The Southern tribune. (Macon, Ga.) 1850-1851, May 25, 1850, Image 1

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The Southern tribune., May 25, 1850, Image 1

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Newspaper Page TextTHE oaOT'amras 1 smuiEwsnia fill be published every SATURDAY Afternoon, [n the Two-Story Wooden Building , at the Corner of Walnut and Fifth Street, IS THE CITY OF MACON, GA. By WM. B. ir aRRISOIV. 43 o c t r a . [FOR THE SOUTHERN TKIBUNE.j LOVE AND FRIENDSHIP. BY D. FOSTELL. 1. Love ! —’tis an idle dream at best; Friendship ! —’tis but a song ; By both have we been oft carest ; Neither e’er lasted long. Just like a child at play is Love, Kissing the toy that's new ; Attracted still, ’tis sure to rove ; The old it bids adieu. Friendship! Oh! isn’t it but a tone Os some delightful flute; And when storms lower, it is gone ; Its cheering voice is mute ! political. From the Charleston Mercury. The South and the North. Why is the South assailed in this U nion ? On what pretenses do they justify themselves, who insist that the Federal Government shall take a position of hostil ity to the slaveholding States ; shall make it a matter of triumph to cheat and defraud them, to insult their feelings, to weaken their power, and deprive them of all reli ance on its justice and its protection ? When the Union was formed it consist ed only of the States on the Atlantic bor der—a feeble part of that grand dominion which now stretches from ocean to ocean, and ho ds in its hand .lie distinies of anew world. But there was even then a vast territory belonging to Virginia, the Caro linas, and Georgia. It was given by them to the Union, and one hal sos it allowed to be appropriated to the North. Louisiana was subsequently acquired; it was slave territory, the whole of it. The South yielded up so disprotionate apart to the North, that even the subsequent annexa tion of Texas,giving her all the extent she claims, was very far fiorn equalizing the ac quisition of the two sections. Thus far, all increase of the domain of the Confederacy, had been by the acquisiti nos slave tetri tory and the gift of Sou hern States.— let, at the end,the North is found in pos session of immensely the largest share.— The South had sunendered her advanta ges, had given up her superiority of pos session, and for the sake of harmony had beggared herself to enrich the rival sec tion. She expected, doubtless, that this generous self-sacrifice would he gratefully remembered, and that she would be re paid in love for the free bestowal of an empire. King Lear had the same visions, and w >ke from them to the same reality to find that those to whom he had given all, returned his benefits with hatred, per secution and outlawry. It is not, then, because the South has neretoiore been greedy of more than her share, that she is now required to relin quish to the North the whole of the latest acquisition of the Confederacy Is there anything in the circumstances that gives color of fairness to the attempt to deprive herof a participation in it ? The territo ry was the prize of war--lhe reward of laborous campaigns and many bloody bat tles. For this war, the Southern States contributed not only more men in propor tion to their population, hut absolutely more men, than the Northern. And that State which now stands pre-eminent in the violence with which she demands that nil the acquisitions of the war shall be ap propriated to the North, refused by her public authorities, to encourage the rais ing of a regiment within her borders, and when it was raised, refused to appropriate a dollar for the subsistence and comfort of the soldiers on their march to join the ar mies of their country. Such is the t itle of Masaehusetts to the lion’s share in the now territories. It is the title, not of the sol dier who faces danger and death for the glory of his flag, but of the vulture who hovers in the rear of battle and fattens on its bFod. But the whole Free Soil patty of the North, which now claim as their own the rewards of ail our Mexican achievements, acted the same patriotic part during the war; and a conspicuous leader of their traitorous faction in the Senate, spoke the spirit of the whole, when he invoked for our heroic soldiers in Mexi co, a welcome from their enemies “with bloody hands to hospitable graves.” But there is another view of this matter. The war involved the country in a heavy debt—at least sixty millions of dollars.—- Fifteen millions more were stipulated to he paid to Mexico in the treaty of peace. I lie revenues of the United Stales are de rived almost wholly from taxes on com merce. Os this commerce the South fur nishes one hundred millions, to forty mil lions from the North. Five-sevenths of the revenue of the United Status is derived from Southern products, and that is the proportion they have to pay of the expen ses of the Mexican war and the price of the ceded territory. It is idle, and worse than idle, it is dishonest, to call this in question. So far are the Northern States from fueling the burdens of Federal taxa t'on, as the South feels them, that a ma jority of thoso S'utes have always claimed I 'at they were positively benefited and enriched by Federal taxation, and it hao THE SOUTHERN TRIBUNE. NEW SERIES— VOLUME 11. been with the extremest difficulty that i they have been prevented from fixing up- , on us a rate of taxation so high as to . threaten the existence of the commerce that thus supported the Government.— This was not from any love of taxation.— | These people are anyihing but lavish of, their own means, and are easily disturbed j by heavy taxes which they have to pay. — And so well do they understand matters, that the citizens of that town in Massachu setts who strenuously refused to be assess ed to defray the small expense of cover ing with earth the bones of their Ex-Presi dent, have always been with great unani mity in favor of the heaviest burdens on commerce. They know well that the pur ses of the people of Quincy are not ligh tened by the process. The South, then, has fought for this ter ritory,furnishing far more than her propor tion of the soldiery who carries the flag of their country over victorous battle-fields, till they planted it on the walls of the Mexican Capital. The South has paid in money, as in blood, far more than her share of the cost of the acquisition.— By what right, then, is she denied the benefits of an achievement which has been so largely her work 1 The reasons gben for excluding her from the participation in these acqusitions, ate as insulting to her feelings as the act itself is aggressive up on her rights and injurious to her inter ests. They rob her of her property, and justify the outrage by heaping imputations upon her honor, and casting stigmas and approbrium upon her social institutions.— To positive aggression and plain plunder they add the provocation of hitter taunts and insulting aspersions, and if the South, aggravated by this manifold wrong, makes a movement that looks to self protection, they denounce it as treus m, and threaten to stifle it wi h the strong arm of the Fed eral Government—that Goverenmt which the industry and commerce of the South support. How long will we patiently hear these oppressions l Addrcas to the People of the Southern States. At a large meeting of the Southt*rn members of both Houses of Congress, held at the Capitol on the evening of the 17th instant, the Hon. Hopkins L. Turney, nf Tennessee, having been appointed Chairman at a previous meeting, took the Chair, and on motion of the Hon. David Hubbard, of Alabama, the Hon. Wm. J. Alston, of Alabama, was appointed Secre tary. Whereupon, the Hon. A. P. Butler, of South Carolinia, from the Committee ap pointed at a preliminaiy meeting, report ed an Address to the Southern peonle, recommending the establishment, at Washington City, of a newspaper, to he devoted to the support and defence of Southern interests, which was read, and witti some slight modifications adopted. The following resolution was offered by the Hon. Thomas L. Clingman, of North Carolinia, and unimously adopted by the Resolved unanimously , That the Com mittee, in publishing the Address, be in streted to give with it the names of the Senatois and Representatives in Congress who concur in the proposition to establish the Southern organ, as manifested by their subscription to the several copies of the plan in circulation, or who may hereafter authorise said committee to include their names. Maryland. —Senator, ThomasG. Pratt. Virginia. —Senatois, R. M. T. Hunter, J. M. Mason ; Representatives, J. A. Sed don, Thus. H. Avarett, Paulus Powell, R. K. Meade, Alex. R. Holladay, Thus. S. Bocock. H. A. Eilmundsoti, Jeremiah Morton. North Carolina. —Senator, Willie P. Mangum; Representatives, T. A. Cling man, A. W. Venable, W. S. Ashe South Carolina, —Senatois, A. P. But ler, F. H. Elmore; Representatives, John McQueen, Joseph A Woodward, Daniel Wallace, Win. F. Colcock, James L. Orr, Armistead Burt, Isaac E. Holmes. Georg a —Senators, Jno. McP. Berrien, Wm. C. Dawson ; Representatives, Jos. W. Jackson, Alex. H. Stephens, Robert Toombs, H. A. Haralson, Allen F. Owen. Alabama. —Senator, J. Clemens; h’eD resentatives, David Hubbard, F. W. Bow den, S. W. Inge, W. J. Alston, S. W. Harris. Mississippi. —Senator, Jefferson Davis; Representatives, W. S. Featherston, Ja cob Thompson, A. G. Brown, W. Mc- Willic. Louisiana. S. U. Downs, Pierre Soule; Representatives, J. 11. Hantianson, E. LaSere, Isaac E. Morse. Arkansas. —Senators, Solon Borland, W. lv. Sebastian ; Representative, Wil liam R. Johnson. Texas. —Representatives, Volney E. Howard, D. S. Kaufman. Missouri. — Senator, D. R. Atchison ; Representative, James S. Green. Kentucky. Representatives, R. 11. Stanton, James L. Johnson. Tennessee. —Senator, Hopkins L. Tur ney ; Representatives, James H. Thomas, Fredrick P. Stanton,C. H. Williams, J. G. Harris. Florida, —Senators, Jackson Morton, David L. Yulec; Representative, E. Car rington Cabell. And on motion, the meeting adjourned. HOPKINS L. TURNEY, Chair’n. Attest: Wm. J. Alston, Secretary. MACON, (GA.,) SATURDAY AFTERNOON, MAY 25, ISSO. | Address to the People of the Southern States. \ The Committee to which was referred the duty of preparing an address to the people of the Slavelndding States upon the subject of a Southern orgen, to be established in the City of Washington, put forth the following: Fellow Citizens: A number of Sen ators and Representative in Congress from the Southern States of the Confedeiacy, deeply impressed with a sense of the dan gers which beset those States, have con sidered carefully our means of self-defence within the Union and the Constitution, and have come to the conclusion that it is highly important to establish in this city a paper which, without referrence to po j litical party, shall be devoted to the lights ! and interests of the South, so far as they : are involved in the question growing out jof African slavery. To establish and maintain such a paper, your support is ne cessary, and accordingly we address you on the subject. In the contest now going on, the con stitutional equality of fifteen States is put in question. Some sixteen hundred mil lions worth of negro property is involved, directly; and, indirectly, though not less surely, an incalculable amount of proper ty, in other forms. But to say this, is to state less than half the doom that hangs over you. Your social forms, and institu tions, which separate the European and the African races into distinct classes, and assign to each a differeht sphere in socie ty, are threatened with overthrow. Whe ther the negro is to occupy thesame social rank with the white man and enjoy equally with him the rights, privileges,and immu nities of citizenship, in short, alii the hon ors and dignities of society, is a question of greater moment than any mere ques tion of propet ty can be. Such is the contest now going on—a contest in which public opinion, if not the prevailing, is destined to he a most prominent force, and yet no organ of the united interest of those assailed has as yet been established ; nor does there exist any paper which can be the common me dium for an in'erchange of opinions a mongst the Southern States. Publieopin ion, as it has been formed and diree'ed by the combined influence of interest and prejudice, is the force which has been most potent against us in the war now go ing on against the institution of negro slavery ; and yet we havenoeffetual means to make and maintain that issue with it, upon which our safety end perphnps our social existence depends. Whoever will look to the history of this question, and! to the circumstance under which we are j nmv placed, must see that our position is one of imminent danger, and one to be defended by all the means, moral and po litical, of which we can avail ourselves in the present emergency. The warfare against African slavery commenced as it is known, with Great Britain, who, after having contributed mainly to its establishment in the new world, devoted her most earnest efforts, for purposes not yet fully explained, to its abolition in America. Hmv wisely this was done so far as her own colonies were concerned, time has determined, and all comment upon this subject on our part would now be entirely superfluous. If, however, her purpose was to reach and embarrass us on this subject,her efforts have not been without success. A common ori gin, a common language has made the English literature ours to a great extent, and the efforts of the British Government and people to mould the public opinion of all who speak the English language, have not been vain or fruitless. On the contra ry, they have been deejdy felt wherever the English language is spoken, and the more’efficient and dangerous, because, as yet, the South has made no steps to appear and plead it at the bar of the world, be fore which she has been summoned, and by which she has been tried already with out a hearing. Secured by constitutional guaranties, and independent of all the world, so far as its domestic institutions were concerned, the South has reposed un der the enneiousness of right and indepen dence, and forborne to plead at a bar which she knew had no jurisdiction over this par ticular subject. In this we have been theoretically right, but practically we have made a great mistake. Every means, political, diplomatic, and litarary, hav e been used to concentrate the public opi noin, not only of tho world at large, hut of our own country, against us; and resting upon the undoubted truth that our domestic institutions were the subject of no Government but our own lacal govern mer ts, and concerned no one but ourselves, we have been passive under these assaults until danger menaces us from every quar ter. A great party has grown up, and is increasing in tho United States, which segRVS to think it a duty they owe to the earth and Heaven, RJ.makc a war on a do mestic institution, upon wtTic'i 3re staked our poverty, our social organization" Sfl'J our peace anil safety. Sectional feelings have been invoked, and those who wield the power of this Government have been tempted almost, if not quite beyond their power of resistance, to wage a war against our property, our rights, and our social system, which, if successfully prosecuted, must end in our destruction. Every inducement, the love of power, the desire to accomplish what are, with less truth that: plausibility, called •'tefoi ms,” all arc offered to tempt them to press upon those who represented, and in fact, seem to be an easy preytothe spoiler. Our equality under the Constitution is in effect denied, our social instiutions are derided and contemned, and ourselves treated with contumely and scorn through all the avenues which have as vet been opened to the public opinion of tiie world. That these assaults should have had their effect is not surprising, when we remem ber that as yet we have offered no organ ised resistance to them, and opposed hut little, except te isolated efforts of mem bers of Congress who have occasionally raised their voices against what thay be lieved to be wrongs and injustice. It is time that we should meet and maintain an issue in which we find our selves involved by those who make war up-on us in regard to every interest that is peculiar to us,and which is not enjoyed in common with them, howeverguarantied by solemn compact, and no matter how vi tally involving our prosperity, happiness, and safety. It is time that we should take measures to defend ourselves against as saults, which can end in nothing short of our destruction if we oppose no resistance to them. Owing to accidental circum stances, and a want of knowledge of the true condition of things in the Southern States, the larger portion of the press and of the political literature of the world is against us. The moral power of the pub lic opinion carries political strength along with it and, if against us, we must wres tle with it or fall. If, as we firmly believe, Truth is with us. there ts nothing to dis courage us in such ati effort. The eventual strength of an opinion is be measured not by the number who may chance to entertain it, but by the truth which sustains it ;we know that truth is with us, and therefore we should not shrink from tho contest. We have too much staked upon it to shrink or to trem ble—a property interest, in all its forms of incalculable amount and value; the so cial organization, the equality, the liberty, nay, the existence of fourteen or fifteen States of the Confederacy—all rest upon the result of the struggle in which we are engaged. We must maintain the equality of our political position in the Union.— We must maintain the dignity and res. pectahility of our social position before the world ; and we must maintain and se cut e our liberty and rights, so far as our united efforts can protect them ; and, if possible, we must effect all this within the pale of the Union, and by means known to the Constitution necessary, not only for the sake ofthe South, but perhaps for the sake of the Union. have great inter ests exposed to the asaults not only for the world at large, but of those who, con stiuiting the majority, wield the power of our own confederated States. We must defend those interests by all legitimate means, or else perish either in, or without, the effort. To make a successful defence we mus' unite with each oiherupontbe one vital question, and make the most of our political strength. We must, do more—we must go beyond our entrenchments, and meei even the more distant and indirect, hut by no means harmless assaults, which are directed against us. We, too, can appeal to public opinion. Our assailants act upon theory—to their theory we can oppose experience. They reason upon an imaginary state of things; to this we may oppose truth and actual knowledge.— To do this, however, we too must open up avenues to the public mind ; we, too, must have an organ through which we can ap peal to the w irld, and commune with each other. The want of such an organ heretofore, has been, perhaps one ofthe leading causes of our present condition. There is no paper at the seat of Gov ernment through which we can hear or be heard fairly and tt uly by the country. There is a paper here which makes the abolition of slavery its main and para mount end. There are other papers here which make the maintenance of political patties their suprptno and controlling ob ject, hut none which consider the preser vation of sixteen hundred millions of pro perty, the equality and liberty of fourteen or fifteen Staes, the protection ofthe white man against African equality, as para mount over or even equal to the maintain ance of some political organization which is to secure a President; and who is an object of interest, not because he will cer tainly rule, or perhaps ruin the South, hut chiefly cecause he will possess and bestow office and spoils. The South has a peculiar position, and her important rights and interests are ob jects of continual assault from the majority; and the parly press, dependent as it is up on that majority for its means of living, will always be found laboring to excuse the assailants, and to paralyze all efforts at llow is it now 1 The aboli tion party 4jan always be heard through its press ajLjhe scat of Government, but througMNlggrgan or press at Washing ton, can Southern men communicate w'nh’ths world, or with each other, upon their own pccuiiS. r ...i. , . ,terest3 ? . So fjr from writing or permitting # 10 written, which is calculated to depeiitf vIM? rights of the South, or state truly its case, the papers here are engaged in lulling the South into a false secuiity, and in manu factoring there an artificial public sen timent, suitablo for some Presidential platform, though at the expense of any and every interest you may possess, no matter Uo'vdenroi how vital and momentous. NUMBER 20. This state o.f things results from party obligations, and a regard to party success. And they but subserve the ends of their establishment, in consulting their own in terests and the advancement of the party to which they are pledged. You con not look to them as sentinels over interests that >?re repugnant to the feelings of the majority of a self-sustaining party. In tho Federal Legislature, the South has somo voice and some votes, but in' the public press, as it now stands at the seat of Government, the North has a contrnl ing influence. T'.’o press of this city takes its tone from that ,°f the North. Even our Southern press is subjected more or less to the samo influence'. Our public men, yes, our Southern men, owe their public standing and reputation too often to the commendation and praisd of the Northern press. Southern republish from their respective party or gans in this city, and in so doing reproduce unconscious doubtless in most instances of the wrong they da, the Northern opin ion in relation to public men and measures. How dangerous such a state of things must be to tho fidelity of your Representatives it is needless to say ! They are but men and it would be tin wise to suppose that they are beyond the reach of temptations which influence the rest of mankind. Fellow-citizens ; It rests with ourselves to alter this state of things, so far as the South is concerned. We have vast inter ests which we are bound by many consid erations to defend with all the moral and political means in our power. One ofthe first steps is a paper through which we may commune with one another, and the world at large. We do not propose to meddle with political parties as they now exist; we wish to enlist every Southern man in a Southern cause, and in defence of Southern rights, he he Whig or be he Democrat. We do not propose to disturb them, or toshake him in his party relations. All that we ask is, that he shall consider the constitutional rights of the South, which are involved in the great abolition move ment, as paramount to all party and all other political considerations. And sure ly the time has come when all Southern men should unite for purpose of self-de fence. Our relative power in the legis lature of the Union is diminishing with every census, the dangers which menace us are daily becoming greater, and the chief instrument in the assaults upon us is the public press, over which, owing to our supineness, the North exercises a con trolling influence. So far as the South is concerned, vve can change and reverse this state of things. It is not to be borne that public sentiment at the South should be stifled or controlled by the party press. Let us have a press of our own, as the North has,both here and at home—a press which shall be devoted to Southern rights and animated by Southern feeling: which shall look not to the North, but the South, for the tone which isto prevade it. Claim ing our power in Federal legislation, let us also claim our share of influence in the press of the county, to send this paper into every house in the land. Let us take too, all the means necssary to maintain the paper by subscription, so as to increase its circulation, and promote the spread of knowledge and truth. Let every portion ofthe South furnish its full quota of talent and money to sustain a paper which ought to he supported by all, because it will be devoted to the interest of every South ern man. It will he the earnest effort of the Committee who are charged with these arrangements, to procure editors of high talent and standing; and they will also see that the paper is conducted without opposition and without reference to the political parties of the day. With these assurances, we feel justified in calling upon you, the people of the Southern States, to make the necessary efforts to establish and maintain the proposed paper. A. P. BUTLER, JACKSON MORTON, R. TOOMBS, J. THOMPSON. Washington, May, 6, 1850. From Scott's Weekly Paper. Water. BV WM. ALEXANDER, A. M. ,l Joy smiles in the fountain, health flows in the rills, And '*>« ribands ofsilver unwind from the hilts.” Man’s natural and most healthful bev erage is the water of the crystal stream. — The hat ts of forests, too, must drink, and do drink their fills. The hart panteth for the brooks of water. So essential is it, that it is frequently made the symbol of great good. The matter of the external world presents itself to our notice, under three palpable forms—solid, liquid and aeriform. Water is a liquid. It flows. It is not elementary, however, as the ancients supposed, but composed of two constituents—Oxygen and Hydrogen —combined together in the proportion of one by bulk of Oxygen, with two by bulk of Hydrogen. When free of all other substance, water is accounted pure. Na ture presents it to us, however, as holding in solution many other substances, which feS-° r more effect its character. "Water ; s a ordinary temperatures, but maybe rendeff? Bolitl or *riform, by changes in theaamour?!. r ?!. < ?f iieat"'hW. v ,* l ' c l it is exposed. Below 32 degrees of Ah enheit it becomes ice—between 32 and 212 it remains water—abovo 212 itas sumes the form of vapor, or steam. , BOOK AND JOB PRINTING, Will be executed in the most ajvproted style and on the best terms,at the Office of the SCTJTHEBIT TSttfeW* -BY— WM. B. HAllftfSON/ The exact form ofthe atoms of water* by reaeon oftheir exceeding smallness, ig not known. They may, however, be Jr. kened to very minute particles of sand, covering slightly, and easily slipping over one another. They certainly can be made to adhere firmly together, as iri the case of ice, and again to separate and dis perse in the form of water and steam. The great leading law in reference to water is, that it presses equally in every diiection—a natural consequence of the exceeding fineness of its individual parti cles. The effects produced by the pres sure of a small column of it gives rise to what is called the hydrostatic paradox.— “A small quantity of water decending in a long column is equal in effect to a propor tionately great pressure in a short column.” Water, too, will find its own level. Hence the construction of apparatus foi* affording a supply of the chrystal treasure to cities, subtile in substance, thought it is, it can yet, without alteration of its ordinary tertr perature, be rendered subservient as a great mechanical power. Its uses arc so various that we cannot enumerate them. Nature, in her hydrau lic operations, makes great use thereof.— It is indispensable in her laboratory.— The plants and trees are nourished prin cipally by water and air. This fact has been often proved. The earth itself yields little or nothing to their substance. The clouds of water ascend out of the mighty ocean and disperse themselves over tho most remote parts of the land. There they distil in mists, dews, rains, snows.— Hence are spring showers to enliven na ture. God watereth the enrth—sending the small rain and the desert rain of his strength—refreshing even the desert where no man is. Vegetable nature ev erywhere presents its latge goblet or its ’iny cup to receive the descending water. Nature provides everywhere a water course forlier waters. She takes care that the flowers and plants of the field have a supply of this necessary aliment directed to them. She wisely bestows an aque duct on the pellicle of the leaves of moun tain plants, hollowing out those leaves in to gutters, and withdraws the device when the plants are beside the running waters. The wonderful machinery of the clouds of the sky, gives water in due time, to the springs, when they are dried. The springs replenish the thirsty rivers. “All the livers run into the sea, yet the sea is not full; and to the place whence the riv ers como, thither do they return again.”— Ocean itself has its fountains. When God caused an abundance of waters to flow over the face of the earth, all the fountains of the great deep, it is said, were broken up. The poles would seem to be the sources of fountains of the migh ty deep. From tho vast cupola of ic© over each pole, break away the myri ads of icebergs which float down and melt to augment old ocean’s multitude of tvai ters. Three fourths of earth’s surface aro covered with water, and the proportion is just what our globe’s necessities required. Were the quantity less, the rivers would become but babbling brooks—were the quantity increased, the ocean wouid pass far beyond the shore, and cover earth’s face with the waves of a flood. As it is, it keeps the bounds prescribed by Him who hath promised to drown the world no more. Saying hitherto shall thou come, and no further, and here, shall thy proud waves be stayed. Extended, therefore, as are the limits of the Great Sea, they are only in exact accordance with the wants of Nature in the inhabitable portion of the Globe.— I he mighty waters are the great highway of the nations. “There Ships go, there God makes to play The Leviathan great.’’ Restless are the waters. Commotion is healthful to them. The Sea in the He brew language, is so called, from a word signifying to tumult. Water as Light, from a word signifying to flow. God said —“Let the waters under the Heaven, be gathered unto one place. This gathering together ofthe waters, he called the Seas.” He hollowed ont a receptacle for the Wa ters, who layeth tho beams of his cham bers there. At first the earth was covered with the deep; the waters stood above the hills. At his rebuke they fled, at the voice of his thunder they hasted away.— He watereth the hills from his Hecauseth the grass to grow for the cat tle, and herb for the service of man. Traverse the desert, and there yo can tell the worth of water. Sink in despair on the red sand of some African clime, and you will value the pricless treasure— Gold, there, cannot purchase it. The rich or poor weep alike for it. The wasted Car avan steals over the parched desert, as if the angel of death sadly called them.— The poor pilgrim looks on his great com panion, breathing faintly also. Perhaps the night brings the refreshing cloud, and as they struggle on their way. the low sound of water is heard by every ear, with an acuteness, such misery only could give. The Prince and the Peasant pros trate like Gideon’s troop drink insatiably, blessing the Prophet, and Alla for the en livening draught. The travellers of old, as they journey ed to Canaan, thirsted, pflJ.Mf.; ’ h*. vine cornu: of ’ln ■ brou ght them water out o_ -.no rock. Let us prize the abundant treasure, looking forward iti hope to drink of the River of the water of life which flows from bcDeatb the throne of God.