
4th. The continued refusal of the non
slaveholding States to deliver up fugitive
slaves as provided by tho Constitution.”
The happening of either the first, second
or fourth of these contingencies would jus
tify the proposed measure, hut, in my opin
ion, the happening of the third contingency
would not warrant it. And I deeply re
gret that a just cause should he endangered
by the assumption of such an unwise and
untenable position. Congress has the ex
press power to admit new States. The
admission of California under that power is
purely and solely a question of Congres
sional discretion, and would present nei
ther a just nor a sufficient cause for State
interposition, or revolutionary resistance.
It would neither present a case of the
usurpation of power. I cannot but believe
that its insertion was not based upon a just
regard for tbe public welfare, but that it
was prompted mainly by that disposition to
promote local party schemes and objects
which so eminently marked and disgraced
the action of the majority of the General
Assembly.
Asa representative of the people of
Georgia, I shall exercise this constitutional
discretion without reference to the opin
ions of the General Assembly, and shall
vote for or against the admission of Califor
nia, as in my judgment, will best promote
the public interest. Asa citizen of the
State, I shall oppose the action proposed
by the Legislature, even if California shall
be admitted against my vote.
I am, very respectfully, your obedient
servant, R. 'TOOMBS.
To His Excellency, Gtorge W. Towns,
Governor of Georgia.
Thirty-First Congress.
FIRST SESSION.
In Senate, March 13.
Mr. Douglas presented the memorial of
William M. Gwin and John C. Fremont,
Senators, and G. W. Wright and Edward
Gilbert, Representatives, of the State of
California, accompained by a certified copy
of the constitution of that State, and the
credentials of the Senators elected by the
Legislature thereof, requesting, in the
name of the people of California, admis
sion as a State into the Union. Ordered
to lie on the table and be printed.
SLAVERY AND THE SLAVE-TRADE.
Mr. Seward presented ten petitions of
citizens of different counties in New York,
praying the abolition of slavery in the Ter
ritories and the District of Columbia, &c-
Also, a petition from citizens and electors
of West Bloomfield, Ontario county, New
York, asking, that whenever a persou shall
be arrested as a fugitive slave in any State
other than that in which he is held to ser
vice, he shall not be delivered to the mas
ter or agent.unless on the finding of a jury.
The Secretary then read one of the
petitions as follows :
“ Petition for the establishment and pro
tection of freedom in the Territories of
the L nited States.and against the admis
sion of more slave States into the Union.
'To the Congress of the United States;
“The undersigned, citizens and electors
of the State of New York, residing in
Hamilton, in the county of Madison, res
pectfully pray, that slavery and the slave
trade may be expressly prohibited by act
of Congress, in all the Territories of the
United States ; and that no State shall
hereafter be admitted into the Union, un
less its constitution shall expressly prohib
it the introduction or existence of slavery
within its limits.
“Hamilton, March, 1550.”
On the question being put to lay the
petition on the table the yeas and nays
were as follows :
Yeas—Messrs. Atchison,Benton, Butler,
Clemens, Davis of Mississippi, Dawson,
Dickinson, Foote, Hunter, King, Mason,
Pratt, Rusk, Sturgeon, and Yulee—ls.
Nays —Messrs. Badger,Baldwin, Chase,
Clay, Corwin, Davis of Massachusetts,
Dayton, Dodge of lowa, Dodge of Wis
consin, Douglas, Felch, Hale, Hamlin,
Jones, Miller, Phelps, Seward, Smith, Un
derwood, Upham, Wales, and Webster—
-22.
So the question of reception was not
laid on the table.
The Vice President said the question
recurs on the motion to receive.
The motion was agreed to, and the pe
tition was received and referred to the
Committee on the Territories.
Mr. Sevvaid then presented the three
oiber petitions of a similar character.
Mr. Davis, of Mississippi, objected to
their reception.
The \ ice President put the question to
receive, and it was agreed to by a majori
ty of IS to 13.
These petitions were then severally re
ferred to the committee on the Territories.
SLAVERY SELECT COMMITTEE.
The following gentlemen have been
named as the Select Committe of Thirteen
5)11 Mr. Foote’s proposition, viz :
Mr. Clay, chairman ; Messrs. Webster,
Phelps, Cooper, Cass, Dickinson, Dodge,
jr., Mason, Soule, Butler, Mangum, Beil,
and Berrien.
Mr. Benton introduced a resolution to
the effect that the said committee should
not take into consideration anything which
relates to the admission of the Stale of
California into the Union.
Mr. Webster said from what I have seen
sir, and from what we have all seen and
heard, within the last month, my own per
suasion is, that no benefit is likely to arise
from any attempt to draw up a series of
resolutions for the settlement of all the
questions now in agitation. I see no hope
that such a series of resolutions would pass
the two Houses of Congress. At the close
of my remarks on Thursday, 1 signified
that l should take an opportunity, as ear
ly as might be convenient, consistently
with the rights of others, to say wdiat I had
to say on the subject immediately embra
ced by the resolution if the chairman of
the Committee on the Territories [Mr.
Douglas,] anti the amendment proposeil
to it by the honorable member from Mis
souri, [Mr. Benton,] Upon the direct]
subject of the admission of California, un
der the circumstances, I have not a parti
cle of doubt. lam clear in the opinion,
that the true course—and the only course
of proceeding efficiently—is to keep that
measure separate; and 1 am prepared to
vote for the admission of California exactly
as she presen ts herself with her boundaries
’precisely as they are; and I hope, in a very
short course of observations addressed to
the Senate, to show, that if the question
were now here before us, aud we were
ourselves to prescribe boundaries for Cali
fornia, we could not make any boundaries
lor that State better than are provided for
by her own constitution. In order to
make out this, I propose to say something
upon the nature of the country the extent
of the Territory, and whatsoever else may
appropriately belong to the question of
■! o boundaries of States in that quarter of
>iie world. In short, I incline to think it
expedient—quite expedient—to proceed
in that course of legislation which the
President has suggested, in his message
transmitting the constitution of California.
Mr. Cass said that as long as I have a
vote to give, I will faithfully carry out the
spirit of the articles of Texas annexation ;
and I will not look behind their guaranties.
I will abide by them, and I am prepared at
all times to say so. * * * *
In relation to a compromise Mr. Cass
said i “Tbe Missouri compromise fine is,
therefore, as much out of the question as
the Wilmot Proviso."
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Mr. King presented the following con
current resolutions of the Legislature of
New York, and he moved that they be
laid upon the table, and printed ; desiring
that, in the first instance, they should be
read.
The resolutions were read, as follows :
CONCURRENT RESOLUTIONS.
State of New York.
In Senate, January 16A, 1850.
Resolved, (if the Assembly concur,)
That, as the Federal Constitution was for
med and adopted expressly to secure the
blessings of liberty to the people of the
United States, and their posterity, there
fore, the Federal Government ought to
relieve itself from all responsibility for the
existence or continuance of slavery or the
slave-trade, wherever it lias the constitu
tional power over those subjects ; and our
Senators in Congress are hereby instruc
ted, and our Representatives are reques
ted, to use their best efforts to procure the
passage of laws, that will effectually and
forever put an end to the slave trade in the
District of Columbia.
Resolved, (if the Assembly concur,) That
the determination indicated by the Gov
ernors’ Message., and the resolutions of
the Legislatures of various of the slave
holding States, and by the Representatives
of such States in Congress, to extend do
mestic slavery over the Territory acquired
by the late treaty of peace with the Repub
lic ot Mexico, we feel bound to oppose by
all constitutional means ; and recognizing
the constitutional power of Congress, to
prohibit, by positive enactment, the ex
tension of slavery into free territory, our
Senators in Congress are hereby instructed,
and our Representatives requested, to use
their best efforts to insert such a positive
prohibition into any law they may pass
for the government of the Territories in
question.
Resolved, (if the Assembly concur,) That
our Senators in Congress be instructed,
and our Representatives requested, to res
ist, firmly, and to the utmost of their abili
ty, and by such positive legislation as may
be necessaiy, the extension ofhumanslave
ry, or the jurisdiction of Texas over any
part of New Mexico.
Resolved (if the Assembly concur,) That
we have learned, with great satisfaction,
that the people of California have adopted
a cons ituti. n, which is entirely in accor
dance with the spirit of the free institutions
< f our country ; and our Senators in Con
gress are hereby instiucted, and our Rep
resentatives requested, to aid in the pass
age of such laws as may be necessary to
admit that State into the Union.
Resolved, (if the Assembly concur,) That
the people of this State are desirous of
preserving inviolate, the Federal Union,
and that they will strenuously oppose all
attempts, from whatever source they may
emanate, or under whatever pretence they
may be made, to effect its dissolution.
Resolved, (if the Assembly concur,) That
the Governor be requested to transmit a
copy of the foregoing resolutions to each
of the Senators and Representatives from
this State in Congress.
By order of the Senate.
WM. HENRY BOGART, Clerk.
State of New York.
In Assembly, February l\th, ISSO.
Resolved, That the Assembly do concur
in the passage of the foregoing resolutions.
By order, JAS. R. ROSE, Clerk.
Mr. Preston King moved that the rules
be suspended, in order that the motion to
print might be considered now.
The question ; "Shall the rules be sus
pended ]” was then taken, and decided
in the negative—yeas 107, nays 63, as fol
lows :
Yeas —Messrs. Albertson, Alexander,
Andrews, Ashman, Bennett, Bingham,
Bissell, Booth, Bowlin, Brooks, Buel,
Burrows, C. Butler, T. B. Butler, Calvin,
Carter, Casey, Chandler, Cleveland, Cole,
Conger, Corwin, Crowell, Dimmick, Dis
ney, Dixon, Doty, Duer, Duncan, Dun
ham, Durkeo, Fitch, Fowler, Freedley,
Fuller. G erry, Giddings, Goodenow, Gor
man, Gott, Gould, Grinnell, Hammond,
Hampton, Harlan, Hebard, Henry, Hib
bard, Hoagland, Howe, Hunter, Julian,
Daniel P. King, George G. King, James
G. King, John A. King. Preston King,
Leffler, Horace Mann, Job Mann, Mat
teson, McLanahan, It. M.McLane, Moore,
Morris Nelson, Nes, Olds, Otis, Peaslee,
Peck, Potter, Putnam, Reed, Reynolds,
Richardson, Itobbins, Robbinson, Root,
Itumsey, Sackett, Schoolcraft, Silvester,
Spalding, Sprague, Thaddeus Stevens,
Stetson, Taylor, James Thompson, Wil
liam Thompson,Thurman,T nck,Uiulerbill,
Van Dyke, Vinton, Walden, Waldo,
Wentworth, White, Whittlesey, Wildrick,
Wilson,Winthrop, Wood, and Youn"—
107.
IVajrs-Messrs. Alston, Anderson, Ashe,
Averett, Bay, Boyd, Breck, A. G. Brown,
Burt, J. P. Caldwell, Clingman, W. R. W.
Cobb, Colcock, Deberry, Edmundson,
Alexander Evans, Ewing. Gilmore, Green,
Haekctt, Hall, Hamilton, Haralson, Isham
G. Harris, Haymond, Hilliard, Holliday,
Holmes, Howard, J. IV. Jackson, James
L. Johnson, Jones, Kaufman, La Sere,
Marshall, Mason, McDowell, F. E. Mc-
Lean, McMullen, McQueen, McWillie,
Morse, Morton, Orr, Parker, Phelps, Pow
ell, Ross, Savage, Shepperd, Stanly, F. p.
Stanton, Richard H. Stanton, Alexander
H. Stephens, Thomas, John B, Thompson,
Toombs, Venable, Wallace, Watkins Well
born, Williams, ar.d Woodward—63.
So two-thirds not voting ; n the affirma
tive, the rules were not suspended.
And the motion to print lies over for de
bate.
Correspondence of the Charleston
Washington, March 12
I wish to impress upon your reade
very important fact, and I assure 1
lemnly, that it is a fact .well known u,* 0 !
here, who are conversant with the sen-t
--ents of a majority of the Northern me
bers of both Houses. Their minds
made up to admit California, and to „ J
vent the further extension of slavery
only in the newly acquired Territorial
but Mr. Seward spoke the sentiments ri
this majority, when he stated the law 0
compact to be unconstitutional which
idud for the admission of three more slave
States from the Territory of Texas 9
They would not halt as they now do f
single instant, did this majority of Northern
members not feel some doubt about the
true Southern sentiments and designs
They are fearful you may be in earner
though they dont believe you are. Still
there is a doubt, and which might make
the immediate admission of Californ a
dangerous, and they prefer waiting. Mr
Seward honestly expressed the contempt
which the North feel on the subject of
your separating from them. They do not
believe it can be done. They believe that
you are divided in the South in sentiment
They say, the South has talked about
separation and disunion, that it is all stuff
and nonsense, and mere wind. That the
Southern people have no idea of anything
of the kind; that the South could not be
driven off if the North was to do their best
to get rid of them and the cursed insti
tution of slavery together; that the South
are noisy, and threatening through their
delegates in Congress, who are kicking
pu a rumpus in Washington only to gains
little popularity and deputation; that the
North should vote them down at once, and
have done with it; and that ever after tbev
will be as quiet a3 lambs ; that if any at.
tempt at disunion is made it will be put
down by a proclamation, as was done bv
General Jac kson; but if the South should
go further than it is expected or believed
at the North, that thy dare go, then troops
and volunteers will enter such Southern
States as are troublesome, and side with
the friends of the Union in restoring peace,
and hanging the ringleaders; that if Messrs
Calhoun, Mangum, Mason, Davis,Birt,
Toombs, Ci.ingman, and other leading
members of eithet House should atemptto
leave their seats and return home to their
constituents, in consequence of any act
being passed by Congress, as they have
some of them threatened to do, then that
the Government will act promptly, arrest
and confine them there until all is quie ed,
not allowing them to go homo after threa
tening to excite rebellion. These are
facts. These things the North rely upnn,
for they do not believe that the South are
in earnest; so far from it they believe it to
be the mere braggadocia of a few dissat
isfied Southern politicians. This shows
the importance of the people of the South
ern States acting together at this time,
and meeting in Convention at Nashville;
for while there is any doubt in the North
ern mind that the South are, or are not,
divided, no justice or forbearance will be
shown towards the Southern States by
Northern Legislatures, or people, or by
Congress. Let people of the South act
decidedly in favor of’that Convention. Its
ohjcc s are peace, unity of sentiment, and
a desire to save the Union, if it can be sav
ed by a unanimous declaration from that
body, of w hat the Southern States demand.
If the Convention debate the matter peace
ably tlie Executive will not interfere, fur
ther than what has already been under
stood to have been decided upon by the
President and his Cabinet. The Pres
ident will issue a Proclamation about the
20th of May, calling upon all the citizens of
the South to be on their guard, not to be
led astray,or take any part in the Conven
tion if its design shall lake a treasonable
direction. A military force will be order
ed to the neighborhood ofNashvilie, and
Gen. Soott, (with troops, and to coop
erate with Gen. Taylor in putting down
any attempts to dissolve the Union,) will
be ordered to that section of the country to
sustain the General Government, should
it be found necessary to arrest any of the
parties w-ho may take part in what the
Government may proclaim to be treason
able to the Union.
The Sieges of 1849.— Tlie past yearwillbi
memorable in the military history for t/ie extra
ordinary number of important sieges which oc
curred. Tlie Loudon Times gives a summary
view of these sieges: “No less than ten great
cities or fortresses of Europe were invested and
attacked —some oftlicm places of historical ren'
own, which had been exempt for ages from the
direct violence of and enemy. In Italy, Rome
and Venice were captured after a protracted and
regular siege of a most remarkable character-
Genoa and Acona were reduced by bombard
ment the revolutionary garrisons being unable to
suffice for their complete defence. In Denmark
tlie fortress of Fredercia successfully resisted the
besieging army, and enabled the royal forces b;
a rally to turn the fortune of the war. In d> c
Palatinate, Landau was invested without
but Kastadt was taken witli some loss and delay*
by the Prussians. In Hungnrytlie abortive sieg
es of Comorn and Peterwardcin maintained ll |el '
invincible reputation ; whilst the heroic defence
of Temcswar and the storm of Buda must b®
considered the most brilliant exploits of that fa |a
war. In most of these reinarksble cases, It® ne
cessityof acting against fortitiod towns an
positions arose from the circumstance that tb ,t
revolutionary party placed more reliance on j**
strength behind tbe walls of cities than in 1
field.
(O’lt is believed from the experiment‘d
Becqucrel, R. Hunt,and Sit Jahn Herschel, 1
nt no distant period we shall be ablo t° *
portraits and landscapes, by tho Daguerreanp r
cess, with all the charms of truthful colorifS
