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the Will be published entry SATURDAY Afternoon, In the Two-Story Wooden Building, at the Corner of Walnut and Fifth Street, IN THE CITY OF MACOX, GA. By WM.B. II VItEC I SO\, TER M S : For the Paper, in advance, per annum, $2, if not paid iu advance, 00, per annum, i !E?Advertisements willbeiuserted at the usual rates —and when the number of insertions de sired is not specified, they will be continued un til forbid and charged accordingly. O'Advertisers by t lie Year will be contracted with upon the most favorable terms. iO*Salesof Land by Administrators,Executors or Guardians, are required bv Law, to be held on the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of ten o’clock in the Forenoon and three in the Afternoon, at the Court House of the county in which the Property is situate. Notice of these .''ales must be given in a public gazette Sixty Days previous to the day of sale. jLT*Sales of Negroes by Administators, Execu tors or Guardians, must be at Public Auction, on the first Tuesday in the month,between thelegal hours of sale,before the Court House of the county where the LettersTestamentary.or Administration or Guardianship may have been granted, first giv ing notice thereof for Sixty Days,ia one of the public gazettes of this State,and at the door of the Court House where such sales are to be held. [CrNoticefor the sale of Personal Property must be given in like manner Forty Days pre vious to the day of sale. to the Debtors and Creditors oi an es ae must be published for Forty Days. t cry Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Ne groes must be published in a public gazette in the State for Four Months, before any order absolute can be given by the Court. (Xj’Citations for Letters of Administration on an Estate, granted by the Court ofOrdinarv, must bo published Thirty Days for I.ettersof Dismis sion from the administrationofan Estate,monthly far Six Months —for Dismission from Guardian ship Forty Days. for the foreclosure of a Mortgage, must be published monthly for Four Months— for establishing lost Papers, for the full space of Three Months —for compelling Titles from Ex ecutors, Administrators or others, where a Bond has been given by the deceased, the full space of Three Months. N. B. All Business of this kind shall receive prompt attentionat the SOUTHER. Y TRIBI NF. Office, and strict care will be taken that all legal Advertisements are published according to Law. qj*All Letters directed to this Office or the Editor on business, must be post-paid, to in sure attention. IT. OTTSLET & SCIT, II .litEIIOUSE 4- COMMISSION MERCHANTS Yl/JLL continue Business at their “ Fil*C »> Proof Btiildmjrs,” «« Cotton •Itenuc, Macon, Ga. Thankful for past favors, they.brg leave to say they will be constantly at their post, and that no efforts shall he spared to advance the interest of their patrons. They respectfully ask all who have CO TTOJS or other TltOl)I CE to Store, to call and exam ine the safety of their Buildings, before placing it elsewhere. (□’Customary Advances on Cotton in Store or Shipped, nn»* «tt U.,„.transacted at tile UfUal rates. June ’2 I> \ V I I> I« I- 3 »> , Justice of the Pence and Notary PuUic, M A C O N , G A . / roMMISSIONER OF DEEDS, Sec., for the V ' States of Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, fexas, Tennessee, Kentucky, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Florida, Missouri, New York, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Penn sylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Arkansas, iVe. Depositions taken, Accounts probated, Deeds and Mortgages drawn, and all documents and instruments of writing prepared and authentica ted for use and record,in any of the above States. Residence on Walnut Street, near the African Church. O’Public Office adjoining Dr.M.S Thomson's Botanic Store, opposite the Floyd House, jttne 29 25—1 v WILLIAiR IVILSOV. HOUSE CARPENTER AND CONTRACTOR Cherry Street near Third , Macon, Ga. "\ TAKES and keeps on hand Doors, Blinds -U and Sashes for sale. Thankful for past favors lie hopes for further patronage. may 25 20—Gm WOO» & LOW, GENERAL COMMISSION MERCHANTS, NEW ORLEANS, LA. may 25 20-ly Ice Cream Saloon, Cotton Arcnue, next door below Ross £,■ Co's. OPEN from 10 o’clock, A. M. to 10 P. M , daily, Sundays excepted The Ladies' Slaoon detached and fitted up for their comfort, in a neat and pleasant style. June 22 11. C. FREEMAN. Millar’s Biscuit Bakery, -Vo. 131 Meeting Street, opposite, tlic Market, CHARLESTON, S. C. TITHE Subscriber has constantly on hand -L Pilot and Navy Bread, Soda, Butler, Le mon,Water, Sugar and Dyspeptic CRACK ERS, Ginger Nuts, &c., in barrels, kegs, boxes and hulk, all warrated of the best quality, and at the lowest prices. K. S. MILLAR. july 6 26—ly IIALL, A BUAKTLEY, IT AYE just received a well selected ossorl- L 1. ment of DR Y GOODS and GROCERIES, which embraces almost every article iu their line of business. These Goods make their stock extensive, which has been selected recently by one of the firm, and they ate determined to sell their Goods upon reasonable terms, and at the lowest prices. Whilst they are thankful for past favors, they respectfully invite their friends and the public to call at their Store on Cherry Street, mid examine their Goods and prices, before pur chasing elsewhere. march 23 11 Macon Candy Manufactory. r j' , lIE Subscriber still continues to tnnt ufac -L ture CANDY of every variety, next door below Ross & Co’s, on Cotton Avenue. Hav ing increased my facilities and obtained addi tional Tools, lain now prepared to put up to °fder, CANDIES, of any variety, and war ranted equal to any manufactured in the South. I also manufacture a superior articleofLcmon and other SYRUPS, CORDIALS, PRESERVES, S-r. All my articles are well packed, delivered in an y point iu the City and warranted to give satisfaction. 11. C. FREEMAN, Agent, march 9 9 THE SOUTHERN TRIBUNE. KEW SERIES —VOLUME 11. H o e i r a. [for the southern tribune.] HOSE HILL CEMETERY. The oriental cypress here Doth rear its graceful bead, Where all is sad, and calm, and fair, Oh! stranger lightly tread ; For many loved and early lost, Here lie beneath this sod, Their lives were chilled by death's cold frost And they now rest with God. How lovely is their silent home, Near deli and murmuring stream. No l,tough! of earth should with us come W hile now of death we dream. Oh here ’tis sadly sweet to roam, At day’s departing hour, And think of that bright upper home Where storms can never lower. Now see the beauteous evening shades Fall slowly all around, While gently through the verdant glades, Is heard the soft, low sound. Ocmulgee of thy rippling wave, As thou dost flow along, Near rock and hill and new made grax*e To ocean ever on. So with the tide ofhuman life, Wh icli hears us swiftly on ; V\ T e ton must leave these scenes of strife, And lie beneath the stone. Why then should mortaieare or pain Or fortune’s dark’ning frown, Make tts forget that heavenly plain Where we may wear a crown. A crown of everlasting [Tence, Bought by our Saviour’s blood ; A way alluring earth ; oh rease To draw tts from our God. And Thou, oh Father throned on high, In mercy deign to bless, Us feeble worms who to Tltcc cry ; Clothe us iu righteousness. And may we wear a robe Os spotless white at thy right hand In thine own blest abode Where ever chant the cherub band. D. Vincrillc, Ga. ij uit 1 1 ca l . from the Cherokee Jidcocatc. To the People ol' Georgia. In obedience to the will of the General Assembly 1 attended the Southern Con vention at Nashville, the proceedings of which have already been placed before you through the public prints. It is with pleasure I announce to you, that the reso lutions were adopted by an unanimous vote; arid that few wete found to oppose the addtess made by the Convention to the Southern States of the confederacy, and none from any hostility to the Resolu tions or the principles maintained in them. I hope those with whom I had the honor to serve you, will not consider me as assu ming too much in saying to you, that your own delegation were unanimous in sup porting both the resolutions and address. These papers place before the country in plain and mild tetms the constitutional rights of the Southern States, the assaults committed on them, the imminent peiil in which they are now placed, and the grounds of ejection to the measures before Congress known as the Compromise act, as a measure of adjustment. While Ido not intend to impugn the motives or the patriotism of the Statesman who proposed that measure, as one of peace, I must he permitted to say, that in my humble judg ment, it is any' thing but a measure ofjus lice, and makes a fatal sacrifice of impor tant Southern interests, for which no equi valent is given. If the object was to give satisfaction to the South, and not to ag grieve her by unjust, not to say unconsti tutional Legislation, it is easy, now, for distinguished Statesmen, and a patriotic and independent press, to adopt a mode nr line of adjustment, which will preserve the integrity of the constitution and calm the winds which disturb the political wa ters. This line is suggested in the resolu tions. Ry consenting to acquiesce in its adoption, the members of the Convention were well aware that they wete conceding much of the constitutional right,but it was a concession,in the temper of the Constitu tion, and for the sake of quiet and peace. For one,l believe that the Constitution is the shield of the citizen to protect him against domestic as well as foreign aggres sion, and that no legislation is constitution al which directly or indirectly conflicts with the fundamental principles on which the Constitution itself stands. The Con stitution of the United Stales was estab lished on principles of equality and justice, with the design of promoting the interest and prosperity of all the parties thereto. The independent sovereignties which framed it, came together for mutual pro tection aud defence, sot mutual justice and peace, and its provisions prove the power of the minds, and the purity of the patri otism of the men who so wisely adjusted its various parts to accomplish these great objects. To ensure peace aud prevent MACON, (GA..) SATURDAY AFTERNOON, JULY 13, ISSO. hostilities among the several Status of the Union, each surrendered a portion of the powers which belong to all independent sovereignties; the power of making trea ties, of entering into compacts, alliances and confederations, and the power «.f ma king and carrying < n war. lint this sur render was not madewithout a guarantyof tlie tights., for the protection of which, the powers relinquished are used by indepen dent sovereignties. Every thing wasdoue to secure the rights of the people of the several .States, in as full and effectual a manner as if eacli State had retained its entire sovereignty and hud secured them by treaty. The couits are open fir the legal redress of one citizen for the wrong of an another, although of a different State, iu as ample a manner, as if all were inhabitants of the same jurisdiction; and to obviate the power of u special local in fluence, as far as possible, the aggrieved party has, usually, the option of carrying his case before a Slate or federal tribunal. But in respect to slaves, the courts could afford no adequate redress, for the reason, that, in some States they are not regarded as property, and the complaining party could therefore have no civil remedy.— Hence tlie necessity of a constitutional provision, to stand in the place of a treaty, for their delivery. The pow er of executing the salvtary provisions of the Constitution, was given to the General Government, to which had been surrendered by the States, the pow ers used by the nations to enforce compacts and treaties, and the obligation, in c> nsid eration of this surrender, was imposed on that government; hut to insure llie utmost fidelity in the administration of the Con stitution and that the State Governments might he brought to the aid of the federal authorities iu the fulfilment of their bgih and responsible duties, the Executive, Legislative and Judicial officers of the several States are bound by oath or affirm ation to support the Constitution of the United States. The power of regulating individual property and the title thereto, was reserved by the Stales. In many of the States, negroes are property, and the Constitution of the United States pre serves their character as property, though they escape into a State which prohibits slavery, by tequiring them to lie delivered up on claim to the owner. In better days, when a higher morality prevailed, and when it was thought that the Constitution would impose on even the unofficial citi zen an indispensible obligation, the provi sion of the Constitution for the restora tion of fugitives from labor was deem ed by some unnecessary, and the dis tinguished Roger Sherman, of Connec ticut, regarded the negro truly as property, thought there was no distinction in that respect between a negro and a horse, and that the public might, with as much propri ety be required to deliver one as the other. He considered it a matter of course that lie would be dlivered to his owner. For many years after the adoption of the Fed eral Constitution, the General Govern ment and the States acted in good faith, and the fugitive slave was delivered to his owner without difficulty. Nor did Cou gres attempt directly or indirectly, to ex ercise jurisdiction over the subject, either in the States, Districts or Territories '1 he owner of the slave emigrated to the public Territories, with his negroes, with out let or hindrance and held them there, except to that on which, by compact be fore the Constitution, slavery was prohibit ed. To that, observing the utmost good faith to the constitution,he lias not attempt ed to carry his slaces, nor lias he sought to dis urb the harmony of the Government and Union, by untiring and harassing applications for the repeal of the con stitutional inhibition. The change which has taken place in Congress and in the nan-slaveholding States, in respect to your property in your slaves is set foith in the Address of the Nashville Convention to the Southern States. I | will barely add to what is said there, that the Hartford Convention, assembled under various pretexts of complaint against the policy and administrntion of the General I Government, was the first to make an as- ! sault on the constitutional rights of the ! South, by proposing that the slavehohling j States should be deprived of the little j political influence, secured to the institu tion by the Constitution. The object was to impair the political power of the South. The mad put poses of that miser able convention were defeated by an en lightened and patriotic people, and this ! and its other efforts to break the power of j the government, failed. Frustrated in this wicked attempt on your rights, the! restless spirits engaged in it, true to their purpose,have 4 boldly assailed the institution of slavery itself, in the manner pointed out in the address, as the best means of effect ing their object. Your constitutional rights are not only, not tespected by your own countrymen, but they are almost every day unscrupulously and insultingly violated, . and no redress is afforded. If tho same outrage were commited by a foreign coun try, it would be a cause of war, if repara tion were not made, Your grave and sober remonstrances against her policy and practices are unheeded, and there is relaxation of zeal or purpose on the part of those who aim at the subversion of your rights. The posture of your affairs, is, at this moment, critical in the last de gree ; and the time has arrived when the matter of political and constitutional tight must he settled. If the power of num bers, acting under obligation, higher and more imperative, in their estimation than the Constitution ilseif, is to set at defiance your tights and trample them uiiderfont.it j "ill he for you, whose lights ate to fall ■ with the Constitution, to determine for yourselves what course you will pursue. 1 he admission of California with her con ! stitution and boundaries will settle your ! fate. It was hoped; and the South looked to it I vviilt great satisfaction, that the enlightened j Committee raised irithe United States Sen . ale to considci of mis grave matter, would i propose some measure of adjusting it, hon orable, equal and just to every section of the country; that the rights of all would be maintained ; that the principle would r.ot be sanctioned that the first, occupants of public territory might appropriate it as a State, prescribe boundaries for them selves, anti establish a government thereon which conflicted with the rights of the people of a large portion of the Union.— Their report, however, and painful it is to say it, has fallen far short of the public expectation of the South. The purchase from Texas of a part of her tetiiteiy will j buy off'her power to prevent the erection of free States on the territory which she | may cede, ami furnish a plausible pretext ! (untenable, it is true,) to those who hold 1 the power, to contend that the compact, by which Congress is compelled to admit slave States carved from the territory, is rescinded. There is no question of limits to he settled between the United Stales and Texas, or there ought to bo none ; and the forcible possession of a part of her territory by the Government is unauthor ized and wrongful. Texas came into the United Stales claiming boundaries which she had prescribed for herself. It is true, that the question of boundary bolweoen it and Mexico was left open to he adjusted with Mexico. It was good against the world besides. Such questions can be settled only by negotiation or war. Mex ico refusing to negotiate, it lias been settled by the sword, and the conquest of the country by the American arms cannat put the Government, which was bound to establish the boundary of Texas, in the attitude of an adverse claimant. This provision if the comptomise act is hostile to the rights of the South, gives the North an unquestionable advantage, as long as she repects the compact of admission more than the constitutional rights of the South, and considering the menacing ci cumstan ces amending it, is a measure of the great est injustice to'fexas. Like the robber, the Government treats with a drawn sword in its hand. The provision of the act relative to the delivery of fugitive slaves, if its details were free from objection, is but an attempt, to comply with the explicit guaranty of the Constitution. The performance of this duty is nothing more than the discharge of au obligation already contracted. No legislation however, it is fuated, can be effectual which doesnot provide a compen sation to the owner on his failure to re cover his slave. Congress has no power to restict or prohibit slavery in the terri tories of the l nited States, and the for bearance to do so, is only to forbear from an usurpation. 1 beg to considet, a little more at large, the provisions of the bill iu respect to the admission of California as a Sate ; and 1 deny that Congress can adinit California, under the circumstances in which she presents herself, to membership in the Confederacy, without a violation of the Constitution. It is tine, that Congress irry admit new States into the Union, but if in doing this, it violates the constitutional rights of the people of any of tho States, or sanctions their violation, it is an infrac tion of the fundamental principles on which the Constitution is based, and there fore a breach of the Constitution itself.— The Gonverument of the United States, to the extent of its powers, is based on the same principles of other Goeruments, to wit:” that the Government should protect the rights of each individual member,” that “in the act of association each individual lias entered into engagements w ith all, to procure the common welfare, and all have entered into engagements with each in dividual to facilitate for him, the means of supplying his necessities and to protect and defend him.” The end of a’lgovernment, then, is the welfare and happiness, the protection arid defence of the members which compose it. and no power is given to any constitutional government for any other purpose. The power to admit new Slates was not conferred on Congress as a means of annoyance to the original States of the Union, but, that neighboring sover eignties might be admitted to our political fraternity for the peace and welfare of all. The term “States” in the Constitution, means perfect sovereignties, such as they were before they adopted the Constitution. It is only by coming into the Confederacy that they i> se portions of their sove reignty. A people who, of thomsclves, erect a government, no matter where, by the act, assume the power of sovereigns. If they erect it on territory belonging to another sovereign, without consent, it is an act of aggression. It makes no difference that they intend to offer themselves as members of the sovereignty to which the territory belongs, or to place themselves under its dominion, partially or absolutely, for ii they should not be thus incorporated, they remain as they made themselves, an inde pendent sovereignty, and aio bound to sustain themselves. If they can, against the sovereign on whose ten itory they have en croached, anJ over which they have usurp ed authority. Hence, will be seen, the wisdom of the provision of the Constitution which prohibits a people, who own both the territory and ju; isdtction, from form ing a S ate, without the consent of Con gress previously obtained. Congress, in yielding its consent, may pre-ciibe the conditions on which it is given, and protect the Government end the States, against tlit# erection ofauimleponecnt sovereignty within their limits, by declai iug that if it was done, the people should relapse into • heir former condition, in the event of; heir not being admitted into the Union. If people inhabiting one oi more States of the Union were to form anew State, with the consent oflbe Legislatures of the States interested, but without the consent of Con. gross, it would be a violation of the Con stitution, and to admit a State thus erected would be the sanction ofnn unconstitution al act, and would itself be a breach of the fundamental principles of the Constitution If, then, h people owning both the soil and jurisdiction, cannot form a State, without the consent of Congress, can a people, who own neither, exercise the power and cre ate a State on the territory of the United States, without such consent l It may he done on the ten itory covered by the Or dinance of 1757, but on no other. The validity ot that Ordinance is recognized by the Constitution, and the light of the people inhabiting the territojy to which it applies, to erect State governments and be admitted into the Union is a constitutional right, and the States erected thereon and admitted, have, in their cons’ it ut ions, placed their right on that compact. There was no discretion in Congress. There was no compact extending to other territoiy. In fact, further acquisition of territory by purchase or conquest was not looked to; and the constitutional provision for the admission of now States into the Union, though it is general in its terms, was strict ly applicable to States erected on territory beyond the limits of, and not belonging to the United States; on territory covered by the Ordinance of 1787, and on terri tory embraced within the limits of one or more of the States. In the first case, the consent of Congress could not bo neces sary ; in lliesecond, the Ordinance of 1787 settled the right.— it is stipulatedfor in that compact; and in the third and last case, the consent is necessary by the express terms of the Constitution. Tho people of California, then, had no right to enter on the public territory of the United States and erect a Government thereon, whether the light be tested by the law of nations or the Constitution. But, if Congress had given its consent to the erection of the government,thepovy erthus given could not be exercised to the prejudice of the rights of the people of the States; and Congress could not sanction the exercise of the power, in such a man ner without making itself a party to the aggression, and violating the essential prin ciples of the instrument from which it de rives its authority. From tho nature of our Government, all the people of all the Stales have an equal right of ingress into the public territory. They all have an equal right to go thither with any properly which, by the laws of any of the States, they are entitled to hold, and if the Con stitution and the Government are of any value to the citizen, they give him effec tual protection there. No law is necessa ry to establish any kind of property. The title and the right attach themselves to the person, and the Constitution protects all. I his right of property and right of protec tion lies at the foundation of our iStato and Federal Constitutions. An infraction of them, with or without the sanction of Con gress, or by Congress itself, is a violation of the Constitution. It. is fashionable to say that the people inhabiting the territory may form a govern ment, and provided it be republican, Con gress is bound to admit it. This has been said without due reflection. Congress is hound, to admit no State. It may do it.— The Constitution of the United States de clares that Congress shall pass no law ins pecting the es!abli.shment of a religion.— 'flic prohibition is to Congress, and not to the States. But the people of the States have looked to this matter for themselves, and when a State has adopted a Constitu tion, they have taken care to protect the freedom of conscience. But if a State m ere to think proper, it might change its Constitution in this respect. But because a State, as a sovereign, may establish a re ligion and bring that curse into its political system, would Congress so fur forget its duty to the people of all the States as to admit anew State with a Constitution es tablishing a religion ] It would bo an outrage upon the people of all the States. It would be fundamentally wrong in Con gress to admit a Slate with such a Consti tulion. And why ? Because it would af feet citizens out of the new Slate, and be a sanction of the wrong. It would prevent the emigration thither ofconseientiousmen not devoted to the established religion. It is the same thing in respect to a Constitu tion prohibiting slavery, with this differ ence, that the latter operates on the pro perty instead of the conscience, and on a part of the States and not on all. It is the the same in principle, but not in degree.— The people in erecting a government on BOOK AND JOB PRINTING, Will he exeerted in the nzOsl appr ocea elnd on the Lest terms,at the Office, of the SCTJTHSKXT TSI3TJMB -BY— WM. B. HARRISON. NUMBER 27 , puulie territoiy, with authority, may adopt : any regulu ions necessary to self piotec t’.on—“the peaceful possession of piopeity i and a method of obtaining justice with se curity. ’ But they cannot go beyond, and adopt regulations not essential to their mvu security,which conflict with the rights ot - theis, aud it they do, Coiigiess cannot j constitutionally sanction them. In their transmutation froin a (eiiiiorial or worse condition to a State, this cannot be done, j whatever may be done after their sove reiguty id recognized by their admission as a State. It is true, that Congress may do anything by mere force of numbers, but when I say it cannot be done, 1 mean that it cannot be done consistently with tho principles of the Cos institution, the purpose and intent of its framers, at.d of the people who adopted it. California presents herself, holding in her baud a constitution violative of your rights, and asks you to ratify her act of aggression. Will you ratify it ? Will you sanction the ratification by others, out numbering you, who, with yourselves, are vested witli power to administer to the common welfare, and not to the welfate of sections. She has assumed boundaries, which exclude you from the shores of the Pacific, and your property fmm her limits, and she is to come in with all her extrava gant pretensions. 'Texas has been ad mitted and she, too, pt escribed your boun dary and welcomes you with your proper ty. An armed fotce is sent to occupy a part el her territory and exclude her from iter possessions. With a military force on her soil, a proposition is made to purchase it. Why are the out rages us California to he sanctioned and the tights of Texas to he spurned ? It is a problem of easy so lution. Slavery is prohibited by the one and tolerated by tho other. There is no thing then in the Compromise Bill to make it palatable to the South. It is unequal, unjust, aggressive and wrong. It is time to consider these things most seriously— to act. There ate men, patriotic men at tho North, wlm have stood by the Consti tution and have warned the people theie, of the danger of disregarding your rights. Some of them have fallen before the power of fanaticism, an organized fanaticism, which proclaims to its followers that there is no danger. The apparent apathy of the South has given them courage and repress ed the efforts of those who would standby you. The line proposed by the Nashville Convention, up t» which the South will insist upon its rights, is one on which the country has acted heretofore. It is not unreasonable—it is light—it is not subject to constitutional objection, and those who wish to preserve the Union, execute jus tice and insure domestic tranquility, no matter to what latitude they belong, will rally to it. It is time to abandon the petty conflicts of parly and save the Constitution. If the blessings of liberty which God has given us, are worth preserving, men who appieciate them must act with resolution. '1 bey can only be secured by maintaining the Cunsli! ution, and if we but determine to preserve the Constitution or pet ish with it, all will be safe. The Compromise or the newly named and misnamed “Adjust ment Bill ’ will destroy you. The plan of admitting California alone will have the same effect. The Administration plan is gradual death to your rights. The spirit of freemen is in you. It is inspired by the Constitution. Let it do its work in mod eration, in fitmness, adhering to light, mo rality and truth, and the God of justice will be with you. Charles j. McDonald. Marietta, June 25, 1850. An Action of the Beautiful.— l have said a great deal about prospect and land scape; l will mention an action or two,which appear to me to convey as distinct a feel, ing to the beautiful as any landscape what ever. A London merchant, who I be lieve is still alive; while ho was staying iu the country with a friend,happened to men* tion that he had intended, the next year, to buy a ticket iu the lottery ; his friend desired he would buy one for him at the same time, which of course was veiy wil lingly agreed to. The conversation drop ped, the ticket never arrived, the wholn affair was entirely forgotten, when tho country gontlumun received information that the ticket purchased for him by his Itiotul had come up to a prize 0f.£20,000, Upon his arrival iu London where ho had put the ticket, and why he Ikul not in formed him that it was purchased. ‘ I bought them both the same day, mine and your ticket, and I flung them both into a drawer of my bureau, and never thought of them afterwards.” “But how do you tell one ticket from the other ? and w'hj am I the holder of for tunate ticket more than you 1” Why, at the time I put them in the drawer, l put a little mark in ink upon the ticket which I resolved should he yours : and upon re opening the drawer I found that the ono so marked was tho fortunate ticket.” Now tbisaction to me is perfectly beautiful; it is Ic beau ideal iu morals, and gives that calm, yet deep emotion of pleasure which eve ry one so oasily receives from the beauty of the exterior world.