The Southern tribune. (Macon, Ga.) 1850-1851, April 13, 1850, Image 1

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The Southern tribune., April 13, 1850, Image 1

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Newspaper Page TextTHE •sarcESMßss Will be published ecenj HATURD AY Afternoon, In the Vico-St or ij Wooden Building, at the Corner of Walnut and Fifth Street, IN THE CITV OF MACON, &A. «) HU. B. 11A It I£lHO.\. TERMS: For tlio Paper, in advance, per annum, if not paid in advance, $3 00, per annum. T 7* Advertisements will be inserted usual rates —and when the number of inactions «ie- I tired is not specified, they will be continued un til forbid aud charged accordingly, [TP by the Year will be contracted with upon the most favorable terms. o*Sales of Land by Administrators,Executors •r Guardians, are required by Law, to be held on the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of ten o’clock in the Forenoon and three in the Afternoon, at the Court House of tb* county in w lichthe Property is situate. Notice of these .•Sales must he given in a public gazette Sixty Days previous to the day of sale. djTSales of Negroes by Administators, Execu tors or Guardians, must be at Public Auction, on the first Tuesday in the month, between the legal hoursof sale,before the Court House of thecounty where the LettersTestainentary.or Administration or Guardianship may have been granted, first giv ing notice thereof for Sixty Days, in one of the public gazettes of this State, and at the door of the Court House where such sales are to be held. |jj”Notice for the sale of Personal Property m ist oe given in like manne. F\"ty Days pre vious to the day of sale. (fj*Notice to the Debtors and Creditors o'.an e3 tate must be published for Forty Days. that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Ne groes must be published in a public gazette in the Sate for Four Months, before any order absolute can be given by the Court. (j j'Citations for Letters of Administration on an Estate, granted by the Court of Ordinary, must be published Thirty Days for Letters of Dismis 9i„n from the a lministralionofan Estate,monthly fV Six Moaths —for Dismission from Guardian ship forty Days. 'j’Rules for the foreclosure of a Mortgage, nuist.be puolished monthly for Four Months— for establ ishing lost Papers, for the full space of Hirer, M tntlis —for compelling Titles from Ex ecutors, Administrators or others, where a Bond has been given by the deceased, the full space of Three Months. political. in Congress* Washington, March 14, 1850. The Resolutions of Mr. Bell being un der consideration, Gen. Cass discussed them at length, and iu the course of his remarks said : l regret, sir, that the Senator from South Carolina, (Mr. Calhoun,) is not present, as 1 desired to extend my remarks further than 1 shall now do. 1 have already said, that the speech of that honorable Senator inevitably leads us to the conclusion, that upon the admission of California depends the dissolution of the Union. He likewise contended that an amendment to the Con stitiition was indispensable, and his re marks on yesterday seemed to connect the fate of the country with the accomplish ment of this object. * * * * Mr. Downs. Do I understand the Sena tor as saying that be understood the Sena tor from South Carolina as asserting that the‘amendment should be made now ? Mr. Cass. The Senatorfrom South Caro lina, in the explanation be gave us, said he did not require it to be done now, but that it was indespensable that it should be done. Am 1 not right! * * * Mr. Foote. The Senator from South Carolina said, l believe, that it would he indispensable ultimately. That, I think, was the Word he used. * * * Mr. But er. I know it may be expected that l should be able to indicate what are the precise opinions of my colleague, but I have, in reality, no more knowledge of his views, tiiau is, or may be, in the posses sion of any Senator; but 1 did understand him distinctly to say, so far as I can infer trom other sources—l believe it is his opin ion—that when the Northern States shall have acquired such a predominating influ ence in the councils of the nation, that there shall be no security for the South a gainsl their abuse of power, that then there should be inserted in the Constitution some provision by which the minority shall have ii in their power to avoid becoming a de spised and degraded minority. Sir, that is his idea and I will say in this connection —and L endorse his view to this extent — that I co not see that vve have any securi ty in the forbearance of a northern majori ty. lam free to say that Ido not feel se cuiitv from that source, because, when I hear one gentleman say that lie holds to one part of the Constitution and disregards another, according to his conscience, and Olliers come in and say that they will break it down, so far as they understand its pro visions, what security have vvefortlie pies ervation of our rights, unless we have something to rely upon by way of a veto t My colleague lias not intimated that the Cuion may not continue for many years to ciime ; but what sort of Union is it, bv which we are bouud together, when the elements of strife are introduced here every day 1 He lias always adhered to the bnion, and lie wishes to restore to it the elements of its prosperity, by produ cing harmony and conciliation; and tliev ate attained by the North doing justice and conceding to the South an equal right in the acquired territory, by complying with the requisitions of the Constitution in rela tion to the delivery of fugitive slaves, and hy ceasing the agilatifln of the slave ques tion, ar.d by providing for the insertion of some provision in the Constitution which "ill give to the South some security that her rights will be respected. * * * Mr. Downs. 1 trust the Senator will al low me to fininsb the sentence that I have ' 'irnmenced. Without going into a min oie analysis of the speech of the honorable - onator from South Carolina, I say now 1 '“t I did not pul the construction upon it 'Much is put by the honorable Senator THE SOUTHERN TRIBUNE. NEW SERIES —VOLUME 11. from Michigan, and I believe that Sena tors generally did not. Mr. Borland. As one southern Senator, | l will say that I (lid dot. Mr. Downs. I know of none that did. Mr. Cass. * * The Senator from South Carolina [Mr. Calhoun] lias not stated the amendment by which he propo ses to secure the cquilibnun of the Gov ernment. There are, however, two indi- 1 catious in his speech which leave but lit tle doubt as to the nature of the remedy, though its details must of course be con jectural. He pointed out two difficulties in the operations of the Government, which it would be necessary to obviate ; First, that it claimed to use force in or der to carry into effect the powers it felt authorized to exercise. Well, sir, what Government exists, or ever existed, which does not use force l Human beings are influenced by hope and fear, (I leave high er considerations out of view in ibis discus sion,) anti, as no Government is rich en ough to buy obedience, it must compel it by force. The second d'fficulty is, that the Gov ernment assumes to judge of the extent of its own powers. It does so, and neces saiily and so must every other Government in a greater or less degree. Ido not pro pose to enter into any argument upon this point, nor to investigate the course neces sary to pursue in collsions of opinion be tween '.he General and State Governments. That must he determined by events as they arise. I merely allude to these to pics briefly, in order, by ascertaining the evils supposed to exist by the Senator from South Carolina, to ascertain the na ture ot the remedy he is desirous of ap plying to them. He is seeking a constitu tional remedy, which shall produce an equilibrium, by which the rights of every interest of the country can he preserved from aggression. The South is not the only section which is liable to oppression. * * Well, sir, such an equilibrium, in stead of being a balance-wheel, would be a check-wheel—it would stop thewhole op erations of the Government—it would, in fact,place it under the control of a minority. Mr. President, I am going to give one proof—one irrefragible proof, that will not he contradicted, and which, indeed, admits of no contradiction—that this, in stead of being the most despotic, is the freest, Government in the world I ask every one in the seriate chamber, actor or auditor, whether, under any other Govern ment now in existence—he it a constitu tional monarchy, an aristocracy, a demo cracy, or a despotism—if such a speech as that we heard from the Senatorfrom South Carolina, could he delivered with impuni ty ! That is the question l ask. Goto Europe, to Asia, to Africa, for an answer, if you need one. He who should make such an experiment in St. Petersburg, would find himself on the road to Siberia In half an hour, and in Constantinople he would find the bow-string around his neck in the same time. In England, it would send him to Australia, where many a good man has been transported fur language less significant. There is not a country on the face of the earth, where a man could make such a speech with impunity. I thank God that this is so, and that a man may say here what he pleases, and as he pleases. He may assail the Government with perfect safety, its principles, its prac tices, and its tendencies and there is no one to make afraid. All this but provokes in vestigation, and the more our institutions are investigated, the stronger will they become in the hearts of the people, who will continue to love the Government, which has given them a greater measure of prosperity than any other people ever enjoyed, and will support and defend it against all assaults. Such sentiments nev er struck my ear before in this high place, and I trust l may never heartbeat again.*** Mr. Davis, of Miss. I understand that the honorable Senator from Michigan ex pressed a wish to ask me a question. Mr.'Cass. Yes sir. I wished to ask the honorable Senator from Mississippi if be would vote for the Missouri Compromise. Mr. Davis, of Miss. * * I have sta ted that 1 considered it an ultimatum, less than I believed to be the rights of the South but which 1 would accept, to stop the agi tation wich now disturbs and endangers the Union. Mr. Cass. * * I ask him if lie would accept the Missouri compromise, as it was regulated by the statute providing for the admission of Missouri into the Union 1 Mr. Davis, of Miss. I now answer be fore the Senate No. * * I would not take the terms of the Missouri act, but would accept its spirit if presented in terms applicable to this case. When I spoke of the Missouri compromise, I spoke of it as an arrangement by which the territory was divided between the slaveholding and the non-slaveholding interests; I spoke in re ference to the result—the intent of that compromise—which gave to each a por tion. 1 have always been ready to rebuke that mean spirit that would evade its true meaning by a delusive adherence to its words. 1 would not take the compromise in the terms by which it was applied to the remaining part of the territoiy acquir ed under the name of Louisiana. I would not take it as applied to Texas, when that State was admitted into the U nion, because the circumstances of both were different from those of the Mexican territory; but 1 would take it, if made applicable to the existing case, and ex- MACON, (GA.,) SATURDAY AFTERNOON, APRIL 13, 1830. tended to the Pacific. I considered that, when the Senate had yesterday voted to receive petitions and to refer themtocom mittees, to consider upon the power of this Government ovei slavery in the teri- 1 lories, over slavery in the Dist t ict of Colum bia, and over the future admission of slave States, we had taken one gloat step in advance, and one which should* awaken the apprehension of the South ; and when, iu close connection with this action of the honorable Senator from Michigan, that the Missouri compromise could not he ex tended to the recent acquisitions from Mexico, 1 looked upon it as a conjunction in our political firmament, which boded evil to those likely to he destroyed by the joint attraction ol these planets. It was therefore that l spoke of the declaration as a thing to be noted—marked as the foreshadow of an event. If we are not to have non-intervention, the right to go ii.to these territories and there claim whatever may he decided to he ours hv the decree of nature—if we are to be debarred from acquiring—by emigration, by enterprise, by adventure, by toil, and labor—equally with others, from the com mon domain of the Union—if wo are to he forbidden to use the commons belong ing to the common field, of which we are joint owners—if, in addition to all this, we are told that no division can he made— that all of that which we own iu common must finally become the exclusive proper ty ot the other partners—in truth, sir. we are rapidly approaching to that slate of things contemplated by the Senator from South Carolinia, [Mr. Calhoun,] when, without an amendment of the Constitution, the rights of the minority will he held at the mercy of the majority. Give us aur rights under the Constitution—the Consti tution fairly construed—and we are con tent to take our chance, as our fathers dtl, for the maintenance of our position in the l nion. We are content to hold on o the old compact; and as we believe in lie merits of our own institutions, we aie willing to trust to time and fairopportunity fur the working out of our own salratioi. if we are to be excluded, by Congressional legislation, from joint possession on th? one hand, and denied every compromisr which, by division, would give us a share on the other—neither permitted to at, equality of posseaion as a right, nor a divi ded occupation as a settlement, between proprietors—l ask vvhat is the hope which* remains to those who sre already in a mi nority in this Confederacy l What do we gain by having a written Constitution*, if sectional pride or sectional hate can bend it, as passion, or interest, or caprice may dictate ? What do we gain by having a Government, based upon this written Con stitution, it, in truth, the rights of the mi nority are held iu abeyance to-thewill ofthc majority f And now,l ask the Senator from Michigan a question: Will he not, under the crisis which hangs upon the fate of the country —will lie not support the Missouri compromise the spirit of the cempromise —for a division ot the territories between the two interests of the Confederacy ? Mr. Cass. I will answer the Senator. I spoke of the Missouri compromise, which established aline that ran through a coun try in which slavery existed, and which declared that slavery should he excluded north of that line, and left the country south of it as it found it, to continue slave ry or to exclude it, as tho people might judge best. 1 say that iny doctrine for the whole territory is non-intervention. Mr. Davis, (in his seat.) 1 prefer that. Mr. Cass. I agree, therefore, with the Senator from Mississippi. I say that this Government has no right to interfere with the institution of slavery in the territories; and l say, if the South think they have rights there under the Constitution, in God’s name, let the Supieme Court deter mine the question. No one can object to it. Mr. Davis, (in his seat.) But we can. not get these. Mr. Cass. I think otherwise, hut 1 understand the Senator from .Mississippi would not vote for the Missouri compro mise unless it was accompanied with the declaration that slavery, should, or may, or does, exist South of the line. Do 1 under stand him aright ? Mr. Davis, of Miss. That point has been attacked by gentlemen of the North as an inadmissible claim. 1 will agree to the drawing of the line 3G° 30' through the territories acquired from Mexico, with this condition, that in the same degree as slavery is prohibited North of that line, it shall be permitted to enter South of the line ; and that the States which may be ad mitted into the Union shall come in under such constitutions as they may think pro per to form. Mr. Cass. * * * I repeat the be lief, that we have no authority to say that slavery shall or shall not exist in the terri tories of the United States. It is a matter to be left wholly to the people of the coun try to decide. That is, I think, the true doctrine. I have ever maintained it, and unless I change greatly, I shall abide by it. Mr. Davis, of Miss. * * * Will not the Senator, like myself, come down in this stage of the question, and take less than his own standard—take the Missou ri compromise in terms adapted to these territories 1 Mr. Cass. What I would do to save this Union from dissolution, if dissolution were impending over it, and to bo averted only by one course of action, it is difficult to say. I would do almost anything. From' Burrilt's Christian Citizen. The Race. U. iluin has frequently been denomina ted the mother of nations. Whatever may he her title to this appellation, no thing is more evident and true, than the tact that het island has been the laborato ry ot a most remarkable race, in which ueany all the races that people Europe, trotn too Roman to Norman conquest, "eie combined. All that vigorous in the Celt, the Saxon, the Scandinavian and the Nornian,-are all absorbed into whut we call the Anglo-Saxon race ; aiul when the combination was completed on the island of Great Britain, anew world was dis c»vered, as if it were on purpose for the inisistable expansion of that mighty race. 4s an illustration of one of its physical lualities, it is estimated that its popula te doubles itself in 35 years, while that »f Germany doubles itself in 7G ; of Hol land in 100; of Spain in 106; of Italy in 135; ot France in 138; of Portugal in 238, and that of Turkey in 555 years.— When about 259 years ago, one or two vessels crossed tiie ocean, and planted I here atd there along the coast of North America in a few germs of that race, its : wholeponulation iu the Old World did I not exceed six millions. England, Wales j and Scotland numbered fewer inhabitants j at that time, than New York, Pennsylva und Ohio do now. Hardly two centuries i and a half elapsed since that epoch, and ! no V there are at. least twenty-five millions of that race in North America and its ad jacent islands, ora runner exreeihng the whole population of Great Britain. In 1620 the Angl .'-.axon race number ed about 6,000,000, and was confined to England, Wales and Scotland; and the combination, of which if is the result, was not then more than half perfected, for nei ther Wales nor Scotland was more than half Saxonized at that time. Now it numbers 60,000,000 of human beings planted upon all the islands and continents of the earth, and increasing every where by an intense ratio of progression. It is fast absorbing or displacing all the slug gish races of barbarous tribes of men that have occupied the continents of America, Africa, Asia and the islands of the ocean. See it circling them from year to year with its vigorous plantations. If no great physical revolution supervene to check its propagation, it will number 500,000,000 of human beings iu less than 150 years from the present time—all speaking the same language, centered to the same litera ture and religion, and exhibiting all its in herent and inalienable characteristics. Thus the population of the earth is fast becoming Anglo-Saxouizod by blood.— But the English language is more self-ex paisive and aggressive than the blood of flat race : it is, if we may speak it rever eitly, the John the Baptist in the mission ofthat race, uttering its voice and teaching its words to the scattered tribes and tongues oft he earili, in every distant wilderness of j ba barism. When a community begins to j speak and read the English language, it is j lids Saxonized, even if not a drop of! Aiglo Saxon blood runs in its veins.— I Ireland was never colonized from England like North America or Anstralia; but nearly tire whole of its seven or eight millions ! already speak the English language, which isthe preparatory state to being entirely absorbed into the Anglo-Saxon race, as one ofits most vigorous and useful elements.— Every where the English language is gain ing upon the languages of the earth, and preparing those who speak it for this absorption. The youtfg generation of the Bast Indies is learning it; and it is probable that within fifty years, 25 millions human beings, of Asiatic race, will speak the language on that continent. So it is in the United States. About 50,000 immigrants ! from Germany and other continental j Europe, are arriving in this country every ! year. Perhaps they cannot speak a word of English when they first land on our j shores; but in the course of a few years they master the language to some extent, j Their children sit upon the same benches j in our common schools with those of our j rative Americans, and become, as they j grow up and diffuso themselves among the rest of the population, completely ! Anglo-Saxonized. Thus the race, by its wonderful self ex- ! pansive power of language and blood, is fast occupying, and subduing to its j genius, all the cotinents and islands of the j earth. The grandson of many a young , man who reads these lines, will probably | live to see the day when that race will number its 800,000,000 of human bings.— Perhaps they may comprise a hundred nations,as distinct governments. Perhaps j they may become a grand constellation j and common wealth of republics, pervaded j by the same laws, literature, and religion. 1 Their unity, harmony and brotherhood must be determined by the relations between Great Britain and the United j States. Their union will be the union of the two worlds. Ifthey disebargetheir duty to each other and to mankind, they must become the united heart of the mighty race they represent, feeding its myriad reins with the blood of moral and political life. Upon the state of their fellowship, then, more than upon the union of any two nations on earth, depend the well being of humanity, the peace and progress of the world. |!'7 , Soft soap pleases all, and the more Icy is put in it the better it is prized. From the Madison Family Visiter. Tii« First F.iT;»rt at Dt- if Mute Instruction in the UiiUcd State*. Often is it the case that great results a riso from what, at the time, is considered of very little moment. Daily experience affords abundant confirmation of this fact. Who.of us, for instance, would have sup posed that the illness of a little girl, in the year 1807, would have affected the inter est ot hundreds and thousands of our coun trymen, even before her generations pass ed away ? Who, I repeat, would have thought, as he beheld the pains of the little sufferer, that its sufferings were fraught with blessings to tinny then living, and to multitudes unborn; that the etent of its ill ness then, or at any subsequent time, would materially affect the happiness of families in every portion of our land, hear upon the action of many of our Legisla j tures, and even produce results which I should engage the attention of Congress 1 Yet strange as this may seem, the illness j of the little girl was the means, in the hands of an over-ruling Providence, in ef fecting such results. In the city of Hartford, Conn., in the j year ISOS, Alice Cogswell was horn.— j She had not completed her second year, when she was attacked with the spotted ' fever, in its most malignant form. After days and weeks of suffering on her part, ' and of tender care and watchfulness on the pait of her parents, the disease yiel ded to proper treatment. But who can describe the father’s anguish and the moth er’s woe at finding the beloved child deaf —and that too, as they supposed, without remedy ? Let those answer who have seen the portals of the tomb suddenly close up on their dearest earthly idol 1 This mis fortune seemed to boa cause to render the little Alice doubly dear to her parents. — With fondest assiduity did they strive to instil into her mind the principles of truth and love. Assisted by kind friends and re latives, hut more by the sprightly mind of the little girl, they succeeded to a degiee, quite beyond that which usually attends inexperience. Though thus aided, yet her mind was hut imperfectly developed and she still remained in the twilight of intelligence. The feelings of the lather revolted at the idea of having his daugh ter remain an untaught deaf mute. He determined to spare no pains in alleviating her situation, or in so far mitigating her misfortune as to elevate her condition to that scale of intelligence where she would act as a moral, rational and accountable being. His benevolent impulses in this respect were heartily seconded by many sympathizing friends. Not the least be nevolent of this iiumbei was that great and good man—Rev. Thomas H. Gallau- ! det. Mr. G. at that time was preparing j for the ministry, at someone of the Then- j logical Seminaries. He met with Alice, and his sympathy was immediately exci ! ted in her behalf. From hi* frequent in- I tercourse with her, lie secured her cotifi- ! donee and thus was enabled to interest lieli in the acquisition of a knowledge wilier was so necessary for her future progress in society. His hours of relaxation from study were devoted to the advancement of his pupil. The success which attend ed his efforts to instruct her, was of such a character as to revive tiie almost extin-1 guished hope, in the father’s bosom, that his daughter’s deprivation of hearing, and consequently of speech, might ho very much alleviated. Having an imperfect knowledge of the success, of Deaf Mute instruction in England and France, he had the alternative before him of either sen- j ding his daughter abroad to he educated or establishing a school at home. His na tive benevolence, aided, no doubt, much by the feelings of the father, <lid not hesi tate long in his course. Avajling himself of the then best statistical information, he I supposed'that a school of thirty or perhaps forty pupils, might he had in the United States. Having associated with him sev- j oral friends to carry out his design, their ! first care was to select someone who should prepare himself as the teacher. Mr. Gallaudet, the youngest of this company of friends to the Deaf aud Dumb, was se lected as being peculiarly adapted to this station, not only from the natural goodness of his heart but also from the success with , which he had met in instructing little Alice. ' Though he had other and different views which he intended to pursuo through life yet upon a careful examination of the sub- j ject, he did not feel himself at liberty to j decline becoming the pioneer in this good ! cause. He expressed a willingness to : prepare himself for his novel undertaking, j and funds were collected and placed at his disposal, lie sailed for Europe. His friends at home, during his absence were making every exertion to have everything in readiness for the successful prosecution ;of his labors on his return. They procur i ed an act of incorporation from the Legis i lature, and such other assistance as they deemed r.ecessaay for a proper outfit. Mr. G. applied at the Institution for the Deaf and Dumb of London, hut the condi tions upon which instruction was offered were such as he believed inconsistent with his duty to his ftiends at home, he accor dingly left that city and went to Edinburg. Here he was required to give bond not to impart the secret of the method of instruc tion till after a certain term of years expired. With these condiiions he would not comply. His next application was at the Royal Institution for the Deaf and Dumb in Paris. The Abbe Licard, the BOOK AND JOB PRINTING, ITT// be executed in the most approved sty ’e arid on the best terms,at the Office of the SCTTTEEMr TRXBTJITE, -BY W\f. B. IIARRISON. NUMBER 14. i presiding officer, gave him every facility in his power to prepare himself as an in structor. lie remained in this Institution for several months, and finally effected an arrangement with M. Le Clerc, one of the professors of the Institution, to accotr pany him to the United States. This was a most fortunate arrangement, as M. Le Clerc, though a deaf’and mute, wna one of the most celebrated teachers of Europe.—- Mr. G. ami Mr. Le C. came to tho Uni ted States, where they found every ne cessary arrangement made. After spaend ing several months in efforts to excite the public mind to a sense of the importance and practicability of deaf mute instruction, they entered upon their labors. From this beginning has sprung an in stitution numbering not less than two'Hun dred inmates; and from it others of kin , dred aims and kindred character have aris jen, till now eleven asylums for tho Deaf and Dumb have been established in the United States, with an aggregate number of pupils hut little less than one thousand. \V hat a number whose happiness once huug upon the contingency of the death or recovery of little Aiice Cogswell! Care Spring, Ga., March, 1850 From Fitzgerald s City Hem Thought* ia Kdutioit to marriage*. In this unhappy ago of family quarrels, shameful intrigues,divorces, separate main tenances, and the like, perhaps a few hasti ly written observations on the marriage re lation may not come amiss to our lady readers. Many young persons thoughtlessly en ter the marriage state : both husband and wife being too young, frequently, to form correct views of the duties they owe to each other, and too inexperienced to com bat, successfully, the trials of life. Wo cannot expect a giddy girl to possess tho good sense and stability of character which is found in the faithful mother, and patient and loving wife I It ri wrong, then, to encourage too ear ly marriages, and parents fall into a seri ous mistake in endeavoridg to marry off their daughters before they arc out of their teens. We hazard little in saying that most of the unhappy marriages that cast a reproach upon society, are the result of early match-making. Young people sometimes fancying themselves dreadfully in love, make all haste to get married, hut find, when too late, that they have made a bad buffinoss of it. Neither man nor woman should rbarry for money, and yet money is a matter not to he despised. It falls to either parly, dr to both, well and good ; receive it aa a blessing, with which you may bless others. No woman should mairy under twenty, nor over forty. From twenty-five to thir ty is the best age. The husband should he from five to fif teen years older than the wife. Ladies should manifest an utter abhor rence of hoy beaux. By hoys, we mean lads from sixteen to twenty, who, having no business ami no mind of their own, ought to he set down as vain, idle, love sick, sentimental, poetry-reciting, good for-nothing fellows. It is sheer waste of time, and, therefore, wicked, in any wo man to encourage them. It would have been better if many wo men had remarried single. Wo highly approve of and earnestly re commend matrimony. A happy marriage is the highest state of friendship; it les sons our cares by dividing them, at the same time that it doubles ourpleasures by mutual participation. Some people have a silly fashion of rid iculing the marriage state, forgetting all the while that they are paying a poor com pliment to their ancestors. Although a happy maraiage, is eminent ly beautiful in all its relations, yet it is not to bo expected that all marriages Can be happy. Slight causes sometimes produce breaches that if not soon healed, grow wi der, until separation becomes necessary. Mutual concession, hgwever, will do much towards maintaining and perfecting the good relations existing between man and wife. How touching and impressive the les son contained in the little story told of a husband, who in a moment’s inexcusable anger, said to her who but a few month# before united her faith with his—“ If you* are not satisfied with my conduct, go! re turn to your ft iends and happiness.” ‘‘And will you give me back that which I brought to you ?” “Yes,” he replied, “all your wealth shall go with you —I covet it not.” “Alas!” she answered, “I spoke not of my wealth—l spoke of my maiden affec tions—of my buoyant hope—of my devo ted love ; can you give these back to mo ?” "No!” said the man, throwing himself at her feet, “no, I cannot restore these—l will do more. 1 will keep them unsullied and unstained—l willcherishthemthrough my life and in my death, and never again will 1 forget that I have sworn to protect and to cheer her wnogive up to me all she held most dear.” There is poetry in a woman’s look—a woman’s word. Sec it here ! the mild, gentle reproof of love, winning back from its harshness and rudeness the stern and unyielding temper of an angry man. Ah ! if creation's fairer sex only knew their i strongest weapons, how many of wedlock's : fierce battles would ho unsought—how i much unhappiness and coldness would be avoided!