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IX THE CITT OF MAC OX 9 CA.
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43 01 1 1 1 ra 1.
From the Augusta Republic
Soutiiet'ii Conversion.
We believe that the majority of the peo
ple of Georgia would favor a Southern
Con veil lion, if their views were put to the
test by a fair expression of them at the
polls. Elections, in which there is n) ex
citing opposition, are always characterized
by meagre votes. Hut the inference will
be drawn from the demonstration at the
polls on Tuesday, the 2d inst., that the
people of Georgia, if not opposed t.o the.
Convention, are at least indifferent about j
it.
There are some things in connection
■with this matter, to which we would call
attention. We have always understood
that the object of the meeting at Nashville
was to devise some moans, the most sure,
speedy and eflecuve, to maintain not only
the constitutional rights of the South, but
the union of these States which was estab- !
lished by our political fathers upon the !
broad and glorious principles of justice
and equal rights, it was lo be consulta
tory and advisory, not dictatorial and final.
Many in tiie South believe, no doubt, that
it is unnecessary to hold the Convention.
They think the difficulty can be adjusted
without it, and therefore oppose it. For
the opinions of such, when respectfully
urged, we have unqualified respect, but it
ts far ditierent in reference to others, who
seek to prejudice the friends of the Con
vention by the use of harsh epithets and
libellous assaults. They are calculated to
do injury to the cause of the South. They
seetn to exhibit to the people of the non
slavcholding States a deep seated atnl al
ia >st vital division am mg the people of the
South, which is sustained by a bitterness
and apparent hate which nothing can re
move. We sec that the Chronicle and
Sentinel has admitted into its columns a
letter from a correspondent writing from
Cumming, Forsyth county, who denoun
ces the Convention movement as an “infa
mous plot'' That paper has opposed it
vvith a virulence hut little less violent.—
The Southern Senators recently held a
meeting in Washington, and, to a man
(with the exception of four who were ab
sent,) approved ofholding the Convention,
and that paper sneeringly tells them, they
will soon know their true position ! Ma
ny other papers at the South are taking
the same wretched and ruinous course.—
The Washington Republic says:
‘‘We have rebuked faction and fanati- \
cism, whether it has taken the aspect of j
abolition or of pro-slavery; and we shall
continue to rebuke it under every form and
face in which it may seek lo figure in the
national council.”
Was it rebuking fanaticism at the north,
when, as we showed a few days since, it
was inviting the anti-slavery men lo come
to General Taylor’s plan, by telling them
it would give them all they wanted ! It
denounces the Southern Convention, and
places it in the samo category with the
Hartford Convention, using many harsh
epithets against its friends, neither called
lor by fair opposition, nor justified by
truth, common sense, or common honesty.
Hthis the way to sustain the south? Is
l ')is the armour with which its friends
"ould clothe themselves for the contest ?
Instead of presenting the sublime spec
tacle of a weaker suction uniting and
landing together to maintain their rights,
southern faith appears to bo broken, and
THE SOUTHERN TRIBUNE.
NEW SERIES— VOLUME 11.
malicious interpretation is resorted to by !
one portion of our people to cover with j
defeat and infamy the patriotic motives
and efforts of another.
If the south is not wonded by this suici
dal'policy, it will be, only because, she
will arouse in lime, to ' a true sense of her
danger. We wish her to act before she is
disabled—why wait till the amputation of
a limb, or some enfeebling paralysis, de
prives her of the ability to make more than
a feeble struggle against the resistless
power of her enemies.
.We have warned the’ , pe oplo faithfully,
and now, every true southern
heart to say, whcflhci" the course we are
censuring is not one of subtle danger and
| ruiuous consequence. We begtbc reader
I to remember, that we object not to a fair,
; manly, and respectful opposition to the ,
; Southern Convention, but to that poisonous
pnd latal breath of slanderous denuncia
tion,by which, such ttuc friends as repose
in the warm and lovely bosom of the south,
i are branded as disorganizes and traitors,
because they would preserve its snow
white purity from profanation and dis
grace.
Some seem to think, before we can act,
we must absolutely see some volcanic
manster from the North, in the very act of
belching forth his horrid rocks and des
tructive lava. We would act now to keep
that monster down. That is the differ
ence between us, and time will show
whose opinions are entitled to most res
pect. Our hope now is, that the demon
strations which have been already made
j at the South, which shook to extent the
moving masses of the free States, and eli
cited from Webster his uoble tribute to
justice, may not altogether fail, because of
recent demonstrations. We hope the peo
ple of the North will not take fresh cour
age and new hope from our apathy here.
They certainly will not be checked by the
foul calurauies of such presses and writers
in our midst, as we have referred to in
the course of our remarks. No. From
them they will gather the material with
which to operate upon Northern senti
ment, and they will use it with terrible
effect when they point to some of out
presses and writers, and tell them, see
how the South is now bleeding at the
lungs.
Let the people of the South preserve
an unceasing vigilance.
Home And Women. — If there has ever
been a more touching and and eloquent
eulogium upom the charm of home, and its
dearesttreasure, Woman, than is contain
ed in the following extract from the Chris
tian Enquirer, it has not been our good
fortune to meet it :
“Our homes, what is their corner-stone
but the virtue of woman, and on what
does social wellbeing rest but our homes?
Must we not trace u:l other blessings of
civilized life to the doers of our private
dwellings? Are not our hearthstones,
guarded by the holy forms of conjugal,
filial, and paternal love, the corner-stones
of church and state, moresacred than either
more necessary than both ? Let our tem
ples crumble, and our academies decay;
let every public edifice,ourhalls ofjustice,
fail, but spare our homes. Ler no socialist
invade them with his wild plans of com
munity. Man did not invent, and lie
cannot improve or abrogate them. A
private shelter to cover two hearts dearer
to each other than all in the world; high
walls to exclude the profane eyes of ev
ery human being; seclusion enough for
children to feel that mother is a holy and
a peculiar name—this is home; and here
is the birth-placeof every virtuousimpulse,
of every sacred thought. Here the church
and the state must come for their origin
and their support. Oh,spare our homes!
ihe love we experience there gives us
our faith in an infinite goodness, the pur
ity and disinterested tenderness of home
is our foretaste and our earnest of a belter
world. In the relations there established
and fostered, do we find through life the
chief solace and joy of existence. What
friends deserve the name compared vvith
those whom a birth-right gave us? One
mother is worth a thousand friends ; one
sister truer anddearerthan twenty intimate
companions. Wo who have played on
the same hearth, under the lights of the
same smile who date back to the same
scene and season of innocence and hope,
in whose veins runs the same blood, do
we not find that years only make more
sacred and more important the tie that
binds us? Coldness may spring up, dist
ancc may separate, different spheres may
divide ; but those who can love any thing,
who continue to love at all, must find that
the friends whom God himself gave, are
I wholly unliko any we can choose for our
selves, and that the yearning for these is
j the strongest spark in our expiring affec
i tion.”
The tower at Dover for a telegraph
to France is nearly completed,"and the in
sulated wires were expected to be sunk u’-
cross the channel in the course of the
month of April.
Verdancy. —A countryman, after hav
ing been shewn the sights in Buffalo sud
denly asked, “But whore is the Buffalo
platform ?” The gentleman accompany
ing him explained, with some laughter,
that tho staging put up, on that occasion,
j had been taken down after the perform
ance was over,
MACON, (GA.,) SATURDAY AFTERNOON, APRIL 20, 1850.
Extracts from the Speech of >lr. Spalding,
of York.
Delivered in the House of Representatives,
April 4, 1850.
* * * The Constitution provides!
that “new States may be admitted by
Congress into the Union.” This is a com
prehensive power, easily nndesfood, and
can be practically applied to all the terri
tory acquired from Mexico, as soon as
there is a sufficient number of inhabitants
residing there to warrant it.
The main feature ot Gen Taylor’s plan
is to admit all the territory as States, un
der this provision of the Constitution,
as fast as the people residing there desire
to come into the Union in that form, and
have the requisite population. * *
I am opposed to the extension of si jvet v
1 in every form, and in all bills where Con
| gress assumes to legislate for the people in
.the territories, I think it right in principle,
j and safest in practice, to incorporate in
i the territorial bills the Jeffersonian restric
tion, contained in the ordinance adopted
under the old Confederation in 1787, pro
hibiting slavery in the territory northwest
of the Ohio river, and recognized after
the adoption of the present Canstitution
! by a bill approved by General Washing
ton, Agust 7,17 SD.
I know that gentlemen who desire to
extend slavery say, that by continuing the
present dc facto governments in force,
they will be excluded from alll this terri
tory “with their property.” They will
only be prohibited from taking slaves
there. * * * * * *
I aru not sure that the people of this
country will oppose the annexation of Cu
ba to the United .States if it can be done
in a peaceable anil proper manner; but I
think I may safely say that they will op
pose her annexation as a slave State, for
two reasons—first, because they regard
slavery as an evil that even the limited
guaranties of the Constitution relating
to4.be surrender of colored persons from
whom labor is due, should not be further
extended over it; second, because they
are unwilling that there should be any
more territory annexed to the United
Slates in which five colored persons , treat
ed and claimed as property, should be e
qual to three white persons in the basis of
representation for the election of members
of Congress. I use the words “colored
persons,” because the word slave does not
occur anywhere in the Constitution. So
cautious were the framers of the Costitu
tion not to recognize a rested right of prop
erty in slaves, that they are called persons
in the only three places to which reference
is made to them in that instrument. * *
I lie honorable gentleman from Geor
gia [Mr. T oombsj who wanted “discord
to reign forever,” unless we would give
pledges in advance not to pass the Wil
mot Proviso, has reminded us of our ob
ligations under Ihe Constitution to sup
press insurrection or domestic violence.
In acknowledging this obligation, I
trust I shall be permitted at the same
time to remind that gentleman, that if
there should be insurrec'ion in higher
places than those alluded to by him, it
would be equally the duty of the people
to rally rouud the Precident for the pur
poso of suppressing that also.
I take leave, also, to call the attention
of the gentleman from Georgia, as well as
other gentlemen on this floor, who have
spoken and written in favor of the propos
ed Nashville Convention, to another pro
vision of the Constitution, which says
“that no State shall enter into any treaty,
alliance, or confederation;” nor, without
the consent of Congress, “enter into any
agreement or compact with another State.”
These provisions of the Constitution should
be carefully considered by those who are
about to enter upon so treasonable a pro
ject, and see how far they can go without
committing an “overt act,” which would
bring down upon them the whole power
of the National Government, with Gener
al Taylor at the head * * *
The bold and fearless stand taken by
John Quincy Adams, amid threats of per
sonal violence,has finally broken tho Ath
erton gag, and the odious twenty-first rule,
which formerly stiffed discussion, and j
trampled under foot the sacred right of
petition, guarantied by the Constitution.—
Slavery must now be discussed in and out
of Congress upon its merits, like all other 1
subjects, especially in reference to its ex
tension into territory now free. Let this
discussion which has been forced upon us
go on—it :s doing good. If it is a good
institution, let it be shown up in broad
day-light, here and elsewhere. Let it be
examined in its moral, social, and political
aspects ; and if it is found, instead of a
blessing, to be a great moral, social, and!
political evil, as 1 believe it is, then do not
extend it, or attempt to extend it, beyond
its present limits. The North lias no de- j
sire to oppress the South, even if it has the
power. The moral and religious senti
ment of the people is against, slavery and
oppression in all its forms, and unless that
sentiment can bo changed, not by threats
of disunion,but by reason and sound argu
ment, they will never consent to have it
extended at all beyond tbe boundaries of
the States where it now exists. They
will leave it untouched by any national
legislation in thoso States, but will surround
it by a cordon of free States. Thus far
slialt thou go, but no further, is nearly
the unanimous sentiment of the entire
North. ******
From the .Veic- York Herald.
A iews of .Hr. Calhoun.
Liberty and Democracy. —“ People do
not understand liberty or majorities. The
will of a majority is the will of a rabble.
Progressive democracy is incompatible
with liberty. Those who study after this
fashion are yet in the horn book the a, b. c,
of governments. Democracy is levelling
—this is inconsistent with true liberty.—
People will choose protection instead of
liberty. Anarchy is more to be dreaded
than despotic power. It is the worst ty
i ranny. The best government is that which
draws least irotnthc people, and is scarcely
felt, except to execute justice, and to pro
tect the people from animal violation of
law.”
“People will learn wisdom only by
punishment, and in tho case of our Union
it will come.”
Nation and A iitional. —“Why use that
word nation and national as applied to the
federal Union. It is wrong. Public sen
timent ought to bo corrected throughout
the United .States. It has a dangerous
tendency. God knows we are tending too
rapidly to consolidation already, and habi
tuatingthe people to nationality helps it
along.
“Ours is a federal Union—composed of
thirty distinct States. The convention
scouted the word nation. So did General
Washington, in all his public papers.—
Many use the word nation, or national,
from ignorance; others from habit, and
with design. The United States arc not a
nation. ‘The federal Union of the States’
‘trie constitution’ or ‘government of the
United States,’ are the only terms em
ployed to designate this confederacy, and
which express its meaning clearly. The
United States, when used geopraphically,
means that portion of the continent occu
pied ’ey the States and the territories, and
socia ly speaking, it means the thirty States
in one. A citizen must belong to some
one State. If so, he is, of course, a citi
zen ofthe United States, but a citizen of,
the l nited States as the name of a peoole,
is an anomaly, is no proper and correct
word which designates us a people. To
apply to us, we should do as the French
do, use the plural ‘peoples.’ The people i
ofthe State of New Y’ork has a meaning.
The people of the United States has not
—it expresses what does not politically
exist. The ‘peoples’of the United States
would mean the people ofthe thirty dis
tinct States—and would express a correct
meaning. There is a word wanting—A
mericans is understood, but lias no realty.
A Mexican or Kamscbatkian has as much
claim to die name of American as wo have.
A citizen is known as belonging tohisovvn
local sovereignty. He is a Georgian,
Kentuckian or other State name, but
there are no United StatesrV/»,r. The coun
try occupied by trie States might have been
dusignated as “Columbia” or “Allcghania”
and been used geographically and socially.
The extent of the States, and the people
o’each State would have been known un
der the general term of Columbian or Al
leghanian. A nation means a people who
are socially and politically united as indi
viduals. We are hot to be limited. Ours
is u federal union of States, and not of*
individuals. Federal was the popular
word in the old convention. It was so po
pular that it was adopted by a political
pirty, who rendered it odious. National
or nation a very odious word in that con
vjntion, but it came into use in the place
of federal. Jefferson without thought of
theidea convoyed, allowed it to be used.
A paper was started in Washington with
that name.”
Revolutions in Europe. —“ Tho great
mass do not understand liberty. Those
revolutions in Europe amount to nothing.
The people are not fit for it. In France,
the government are as much dependent
upon the army as in Napoleon’s time.—
Anarchy will follow every republic in Eu
rope and the people will abandon liberty
for protection. My opinion is that Russia
will be protector and ally of the property
of Continental Europe, and end in a Rus
sian despotism. The Hungarians should
have kept the legislative branches distinct
—one for the mass or commons, and the
other body composed of trie old nobility,
and consequently conservative. A revolu
tionized country, must, adopt a constitution
in accoi dance with the former established
usages. Tho model of the Roman repub
lic should have been adhered to. The (
Magyars should have been tho legislative
body, and the Sclavonians the confirming
body, of laws enacted by the other.
“As in France, the Magyars have giv
en up, under the influence of popular ex
citement, the fucdal privileges—this will
make trouble when they have obtained
what they are fighting for—then there
will be difficulties among themselves.—
The Hungarians are fighting for a sub
stance— in the Union between Austria and
Hungary there wero stipulations which
have been violated. The Ilungariansfight
for their restoration. The great majority
ofthe nation ofEurope are unfit for liberty.
It is the greatest blessing, or the greatest
curse, accoi ding as it is properly under
stood and appreciated.
“Liberty and slavery arc neither good
nor bad in the abstract —each have their
evils. Liberty is a groat blessing and can
lie the greatest curse. So of slavery—
what greater cruelty than to give a maniac
libel tv ? Nations ore frequently unfit for
i berty—then it becomes a curse. Tbe
great mass of people prefer protection to
anarchy. It must be the result in France.’’
llayti ond the Dominicans. —“ The Sec
retary ot State determined to end the
white party, and for tliis purpose I had an
interview with both the Spanislinnd French
ministers, and proposed that their govern
ments should aid (with tho United States)
tho Dominican party. It was favorably
received by the ministers, and would have
been carried into effect, but Mr. Buchanan,
when he came into office, did not think it
of any importance, and lot it drop. It was
bad policy—the Spanish white mulattoes
should be sustained. Mr. Tyler also ap
pointed a political friend ot his, a Mr.
Hogan, to go out ; hut 1 never saw his re
port on his return from St. Domingo. It
was never publshcd or noticed.
“ihe blacks ot llayti should be put
down. It is an island far superior to Cu
ba. I suppaso if a large party were to go
out now to aid the Dominicans, they
would bo received with open arms: but
the St. Dominicans, after the lluyliens
were put down, would bo very suspicious,
but in the end trio American patty would
control the island.”
Political Parties. —" Every old issue ol
both parties is obsolete—dead! They
j have no principles. Spoils, plunder, ab
sorb both. It must end fatally. This ud
| ministration may exist to its cud, but it is
i doubtful. '1 be next Congress may end it.
1 The democrats will unite, in every free
State, with tho free soilers, to gain the
power anil patronage of the Stale govern
meats, to finally break down tbe whig
general administration, and get these
spoils. Taylor is sitting unwisely—filling
his places with whigs—disappointing
twenty where ho satisfies one ; making a
terrible opposition in his own party, who
are equally desirous of spoils as the demo
crats. If he drives off the South, at tho
next Congress he must exist in feebleness
until Iris term is out. For twenty years
I have foreseen all this. Plunder and
spils will cave in our system. I under
stood our evils, and seo our danger clear
ly. I have understood it ever since I was
V ice President. My mind was then ma
tured. 1 bad had an important part to fill
and great experience and ample time to
reflect. Corruption is in both parties eqal.
ly alike now. 1 would not take the Presi
dency to he trammelled. What have Ito
gain ? My conscience is my only reward
—its approval my only ambition. 1 would
preserve the Union if 1 could. I would
protect the South, The rights are sacred.
Justice is ilte only safety for ihe foilera!
Union. As things are going, the South
will be forced to separate.”
Null ftcation. —“I would have dictated
my own term-; it Washington, but for one
thing. Jackson was popular in Tennes
see. It would have been a war in the
South. I did not wish it. But for that 1
would not have compromised them. It
would have been a Southern State against
a Southern State, for Tennessee would
have fought for Jackson.
The Presidcnrr. “I have not a con
cealed opinion. I will always take the
liberty of speaking my honest convictions.
If I do not to the full, it is because trie
measures are not ripe.
“Office can add nothing to me. Were
I President, I would put the country right;
but that is like putting salt on the bird’s
tail. No man can bo President unless he
will pander to trie public. A patriotic
President is impossible.”
flotations. —“In alllusion to the quota
tion in the Soutchrn Address, ‘Timeo
Danaos, et dona ferentes’—l never used a
quotation before, and the world may guess
at it.”
Acquaintance in his own State. —“l am
an object of as great curiosity to people
outside of a circle of five miles in this
State, as anywhere else. Not one man in
a hundred in this State ever saw me.
Slate Instruct urns. —‘l never knew what
this State thinks of a measure. I never
consult her. I act to tho best of my judg
ment, and according to my coascience. If
she approves, well and good. If she does
not, or wishes any one else to take my
place, I ara ready to .vacate. We are
even.”
Slaves in California. —The Natchez
Free Trader says that slavery can be profi
tably employed in California. It adduces
the fallowing instances:
“A gentleman from Adams county had
two slaves with him there, and having been
truly successful, and secured as much of
the precious dust as he wanted, ho brought
the slaves back with him. So well had
they done for him, that he was offered two
hundred dollars'® month for each of them
if he would leave them behind. This he
refused, as he did not wish to leave his
faithful slaves under the care of those who
might not treat them as he would.
“Gen. Parmenas Briscoe, the father of
the famous Briscoe Bill, of quo warrant a
gainst the swindling Mississippi banks, has
gone to California with probably tbe lar
gest slavo force that has over been taken
there by one owner. He and other plant-
I ers of Mississippi intend to test the value
of slave labor therein mining.”
From the German Town Telegraph.
A bout Clic Caterpillar.
Mm Editor, —Os all tho insectiverous
depredators, which prey upon the vege
table kingdom, none, perhaps, are more
universally destrnctive than the caterpil
lar. In voracity they are scarcely exceed
ed even by the locust, while they* probab
ly exceed them in powr ofincrease, each
female caterpillar producing, annually,
Irom five or six hundred eggs. “It
lias been estimated,” says a recent ento
mological writer, “that one thousand but
terflies, on an average, in right seasorto,
produce from two hundred and fifty to
three hundred thousand .caterpillars. If
but a tnoiety of this vast number be fe
males, their powers of increase are prodi
gious. I hey will give birth to foity-five
millions ol insects per second, allowing
the average number of eggs to be three
hundred thousand, and six thousand seven
hundred and fifty millions in the third gen
eral ion ! As the priqpipal portion of the
food requisite to sustain this enormous
mass ol insectiverous life, is derived from
the vegetable kingdom, and mostly from
those departments of which are of value
to mankind, the injury which they produce
is almost beyond the power of calcula
tion. There are some caterpillars, how
ever, that subsist by devouring the solid
substance of trees and shrubs; others
find their common aliment in the pith of
plants, while a third cion restricts their
ravages exclusively to seeds and grains.—
Ihetc is also a species of caterpillar,
which often attacks and destroys furs and
woolen fabrics, and ore not unfrequently
very destructive to feathers. We some
times find leather perforated by them, and
even detect them in flour, wax, meat and
lard ; all of which are voraciously con
sumed by caterpillars of peculiar species,
and at particular stages of their develope
ment and growth. The form of the cat
erpillar, though various, is always more
or less cylindrical.
Their beads are covered with an indu
rated or shelly helmet, and their todies
are composed of twelve wings, and pro
vided with from fourteen to sixteen legs,
the first three pairs of which the micros
cope discovers to be covered with an ex
tremely hard anil shelly skin, supplied
with several joints, of a tapering conform
ation, and armed with minute claws; the
remainder are'solid anil more cumbrous,
unprovided with any regular joints, yet
contractable, and endued with considera
ble elasticity, and presenting at tlieir ex
tremity a system of minute tubors, or
hooks.
'J hey are well provided with visual or
gans, having just eight eyes on each
side. Their jaws open sideways, and
they have two distant aiileriiioe, or feelers.
The apparatus for the distraction of tire
extremely delicate silken or arrenulous
web in which they envelope themselves,
is located near the centre of the lower liss
or mandible, and consists of a minute con
ical tube connecting with two bags, dis
posed in the Interior, or body. These
contain that sticky or gluulinous fluid
which flows in a fine, invisible stream,
and becomes indurated and elastic on ex
posure to the air.
Ihe quantity of silk produced by these
insects, varies with tlieir habits and char
acter; some produce but very little, —o-
thers, such as the silk worm and the ap
ple tree insect, elaborate in great abund
ance. Before arriving at maturity catar
pillars usually change theit skins four times.
Most of them, at this period, cease feed
ing; spin about tlieir bodies the web
VVtuCti IS tu protect them, and suuu after
pass their first transformation. Olliers
suspend themselves in different ways by
threads, without any covering or cocoon,
while a third clan bury themselves in tlje
soil, and there undergo their transforma
tion in a naked state, which the former
experience in tlieir protecting shrouds or
cocoons, or in the open air.
’i hey arc sometime gregarious, herding
together in immense numbers, and pass
ing tlieir brief existence, or at least trio
early part of it, in society. Some of
them unite in tlieir labors, from habita
tions, and appear to be directed by a sys
tem of instructive laws and regulations,
as is the case with the bee and ant. Others
live and die in solitude. Such are somo
of the peculiar characteristics of this singu
lar worm, than which, perhaps, no enemy
with which the husbandman has to con
tend, is more common or destructive, or
less perfectly unilerstood.
A Practicle Farmer.
Fast.— This word is a great bother to
foreigners, especially Frenchmen, learning
the English language. The difficulty with
such words as plough, cough, dough,
rough, etc., lies in getting at their proper
pronunciation only, each having but a sin
gie meaning, auv vyoiu mot uuuma v*
triple signification; hence the trouble.
Wc once beard a Frenchman upon tho
load—last “Fast Day,” we believe—tell a
boy to hold his horse swift.
“Fast, you means don’t you, sir ?’ inter
rogated the lad.
“Vel ,fast, den ; be gar, 1 do not under
stand dis.”
“There goes a fast liotsb!” exclaimed
a bystander, as streaked bj' a lively trot
ting nag.
“How is dat ?” nervously inquired the
astonished Frenchman, derc is one horso
fast and he go like zundcr all the time ;
dare is my horse—he is fast too, and ho
no move!”
“This is Fast day in reality, by the ap
pearance of the road,” said another.
“Oh, I see den,” said Monsieur, “vy
dis is fast day; every ting is fast —de
horse dat go is fast —de horse dat is tied
is fast —and dc folks dat eat nothing, and
ilat is slow, is fast. Be gar vot h coun
tries !”
NUMBER 15
