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THE
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IW THE CITE or MACOS, 61.
By WM. B. IIAUKISO.V
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Qj*Sales of Land by Administrators,Executors
or Guardians, are required by Law, to be held on
the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours
of ten o’clock in the Forenoon and three in the
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O’Sales of Negroes by Administators, Execu
tors or Guardians, must be at Public Auction, on
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hours of sale, before the Court House of the county
where the LettersTestamentary.or Administration
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Court House where such sales are to be held.
O’Notice for the sale of Personal Property
must be given in like manner Forty Days pre
vious to the day of sale.
Notice to the Debtors and Creditors olan es
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t that application will be made to the
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groes must be published in a public gazettein the
:siate for Four Months, before any order absolute
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qj’Citations for Letters of Administration on
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be published Thirty Days for Letlersof Dismis
sion from the administrationofan Estate,monthly
pr Sit Months —for Dismission from Guardian
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for the foreclosure of a Mortgage,
must be published monthly for Four Months—
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ecutors, Administrators or others, where a Bond
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Ip o c t r g .
[TOR THE SOUTH ERS TKIBUNK J
THE CUOSS.
Symbol of shame ! mysterious sign,
Os groans, and agonies,and blond;
Ilail ! pledge of love, of peace divine,
Froni God '
Symbol of hope! ofthosc that stray,
The pilgrim’s vows extend to thee ;
Star of the soul, thou guid'st the way
To Calvary !
Symbofof tears ! we look and mourn
His woes, whose soul for man was riven ;
Where, wanderer, is thy due return ?
To Heaven.
Symbol of empire! thou shall rise
And shine, when lands in darkness sit,
On Eastern domes that greet the skies
And minaret.
Symbol of glory ! when no more
The monarch grasps his diadem,
Thou still shaft burn when worlds are o'er,
A peerless gem !
L. J. R.
Roberltille, (S. G’.,) June lOfA, li?50.
SEVER HOLD MALICE.
BY KI.IZA COOK.
Oh ! never “hold malice it poisons our life
With the gall-drop of hate and the night shade
of strife ;
Let us scorn where we must, and despise where
we may
But let anger like sun-light go down with the
day.
Our spirits in clashing may bear the hot spark,
But no smouldering flame to break out in the
dark ;
Tis the narrowest heart that creation can make,
Where our passions fold up like the coils of a
snake.
Oh ! nover “hold malice,” it cannot be good,
For ’tis nobler to strike in the rush of hot blood,
Than to bitterly cherish the name of the foe—
Wait to sharpen the weapon and measure the
blow
The wild dog in hunger—the wolf in its
spring—
The shark of the waters —the asp with its
sting-
Are loss to be feared than the vcngeticc of man,
When it lioth in secret to wound when it can.
Oh! never “hold malice;” dislike if you will,
Yet remombor humanity linketli us still ;
Wo are all of us human, and all of us erring,
And mercy within us should ever be stirring,
bhall we dare to look up to the Father above,
ith petitions for pardon or pleading for love ?
we dare, while wc pant for revenge on
another,
lo ask from a God, yet deny to a brother?
PolTtf cal.
Extract* from (He Speech of llou. It. U.
Meade, of Virginia.
j House of Representatives, June 6,1850.
i l heard some say that there vvasnobles-
Sln g greater than Union—no evil so great
I ** disunion. Sir, the sentiment is not on-
I y cowardly, but it is high treason against
I 'herty und the rights ofman. Union with-
I equality will enslave us. The opinions
THE SOUTHERN TRIBUNE.
NEW SERIES— VOLUME 11.
of Mr. Jefle rson are often quoted against I
the South. Sir, I wish to derive no ad
vantages from concealing or preverting a
fact. When the Federal Constitution was
formed, I believe that most of the states
men of the South looked to the ultimate
abolition of slavery, and to that end they
strove against that clause which permitted
the importation of slaves, til the year 1808.
But the North insisted on the provision
with a view to commercial profit. I have
heard this gravely claimed as a conces
sion to the South. In 1788, our slave
population did not much exceed a half
million ; emancipation could then have
been effected, and was no doubt contem
plated by the Southern statesmen. This
provision, however, insisted on by the North
postponed the time when slaves should he
imported from Africa to the year 1808, at
which time they had, from propagation
and importations, swelled up to twelve
hundred thousand. Virginia had then be
come so encumbered with the population,
she had no alternative hut to continue them
in slavery, or to make of them a decided
ly more degraded population—that is, a
lazy, thievish, free negro poonla' ion, such
as the North now has. The whole of the
abuse, therefore, which is lavished upon
their Southern brethern, recoils upon the
memory of the speaker’s own ancestors;
and 1 have often asked myself, where is
I hat pride of ancestry w'hich is usually the
the most cheerished sentiment of an Ame
rican bosom.
I here is hut one way of explaining this
apparent insensibility to national and ances
tral pride. We are told that a half million
of emigrants are annually added at the
North to the number of American citizens.
I am somewhat curioosto know how many
of these eloquent friends of humanity and
denouncers of their Southern brethern are
really Americans, or can boast even of an
American father? The answer to this ques
tion may go far to explain the warm bro
therly feeling and sympathies so often and
so courteously manifested towards us by
our deaily beloved bretheren from the
land of snows.
These men affect great love for the U
nion, though it ties them to a national dis
grace. Do they suppose they cultivate a
corresponding attachment at the South,
by so ofen bestowing upon ns the epithets
of slave-drivers, bloody tyrants, and deal
ers in human flesh ? Why, sir, there is
not a man from the South who, if he be a
man, does not at times feel his attachment
to this Union giving way under a disgust
of their associations here so redolent of a
buse. vulgarity, and malignity. Why, sir,
it all our constituents could come here
and sit in these halls for three weeks, not
long enough to he become hardened to
abuse as we have, and under the fresh in
fluence of their feelings, were called up
on to vote between union and disunion,
you would find one third of them voting
for t’ne latter, another third sitting in silent
indifference, while the rest, under the in
fluence of the parting advice of the great
slave-breeding, slave-driving tyrant, Geo.
Washi ngton, would say, let ustry thething
a little longer—we may yet restore the old
fraternal 1 ove which united into one the
hearts of our forefathers.
Mr. Cl lairmnn, Southern fanaticism is
sometimes spoken of. Did you ever know
fanaticism to he a passive, defensive feel
ing ? That is not its nature. That North
goad us with abuse, throw fire brands in
our dwellings, threaten to yoke the whites
with the blacks of the South, and, because
we turn upon them, they call us fanatics.
Slavery would never be mentioned here
but for them. Fanaticism never asks to
he let alone, as we ask them. It is an ac
tive,aggressive principle, ever at work, and
demanding something to be done.
The majority principle is often apealed
to here, and we are represented as deny
ing the rights of a majority. Why. sir, is
it possible that the principles of our con
federation, at this late day, are so little
understood? Will gentlemen contend that
the people of New York, because they are
two and a half millions, can come to Vir
ginia and alter her Constitution, or de
prive her of any of her rights, because
they are but a million and a half, upon the
principle of a majority? Can blithe States
combined do it as a matter of right ?
Gentlemen will scarcely say aye to this
Well, sir, suppose Virginia and New
York had formed a Union with limited pow
ers and for specified objects, oi suppose
France and Spain were to form a similar
Union, would it be contended that because
New York in the sameone case,or France
in tbe other, had a majority, they could
exercise any power they please ? The
very organization of this House and of
the other condemns the doctrine. How
can gentlemen contend that the majority
principle must govern here, when Dela
ware can neutralize the vote of New York?
Were we one community, living under
one governmet,instead of being a confede
ration of independent States for specified
objects, then the majority principle would
be the correct one. 13ut each State became
a member of this Union for their own good.
If tbe majority use it as the means of in
juring instead of protecting, the obligation
of the injured ceases and she may resume
her orignal independent position. Now
for the application of the principle : Mex
ico committed ati outrage, an injury, upon
all the States of the Union, and the Union
demanded and obtained indemnity for the
injury ; the indemnity inures to all, for all
were Injured. What was that indemnity?
MACON, (GA„) SATURDAY AFTERNOON, JURY 6, 1550.
Territory which thus became a part and
parcel of the United States, that is a part
of each state in the Union. Can this
bo denied ? Then California is part of
Virginia; can Congress abolish slavery
in a part of Virginia 1 But you will reply,
California is a part of New York, and she
has abolished slavery. Now, here is a
case where two States have equal rights,
and they come in conflict; both Stales
are equal and neither will yield. There
is but one of three modes of settlement—
a fight, or backing out, ora division. Now,
will any man in his senses say. that New
York would have a light to dictate, be
cause she had more people? Why, sir,
the same principle would have given to
England the whole of Oregon. Now,
sir, Oregon presents a case in point.—
Had we, supposing we were all slave
States, no light to take slaves to Oregon
during the joint occupancy ? The answer
is obvious.
While on this subject I will give you
my opinion in regard to the legislative
power of Congress over the territories.—
Sir, Congress alone has any power. The
people of the territories have none, while
in a state of independence. You might
as well contend that a hoy (while being
protected and supported by his father) was
a man. Os course the feelings and wish
esboth ought to he respected, and if they
are not, they may rebel and set up for
themselves, if they be strong enough ; but
while they live upon the bounty and under
the protection of their parent they must
obey.
But what is the extent of that authority?
Ascertain the object for which the Union
was formed, and limit its authority by it.
This furnishes the key to the whole ques
tion. All the powers of Congres on this
subject are implied. The object of the
Union was not to benefit mankind gener
ally. No, sir, it was more specific. It was
to promote the good of each individual
member, —not of one, ora majority, but of
each. And Congress can by implication
exercise no power which will affect inju
riously a single member of the Confeder
acy. And Congress can with as much
propriety say to Virginia, you shalleman
cipate your slaves because they are an evil,
as to say to her you shall not. take them
to any part of California because they
are an evil. As 1 said before, the mission
of Congress is specific, not general. And
when the interests of the States come in
conflict, it is the duty of Congress to take
part with neither, but do justice to all.—
In this case, as the subject cannot he en
joyed, in common, and neither has a right
to all, it must be equitably divided among
them ; otherwise any citizen of the Uid
ted States may settle in the territory with
any species of property wich any State
recognise as such. It appears to me that
those peculiar guardians of human rights,
whose bosoms are so distended with phi],
anthropy, could find an ample field for its
exercise in their own neighborhoods.—
They are much distressed at the ignorance
of our people, and profess unutterable
sympathy at their uninstructed minds
The revelations of the last census are
themes of never ending speculations.—
They hold up their hands in holy horror
at the thought that in Virginia one m eve
ry fourteen adults cannot read or write. I
am not afraid to compare situations with
New York and Massachusetts, and the
world shall decide between them. The
statistics of those States, show in the first
place, that every seventeenth or twenty
cih person isapauper; in thesecond place,
that one in fourteen of every inhabitant in
Boston and New York is under arrest for
crime during the year. So that for every
citizen of Virginia who is ignorant of books,
we will show you two in New York end
Boston, one of whom is a pauper, aud the
other either a convict or upon his trial.
No one will say that this Confederacy
would ever have existed, if the present
state of things had been foreseen. What
state of things? The property of half
this Union is secretly invaded. It is car
ried into another half, and there the thieves
are openly protected by the panoply, not
merely of public sentiment but of law.—
The injured, in pursuit of his rights, is ar
rested, incarcerated, and sometimes mur
dered with impunity; ingenious devices
are resorted to by sworn officers to evade
the plain provisions of the Constitution ;
and ifsometimes they are fortunate enough
to obtain a judicial recognition of their
rights, the redress is but nominal, for sn
appeal is taken to the community at large,
which often reverses the judgment, and
strips the owner of his property. It
is no answer to say that this is unauthor
ized by law. It is in some cases encour
aged Ly the law. But when a community
cannot restrain wrong, it is itself responsi
ble, and is indetified with the general sen
timent. If the people of New York were
to make repealed inroads upon Canada—
if they were in the habit weekly of sack
ing cities of Quebeck and Montreal, the
demand of Great Britain would not he sat
isfied by telliiig her these forays were con
trary to law. She would say to New York:
“If you are unable to restrain your peo
ple, I must,” and reprisals would follow.
The burning of the Caroline was an ap
plication of this principle, perhaps too
promptly made. When a majority of a
community becomes so imbued with vio
lence and wrong as to prevent the pussage
of requisite laws, or defy them when pass
ed—as to shield the perpetrators of wrong
—the community itself then becomes the
aggtesser, and responsible for the injury.
But, sir, the pointjof the argument is this :
Should a peaceful community—cow a peace
ful commuity long continue in amity and
union with one that is lawless ? Sir, it is
no inducement that there are some hon
est men among them ; unless they are
strong enough to control the wicked, they
must all rank alike.
I could here dwell on the moral deprav
ity of that people, who would thus set a
side the most sacred obligations, and even
boast of acts which involve them in the
two fold guilt of perjury aud plunder.
* * # #
I have expresed the opinion, formed on
close observations, that no Abolitionist
would venture to propose a measure here
that would not now receive three-fourths
of the Northern vote; and the absence
of only one-half or one-third of the South
ern vote would insure the passage of the
most obnoxious measures that fanaticism
has ever ventured to propose 5 and the
most ominous feature in the matter is, that
many gentlemen reluctantly give these
votes, which shews, not individual opin
ion from which we might be protected, hut
theopinionof the constituency from which
there is no protection. Let us go back
only two years, and analyze the votes that
have been taken on the slavery question in
its various phases.
At the first session of the 30th Con
gress.
Mr. Tuck presented a petitions to ap
propriate the proceeds of the public lands
to extinguish slavery in the United States.
Mr. Gayle moved to lay it on the table
—yeas 86, nays 70. There was twenty
six Northern yeas, or about one fourth.—
(See Congressional Globe, page 82.)
At the same session,
Mr. Putnam eflered a resolution to in
terdict slavery from all territory to be ac
quired from Mexico.
Mr. Broadhead moved to lay it on the
table—yeas, 105, nay 92. There were
twenty-eight yeas from the North, or less
than a fourth. (See Congressional Globe,
page. 391.)
At the same session,
Mr. Giddings offered a resolution to in
quire into the facts connected with the
seizure of a slave by his owner, and the
propriety of repealing all laws sustaining
the slave trade in the District of Colum
bia.
Mr. Gayle moved to lay this resolution
on the table —yeas 85; nays 86 —seventeen
yeas from the North, not a sixth; it was
suhsequenly laid on the table by a small
majority. (See Congressional Globe, page
179.)
At the second session same Congress.
Mr. Root offered a resolution to instruct
the Committee on Territories to report a
bill, wiili as little delay as practicable, to
prohibit slavery in New Mexico and Cali
fornia.
Mr. Hall moved to lay the resolution on
the table, yeas 80, nays 107. There were
but twelve Northern yeas, or about one
tenth. The resolution was afterwards a
dopted by the same vote, and a motion by
Mr. Robinson to reconsider was laid on
the table, by a vote of 105 to S3—only
twelve Northern votes, or one-tenth vo
ting.—(See Congressional Globe, p. 55.
At the same session an unprecedented
outrage wes attempted.
Mr. Giddings introduced a bill on notice
to submit the question of abolishing slave
ry in the District of Columbia to all the
inhabitants over twenty-one years old, in
cluding slaves and free negroes.
This resolution probed the abolition sen
timent deeper than it ever had been. The
bill was on its third reading, and on the
motion of Mr. Thompson, of Mississippi,
to lay the bill on the table, hut thirty-one
Northern Representatives, out of one hun
dred and ten, or less than one-third, voted
for the motion—(See Congrcseional Globe,
pp. 55, 56,)
At the same session,
Mr. Gott moved to instruct the com
mittee on the District of Columbia to re
port a hill to abolish the slave trade, pre
facing it with an offensive and insulting
preamble.
Mr. Haralson moved to lay this resolu
tion on the table, which was refused by
a vote of 81 yeas to 85 nays—fifteen
Northern members, or about one seventh,
voting for it.
On the demand for the previous ques
tion’the vote stood.ll3 yeas 63 nay 6.
Sums of the Northern nterribeis com
plained of the South for voting for the
previous question. On examination, how
ever, it appears that but twenty eight
Southerners voted for it, and eighty-five
Northerners; against it was forty South
ern and but twenty-three Northern votes.
On the passage of the resolution the
vote stood, yeas 98, nays SS—only fifteen
Northern members, or less than a seventh,
voting no.— [lbid, S3, S4,
On the motion of Mr. Robinson to re
consider, the vote stood, yeas 119, nays 81;
about one-third of the Northern members
sustaining the motion.
Mr. Botts then moved to lay the reso
lution on the table. This motion was ne
gatived, only fifteen Northern Represen
tatives voting aye.
[ Congressional Globe,page 216.
At them same session, I introduced a
lesolution to instruct the Committee on
the Judicairy to bring in a bill to enable
the South to recover fugitive slaves. On
a motion to suspend the rules, only eight
members from the North voted with the
South, and the motion was lost by a large
majority.
f Congressional Globe, page 188.
During the present Congress, the gen
tleman from Ohio introduced a resolution
to instruct the Committee on Territories
to bring in a bill for the government of the
territories, with the Wiimot Proviso at
tached. Only thirty-two Northern mem
bers voted to lay this resolution on the ta
ble, being less than a fourth of the whole
number. Now, sir, in the face of these
votes,embracing the most ultra anti slavery
proposition, commanding more than three
fourths of the Northern vote, some gentle
men profess to believe there is no danger
to the South or to the Union. Sir, 1 re
peat, if their he any disunionists here,
they have cause to rejoice in the prospect
before them. There seems to be but one
alternative, and that is, the submission of
the South.
These votes clearly show the teal strength
of the Abolitionists. Now, sir, view all
these votes in connection with the scenes
of last session, when a majority of this
House, at the imminent hazard of leaving
the Government without means, and of
the Union itself, determined to ingraft the
proviso on the appropriation bill. View
them in connection with thetnneuts of a
buse that is daily poured into the Southern
ears, showing a disposition to drive us out
of the Union, or degrade us, and then sny,
Mr. Chairman, wlmt else but a devoted at
tachment to this Union could have kept
the South a party to it ? Sir, speak not to
the South about love of the Union. They
have not enough of it—enough. It has
betrayed them into silence too long.—
Conscious as the North is of her ultimate
purpose to drive us to the wall, she is her
self astonished at our patience and ductil
lily.
No.sir, it is not for the South now to sing
paeans to the Union. Let its friends at the
North remind their people of its blessings.
We have more sacred duties to perform,
and dearer rights to protect, aud our peo
ple should be reminded of them. Until
our rights are respected, the appeals that
I shall make to my constituents will be
addressed to their sense of wrong, their
pride, and manhood. When Southern
rights are respected, I will then join hear
tily in the chorus to Union.
Modern Orni riioi.oov.-Alihough birds
in general do not suffer from colds in their
heads, yet the smaller vaiieties are liable
to hawk and the domestic fowls to spit.
Birds have no expresses, nor are there
any engaged in the transportation busi
ness, except buzzards and crows, who are
all in the carrion line.
Every crow that is a raven, should ho
immediately shut up in the lunatic asy
lum.
Judges who own a rookery, have fre
quent opportunities to hear caws ;
The throat of birds is very small; hawks,
nevertheless, often take quite large swal
lows.
Although birds do not preach the largei
species prey continually.
The rooster is their chorister, and
practises the chro- malic scale every morn
ing.
Hens and chickens should never he al
lowed to amuse themselves, as it always
ends in Jowl play.
Although no matt the present day would
think of sending a goose in reply to a note
yet among the old Romans, the bird was
an anser.
Although tame pigeons have nothing of
the India-rubber kind in their formation,
yet they are notoriously gutter-perchers.
The business hours of birds differ from
our own their notes being mostly given out
befote 10 A. M.
Although the gallinaceous variety form
but a small portion of the entire species,
yet at night, all birds are roosters.—Spirit
oj' the Times.
“ Like Master, Like Man.”— “ Boy
who do you belong to?” was inquired of a
darkey the other day.
“Mr. ,” was the response.
Are you not sick, boy—what makes
your eyes look so red ?”
"No massa, me no sick.”
“Don’t you love a dram, boy V'
"O, yes, massa, me lub him berry well
—he mighty good.”
“But boy, are you not afraid to drink
liquor—it will kill you, it is poison.”
“Kiiia me!—(J, no!—Massa been drink
him dis long time; lub him mighty well;
hah a hole barrel in de house at one time,
lie no killa massa—he no killa a nigger—
he berry good.”
The above is the substance of a dialogue
between a white man and a negro, who
was driving his master’s wagon near our
place one day last week. Comments, are
unnecessary.
You know what physical training is of
course, Mrs. Partington ?” said the doc
tor in a mild way.
"Oh, yes,” replied she; "I’ve just seen
a picture of a whole family of twelve chil
dren that took nothing on earth but pills
for thirty years !”
(K!7""Simon,” said Boh, “what are you
doing now-a-days for a living ?”
“Nothin’ particular. I’m the owner of
a ship, now.”
"Owner of a ship ! What ship ?’’
"Stewardi//'/> at Sam Jonsin’s cellar.”
BOOK AND JOB PRINTING,
Will be executed in the most auplpt cd style
and on the lest terms,at the OJJtcejJjlt r
SCTTTSffiRIT TRlfelJlTß
-BY—
WM. B HARRISON.
NUMBER 26
Curiosities of Science. —An interest
ing paper might be written by a competent
hand, respecting what we may rail flie
"Curiosities of Science.” 'I hem mo iiiu
dredsof facts,familiarto the explorer of na
ture, which would startle the ordinary re»l
ei, from their apparent antagonism to other
facts. Thus, if a blackened card is plirbd
upon snow or ice irt the sunshine, the fio
zen mass underneath will gmdnally n.elt;
while that by which it is sarrounded is but
little disturbed. If however, the sub’s
rays, instead of falling directly on the card
and snow are reflected ftom a melted sur
face,an exactlyopposite result occurs: the
exposed parts are the first to melt, and the
blackened card remains standing high a
bove the surrounding portion. Another
cuyious fact is that, if bats of cupper, zinc,
brass, and be!! metal are to be heated and
placed so as to 000 l on blocks of lead, tin.
; or pewter, the bars are thrown a slate of
| vibration, and produces sounds stmilarto
those into of an a*olian harp. A black
smith will tell you he can press heat out
of a piece of iron, by heating it with a ham
mer, until, at last, he will render it red ho t
and he ableto light a match at it,hut he wil
atld that the same piece cannot be made
red hot again by hammering, until it has*
been made red hot in fire, and brought
hack to its original expanded condition.
The same principle which is at the bot
tom of this curious fact enables site to be ob
tained by the friction of two pieces of wood.
Even unscientific readers are familiar
with the fact that ice can he formed in the
hottest summer day, by chemical means;
but few are aware that water can be fio
zen in a vessel that is at red heat. Yet
this astonishing experiment has been
ferquently performed. If a deep platina
saucer is heated red hot, and then water
and liquid sulphurous acid, which has been
preserved in the liquid state by a freezing
mixture, is poured into the vessel,the tap
id evaporation of the volatile acid, which
enters into ebullition at the freezing point,
produces such nn intense cold, that ice is
immedatly formed, and being thrown out,
can he used to cool water. The experi
ments of jugglers have proved to all, that
undercertan conditions, the hand can bo
immersed with impunity in melted metal.
Little more is requited than to nibtho
hands with soap to give them a polished
surface, then to plunge them in a cold so
lution of water and salatnmoriiac, and
afterwards to put them into, the liquid
iron, lead, bronze, or other metal, mov
ing them rapidly through it though not too
rapidly. The explanation of this curious
fact is this. When the hand is plunged in
to melted mctul the skin is not iri contact
with the metal, and therefore the heat inci
dent upon the skin arise only from that
which is radiated from the metal. The mois
ture of the skin passes in to the spheroidal
state, and reflects the radiating caloric, so
that the heat is never at the boiling point.
Heat and light exhibit, in part, through
transparent bodies, a very letnarkable
difference. Transparent alum which is as
clear as the cleanest water, transmits only
twelve percent of heat, while rockchrys
tal, which is not more lucid, transmits
ninety-seven percent of heat. Black glass
allows ninety seven pci cl. of heat io pass
through it; while green glass, colored by
oxide of copper, and colored with a layer
of water, will, though perfectly transpa
rent, almost entirely deprive the solar ray
of heat. On the principle of different colors,
the whole economy of nature,in reference
to the absorption and radiation of heat by
the various kinds of flowers and plants, is
carried on. Says a late writer: “Every
tree spreading its green leaves to the sun
shine, or exposing its brown branches to
the air—every flower which lends beauty to
•he earth—possesses diffeient absorbing,
and radiating powers. The chalice-like
cup of the pure white lily floating on a lake,
the variegated tuilp, the brilliant anemone
the delicate rose, the intensely colored
peony, or dahlia, have each powers pecu
liar to themselves fordrinking in the warm
ing life stream of the sun, and radiating it
back again to the thirsting atmosphere.”
Electricity also performs an important func
tion in the growth of flowers, as is popu
larly known by actual experiment. Jn
short, the world of scienco is full of curious
facts, and not without poetry of its own.—•
Many an intellect that wastes its time in
profitless meiital speculations, or loiters
life away in the perusal of trashy books,
would find anew delight in tracing the
wonder working processes of nature, anti
learn through revering Dature, to adore
nature’s God.— Phi/a. Evening Bulletin.
Beautiful Prayer. — Lord ! bless and
preserve that dear person whom thou had
chosen to be my husband ; let his life be
long, blessed, comfortable and holy ; and
let me also become a great blessing, com
forter and sharer in all his joys, a refresher
in all his sorrows, a meet helper for him iu
all the accidents and chances of the world;
make me amiable for ever before his eyes
and very dear to him. Unite his heart to
me in the dearest union oflove and holiness
and mine to him in all sweetness, chaiity
and c< mplaisance. Keep from me all uu
gentleness, all discontentedness, and un
reasonableness of passion and humor; and
make me humble and obedient, charitable
and loving, patient and contented, useful
and observant, that we may delight in each
other according to Thy blessed word and
ordinance, and both of us may rejoice in
Thee, having our poition in the love and
service of God forever.— litisii Mvn mgtt,
