The Southern tribune. (Macon, Ga.) 1850-1851, July 27, 1850, Image 1

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The Southern tribune., July 27, 1850, Image 1

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Newspaper Page TextTHE mil be published every SA TURD A Y Afternoon , In the Two-Story Wooden Building, at the Corner of Walnut and Fifth Street, I!» THE CITT or MACON, OA. By WM. B. HARRISON. TERMS: For the Paper, in advance, per annum, $2 If not paid in advance, $3 00, per annum. 03' Advertisements will bo inserted at the usual rates—and when the number of insertions dc sirud is not specified, they will be eontinued un til forbid and charged accordingly, O’ Advertisers by the Year will be contracted with upon the most favorable terms. [□“Sales of Land by Administrators,Executors or Guardians, are required by Law, to be held on thi first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of ten o’clock in the Forenoon and three in the Afternoon, at the Court House of the county in which the Property is situate. Notice of these Sales must be given in a public gazette Sixty Days previous to the day of sale. U*Sales of Negroes by Administators, Execu tors or Guardians, must be at Public Auction, on the first Tuesday in the month, bet ween the legal hours of sale, before the Court House of the county where the LettersTesiamentary.or Administr*tion or Guardianship may have been granted, first giv ing notice thereof for Sixty Days, in one of the public gazettes of this State,and at the door of the Court House where such sales are to be held. O*Notice for the sale of Personal Property must be given in like manner Forty Days pre vious to the day of sale. t}*Notice to the Debtors and Creditors of an es tate must be published for Forty Days. Cy Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Ne groes must be published in a public gazette in the State for Four Months, before any order absolute can be given by the Court. Lj’Citations for Letters of Administration o n an Estate, granted by the Court of Ordinary, must be published Thirty Days -for Letters of Dismis sion from theadministrationofan Estate,monthly fo' Six Months —for Dismission from Guardian ship Forty Days. O-Rul es for the foreclosure of a Mortgage, must be published monthly for Four Months— for establishing lost Papers, for the full space of Three Months —for compelling Titles from Ex ecutors, Administrators or others, where a Bond has been given by the deceased, the full space of Three Months. N. B. All Business of this kind shall receive prompt attentionat the SOUTHERN TRIBUNE Office, and strictcare will be taken that all legal Advertisements are published according to Law. Letters directed to this Office or the Editor on business, must be post-paid, to in sure attention. IT. OTJSLEY & SCIT, WARE HO USE 4- COMMISSIOAM E R CHANTS WILL continue Business at their “Fire- Proof Buildings,” on Cotton Avenue, Macos, Ga Thankful for past favors, they beg leave to say thev will be constantly at their post, nnd tlmtno efforts shall be spared to advance the interest of •their patrons. They respectfully ash all who have COTTOJS or other PRODUCE to Store, to call and exam ine the safety of their Buildings, before placing il elsewhere. {{jf Ccstohabv Advances on Cotton in Store or Shipped, and all Business transacted at the n-ual rates. juno 2 27 —>y DAT ID KEID, Justice of the Peace and Notary Public, MACON, G A . COMMISSIONER OF DEEDS, &c., for the States of Alabama, Louisiana, Mis-issippi, Texas, Tennessee, Kentucky, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, FJorida, Missouri, New York, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Penn sylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Arkansas, &c. ' Depositions tsfecn, Accounts probated. Deed? and Mortgages drawn, and all docun»r*n*B and instruments of writing prepared and authentica ted for use and record, in any of the above States. Residence on Walnut Street, near the African Church. O’Public Office adjoining Dr. M.S. Thomson s Botanic Store, opposite the Floyd House, june 29 25 1 y WILLIAM WILSOX, HOUSE CARPENTER AND CONTRACTOR, Cherry Street near Third, Macon, Ga. MAKES and keeps on hand Doors, Blinds *nd Sashes for sale. Thankful for past favors he hopes for further patronage. may 25 20 6m WOOD A LOW, GENERAL COMMISSION MERCHANTS, NEW ORLEANS, LA. may 25 20 ~ 1 - v Icc Cream Saloon, Cotton Avenue, next door below Ross t,- Co's. OPEN from 10 o'clock, A. M. to 10 P. M , daily, Sundays excepted The Ladies Slaoon detached and fitted up for their coinfort, in a neat and pleasant style. j une 22 H. C. FREEMAN. HALL & BRANTLEY, HAVE just received a well selected assort ment of DR V GOODS and GROCERIES, which embraces almost every article in their line of business. These Goods make their stock extensive, which has been selected recently by one of the firm, and they are determined to sell their Goods upon reasonable terms, nnd at the lowest prices. Whilst they are thankful for past favors, they respectfully invite their friends and the public to call at their Store on Cherry Street, nnd examine their Goods and prices, before pur chasing elsewhere. march 23 11 Hlaeon Female High School, MRS. LAWTON, being thankful for the patr mngeshe has received, will commence the Second Term of her SCHOOL on MONDAY Bth of July next. All c inmunications directed to Mrs. L. through the Post Office, Box No. 30, will meet with prompt attention, juno 15 23—ts Macon Candy Manufactory r|tHE Subscriber still continues to mnrufac. turo CANDY of every variety, next door below Rohs & Co’s, on Cotton Avenue. Hav "■g increased my facilities and obtained addi tional Tools, I am now prepared to put up to order, CANDIES, of any variety, and war ranted equal to any manufactured in the South. also manufacture a superior article of Lemon and oilier SYRUPS, CORDIALSj(PRESEnPES,^t. AH my articles are well packed, delivered at "'v point In the City and warranted to give ■""‘faction. 11. C FREEMAN Agent march y u THE SOUTHERN TRIBUNE. NEW SERIES — VOLUME 11. J3 0 e t r s . [for the southern tribune.] hope. There wai never a cloud in the blue sky, But has passed away on the wind's low sigh ; There was never a grief that did not expire, When the chalice of tears would sweetly bo Drunk up by the warmth nfthe altar fire, 1 hat burns in the realm of Hope's mystery : And brighter the sky and sweeter is love, To the soul that has suffered its sorrow and pain And the heart that once trembling lookoth above Is sure In its rapture to look there again ! ’ „ SAMIVEL. Savannah, Ga. liolttCral. from the Charleston Courier . Speech of Hon. It. B. RIIETT, Delivered at Hibernian Hall, in the City of Charleston, June 21, 1850. Fellow-Citizens — l thank you for the frank and cordial reception, you have giv en me this night; and I propose to evince my gratitude in tho only way in my power, by laying before you, a free and truthful ex position of my opinions on the grave mat ters which have assembled us together.— I lie time has arrived, when it becomes the people of the Southern States, no long er to deprecate, hut to face, with unblench ing front, the dangers which surround them; whilst from their public servants they should demand all the aid they are capable of imparting, to enlighten their councils and guide iheir determinations Without reserve, or fear, 1 propose to speak to you to-night. I fully assent to all which your immedi ate Representative has said, and so well said, with respect to the Nashville Con vention. We assembled under the frown of the whole North, arid of the partisans of all parties in the South, which looked to the North for affiliation and support. — That sympathy which was given man by a kind Providence, to daunt and baffle op pression, by leading us to the side of the sullering and oppressed, we found near our homes, perverted against us; and whilst hushed in its arraignments of the North, was loud in its denunciations of all those in the South, who looked beyond oppression for redress. Conventions in the North to take into consideration the institution of slavery in the South, and the most effectual means of overthrowing it. has become so common, as to he mat ters of course, without censure or con demnation; but when a portion of the people of the South, driven by a long course of persecution, and insult, assem ble together to counsel for the defence of their dearest inteiests and honor, they are denounced even in the South; and every effort :s made to cover their Con vention with confusion and failure. Gen tlemen, the Nashville Convention did meet, it counselled, it united. The breath of the people which gave it life, gave it ] also strength and unanimity. Its effect was in nothing more lemarkahle than in the change of opini n and feeling it ap parantly produced on the people of Nash ville and the Tennessee Delegation. In stead of coldness and alienation, we re ceived the wannest hospitality from the generous and noble people of that beauti- I iulcity; and the Tennessee Delegation, whilst ministering in every way to the accommodation of the Convention, acted with the utmost forbearance and dignity, and finally gave to all of our procedings and measures, their unanimous support. 1 lie toast of Gov. Brown, at a dinner j given by Gen. Pillow and himself, to the Delegates of the Convention, declating that in five days the Tennessee Delegation were brought into line, shows how previ ous mistrust had been changed into confi dence. 1 tiese were the results not of ar tifice or a refined policy, hut of simple truthfulness and manly frankness amongst Southern men,conferring faceto face upon the lights and wrongs of the South. The ' proceedings of the Convention reflected | the spirit of its members. It was pre pared to concede any thing hut principles, j 1 hese it laid down with distinctness and firmness,exposing the constitutional rights to which the South was entitled. Equality in the Union. Equality in our Territories. But if the North refused us the equality (which constitutes the bond of the Union itself,)in our Territories, and insisted upon putting the Constitution aside ; then, for the sake of peace and the Union, the Con vention proposed that the South should accept, as an extreme concession, a parti tion of our Territories, on the Missouri Compromise lino of 36° 30' parallel of North latitude. By this line the North would get three-fourths of our Territories; but as it had been twice before sanc tioned by those who had gone before us, the honor of the South at least be saved by the proposition. But the partition the Convention proposed was not in the words of the Missouri Compromise of 1820. That Compromise took place with respect lothe territory, over which slavery existed by the Louisiana purchase. It merely prescribed that North of 36 de grees 30 minutes, 6lavory should be pro hibited; but it said nothing with re- MACON, (GA.,) SATURDAY AFTERNOON, JULY 27, 1850. spect to the admission of slavery South of that line. The reason was obvious. It was not necessary to say any thing, because the whole territory was already slave ter ritory, and slavery would of coure be ad mitted wherever it was not prohibited.— But the fact is directly the contrary as to territory we have lately acquired from Mexico. When acquired, slavery did not exist throughout this territory. The Con vention therefore proposed,in the partition between the North and South on this line, that there should be a distinct recognition of the right ofthe two sections of the Union to.enter and colonize the portions assigned to each. The admission of slavery should be as distinct on one side of the linq qs its exclusion on the other. Not only our equality and honor required this policy, but the peaceful enjoyment of the portion assigned to the South rendered it necessa j ry. Truly or falsely, it had been boldly | asserted by some of the ablest jurists and statesmen of the country, that the people ofthe South, wete excluded by the laws of Mexico from entering any portion of these Ten itories with their slaves. It was not proper, when setting aside the Consti tution to effect an arrangement, to leave any doubt as to its effect on either side of the line proposed. Nor would the w >rds used in cat t ying out this line through Tex as, in the resolutions of annexation, suit the emergency. These resolutions con templated the admission of States. They do not apply to a country in a Territorial condition. New words therefore suiting the emergency and the condi ion in which our 1 erritories are placed, would be ne cessary to carry out the terms of partition proposed by the Convention. Whilst thus laying down the “extreme concession” which the South should make with respect to our lorritories—the Convention repu diated and condemned the measures pend ing in the Senate of the United States, called “the Compromise.’’ It condemned them, not only because in effect they sur rendered every thing to the North, but be cause Southern men supported the sur render. The South, struck down by the arms of her own sons, would find it more difficult to rise from the blow.— Putting aside all oilier methods of ad justment the Convention presented ti the North the lair and simple alterna tive— Equality in our Ter-itories under the Constitution, or a partition of them, beside il. Felhiw Citizens! It is a matter of the gravest importance to us to consider, whether either ofthe alternatives propos ed by the Nashville Convention, will be adopted by Congress. Will an equality in our Territories be conceded ; and if not will the North divide with us our Territo ries on the line proposed? If either of these alternatives shall be enforced by the legislation of Congress, all danger to the Union, from the question of slavery in our Territories, will be over ; although the subject of slavery i selfwould still con inue in other forms to be agitated in Congress, atid in the Northern States. The Conven tion was unanimous in presenting these al ternatives ; but I cannot bu’ suppose, that a great deal of our unanimity sprung from the belief that the North would yield us one or the other of them ; and w uld not persist in the unjust and insulting preten sion of seizing all of our Territories for themselves. It was understood that the most distinguished statesman of Pennsyl vania—one whose patriotic counsels have ever been in favor of the Union and the constitutional guaranties on which it rests, had expressed himself in favor of the Mis souri Compromise line of 36* 30’, extend ing to the Pacific ocean, as a method of adjustment, which the S‘ uth should de mand and the North should yie and. If Penn sylvania could be brought to aid the just demands of the South, the controversy could be brought to a speedy and peaceful end. Such views, 1 doubt not, influenced the Convention in coming to their unani mous conclusions. But if they shall not be realized, the unanimity of the Conven tion may by no means be a guaranty of unanimity on ulterior measures. We, at least, should not be deceived, and thus be weakened by false expectations. Truth is strength and wisdom. Le us therefore bo'dly look consequences in the face, and bring our determiuaiiods up to the most probable results. And first, will the Senate’s Compromise become a law ? Certainly not, I think, iu the present state of things. When the true nature of the measures it proposes comes to be fairly understood by the peo ple of the South, its adherents in Wash ington, from the South, must relax or give up that support they have Ireretofore ex tended to it. But should il pass the Sen ate, it cannot, I am satisfied, pass the House of Representatives. There the anti-slavery bigotry of the North most predominates. It will takenothing equiv ocal even in appearance, but demands tho Wilmot Proviso in Territorial Bills, or the Wilmot Proviso in the Constitution of States to be presently formed out of our Territories. Yet if these fail there is some ground to fear that, alarmed at the attitude of the South, or convinced that the Senate’s Compromise sufficiently sub serves their interests, the North may make a rush in its favor, and press it into a law. At present, however, they more strongly oppose it than the South. But will a par tition of our territories on the line propos ed by the Nashville Convention, be adopt ed by Congress ? This measure in my opinion, is more desperate of success tlian tho Senate’s Compromise. The North, 1 1 am satisfied, will never permit the Suuth | to occupy any portion of our Territory ly ing on the Pacific sufficient to make a ! State, with a Southern border open to fu ture extension. This would endanger their whole policy of mastering the Con federacy and colonizing the South, by multiplying free States, and admitting no ' more slave States into the Union. Lastly, will the South be admiited to 8n equality in our territories, including California, by Territorial laws passed by Congress. To hope for such legislation is to hope against hope. If, then, all of these ex pedients of adjustment fail in Congress, where are wet We are in the beginning of a revolution! I know that it may be said that the North will recede before extremities are reached. But when in these latter days, has the North receded Trom any policy which her interests or her prejudices have demanded? And when, in any age, has fanaticism cal culated consequences ? The very high and honorable prerogative of yielding un der the pressure of circumstances, belongs I believe, exclusively to the South ! Will the South now give back and fall, on an issue which involves, not merely her liber ty and honor, but existence itself, or will she fearlessly and firmly stand erect, and move on in the vindication of her rights ? Will not those be disappointed who ex pect her to come forward, ignominious!}', with another “extreme concession,” or to give up all, at the bidding of political aspi rants for power and place, in the drunken saturnalia of another Presidential elec tion 1 From my retired position, I may be mistaken in the true aspect of things ; but not such is my reading of the political hea vens. I think the air feels hot and heavy, and no rays of tho setting sun gilds the blackness of the horizon. 1 think free on the stupidity, ignorance and insolence of the North, the exact counterpart of British statesmen, in our Revolution, who would heed nothing, and learn nothing, unil the thunders of Revolution burst upon their heads, and broke tbp sceptre iri their hands over the fairest empire God ever gave to the dominion of any people. I think I see in the South, the weakening of the bonds of party, the awakening spirit of liberiy, the gathering resolve to be equal in the Union, or independent without it; whilst the long endurance of indignity and wrong,like suppressed fire,gives deeper intensity to their determinations. There is often a moral, as strong as a physical ne cessity, which controls the affairs of men. One step leads to another by inevitable consequence. To begin, is lo go <n ; and to go on is to go on to the end. It has been so in all Revolutions; and events which ai the time they occurred appeared to be of little moment,have been fountains of bitter waters, or ofliealing to the na’ions. When Chiislo| her Gadsden, in our Revo luti n.first denounced from the steps ofthe Exchange the tyranny of England, and advocated resistance, a spirit was abroad which nothing but redress or tevoultion would sati'fy. Andso I believe il must be, under the contingencies I have sup posed,in the South. She will have redress or disunion; and the Nashville Conven tion, will be one of those great events which will mark the beginning of mighty changes. My frtends ! All changes in govern ments are serious things. Nothing will justify a free people in changing their go vernment, but a conviction tha - it does not fulfil the purposes for which it was created. We must all take a part in the important transactions now going on a mongst us, for good or for evil, under the weighty responsibility all republican gov ernments impose on their ci izens. 1 invite you to a calm and serious considera tion of your condition in the Union, in or der that you may properly do your part, in the grand drama of its dissolution, which it appears to me, must take place at no very distant day. The great objects of free government, is liberty. The great test of liberty iu modern times, is to be free in the imposi tion of taxes, and the expenditure of taxes. To these te-ts there is another pecular to a country where the institution of slavery prevails, personal protection and security from the dangers, necessarily involved in this institu’ion. I propose to take up each of these points separately, that you may judge hjw far you are practically free and protected under the govern ment of the United States, as now admin istered. And first, are you free in the imposition of the taxes you now pay to the General Government? There are no people in the world who ought so thoroughly to under stand, or so highly appreciate the great principles of freedom involved in taxation, as the people of the United States. Its vindication was the one great cause of our Revolution. Our fathers boldly asserted that a people to be free in the imposition of taxes, they must lay them through their Representatives* If they were laid by any other authority than their own, they were political slaves. Hence, when they were called upon by the Government of Great Britain to pay taxes laid on them by the Representatives of the people of Eng land, iu Parliament, they refused to pay them. Nor could they seo any difference in tho principle between no Representa tion and a Representation inadequate to protect them in the laying ofthe taxes. — Great Britain offerod them a Representa tion in the British Parliament, but as thaj representy| would be a minority, it could si, by -rol the legislation of Parlia ment J °H consequently, the taxes laid on them by Parliament would still be practically taxes not laid by their Repre sentaiives. They would still be ruled by others, and would not rule themselves in the taxes imposed. They would, there fore, not be free ; and rather than submit to the political slavery, the payment of such taxes established overthem.they drew the sword of Revolution. Now, in what respect do the taxes you now pay to the General Government, differ in principle from those our fathers resisted. Did your Representatives lay them ? And ifit was in their power or yours to repeal them, would they remain a day on the statute book ? The Tariff Act of 1846, is hut a modification of the Tariff of 1840, passed in Congress, against the vote of every Re presentative from South Carolina. Itcon •ains, from beginning to end, discrimina tions in the taxes imposed, to benefit Northern manufactures and productions; and differs, therefore, in this principle, in no respect whatever from the Tariff of 1840. It is ten per cent, higher in its ex actions than the Tariff of Great Britain, or tho Tariff of 1833, coerced by South Car olina. Such a Tariff, it was nnd is the unanimousopinion ofyour Representatives in Congress, is unconstitutional ; and you are nearly unanimously of the same opin ion. Here, then, are taxes laid upon you by the Representatives of other States,not only against your will, but witbnut any warrant in the Constitution. Are you any better off than your fathers would have been, had they been represented in Par liament, and the British Representatives, to further British inleresls, had passed the taxes imposed upon them ? Are you free in the payment of such taxes ? Do you rule yourselves in these exactions ? And when you come to analize the purposes for which these high taxes are laid, they are infinitely worse than the taxes our fa thers refused to pay. They refused to pay them, although they were laid iu pan to discharge the national debt incurred, to defend them in the war of 1756. But what interest has the Southern man or Southern planter in the duties laid by the act of 1846 to benefit the Northern people in their pursuits of industry ? So far as the law accomplishes its object, and the consump tion of Northern productions is forced on the Southern consumer, by excluding the foreign commodity, it is just so much mo ney taken from him, and given to the Northern producer. It is naked robbery. It is teal republicanism on a far more fla gitious scale, than is demanded in France. There, all that is required of Government is bread, or employment to labor, which will give bread. Poverty and starvation afford some semblance of right, for extort ing a support, through Government, from the property of others. But here, it is not bread the people of the North require, to be wrung out of us by the taxes of the General Government they impose, but wealth and power and dominion. We are their colonies, in a more absolute and oppressive sense, than the colonies of England are to the mother country. For whatever may be the prohibitions on the trade of the colonies imposed by England, she in fact furnishes to her colonies the cheapest manufactured commodities in the wo-id, whilst she is the best consumer of all their productions. The prohibitions, therefore, on their trade are almost entire ly nominal. The case is widely different between the Southern and Northern States. The Northern people do not and cannot consume tho productions of the South, whilst they compel us by the Tariff’ of the General Government, to consume theirs. Our natural trade is thus inter rupted, or broken up, to the immense loss of the South. Are you free under such a system of taxation ? Do you enjoy that liberty in taxation which your fathers bequeathed to you in the Constitution, and to obtain which, they toiled through the seven years’ war of our revolu tion ? But let us turn to the next great test of liberty in taxation—the expenditure of the taxes. As the iaxes should be laid by the tax payer for his benefit, so they should be expended by him for his benefit. So far as the Civil List and the Army and Navy of the United States are concerned, the taxes may be said to be expended in conformity to our l ights, although they all go in their expenditure to6well the pros perity of the North. But thete is one branch of expenditure as unjust in its op erations os it is unconstitutional, which after a long struggle, repeatedly arrested by the veto of the Executive, may now be considered a part of the settled policy ofthe Government—l mean appropriations for Internal Improvements. The free States in the North and West have at length combined to carry out this policy; and having a decided majority in both branches of Congress in its favor, they will allow no one to be elected President of tho United States who will hereafter arrest it. The present Executive is coin mined to support it, and will doubtless sanction all presented to him, for itsenlbrce meut. The chief object of the North, in supporting this policy, is to empty the Treasury ; and thus occasion high taxa tion for the benefit of their manufactures. So notorious is tlris, that a distinguished BOOK AND JOB PRINTING, ?Vtll be executed in the most approved stt,lg and on the best terms , at the Office of the. 3C7THZB.ir TBIS72TZ —BY— . -i . WM. B. HARRISON „ •'l'—' ' - " " 1 ! Bil' . ■.,! f member of Congress from the North, after wards a cabinet-minister, declared if he could find no better means of exhausting the Treasury, he would vote to empty it into the Potomac River. r i lie object of the West in this policy is to have, the means of improving anew country whero capital is scarce. The result of the combi nation is seen in the appropriations already made. Os the $15,000,000, which have been taken from the Treasury of the Uni ted States for Internal Improvemenst $12,- 500,000 have gone to the free States, and $2,500,000 to the slave States ; thus ma king a clear gain of $10,000,000 by the former. Your Representatives in Con gress, believing that Congress has no con stitutional right to make any such appro priations, have steadily voted against them. Are you free in the expenditures of the taxes you have paid into the treasury, in the appropriations for Internal Improve ments! But 1 hasten to the last test of liberty in a country where the institution of slave ry prevails, the protection and security, the government affords. Is the govern ment of tho United States, a source of confidence and security in the maintain ance of this institution ; or is it on the contrary, a cause of anxiety and fear.— For a people to fear their government is a proof of political slavery. It is incon ceivable, that a free people, free to make, and free to change their governments, should have any oilier feelings towards it, than those of affection and confidence.—— If they rule themselves, they must fear themselves, to fear their government.— Only those who are ruled, need fear their rulers. And yet I appeal to every one of you this night, have you no fears of the government of tho United States in its present and future bearings on the institu tion of slavery! Lo k abroad through out the world, and from what government and what people do you apprehend inter vention which must endanger this in stitution, looking to it overthrow.— You must answer—the government of the United States, and the people of the Northern States. Instead of contri buting to your peace and security, they are the grand agitators—the only agitators, who restlessly assail the institution of slavery, and do all they can do, and dare do, to weaken and abolish it in the South. Are you free, and do you rule yonrselves by the government of the United States, in securing to yourselves protection and peace, with tespect to the institution of slavery. Was it ever intended by your fathers—ls it your will thatslavery should be, as it has been for years past, the one great subject of agitation in Congress! Do you pass those resolutions which are annually, on one pretext or another, sent to you from the Northern States, in which you are denounced on account of this in stitution,and your right to hold your slaves is questioned nr denied. Is it your choice, that you stand in a position, where you cannot even defend yourselves, without instigating servile insurrections. Hsvs you set up that most odious of all tyran nies in your midst, which enters into the domestic citclue, and sows suspicion and discontent amongst those who dwell under the same roof! Have you wrested from yourselves, contrary to tho express man dates of the Constitution, the reception of your fugitive slaves in the free States ! Ha* it been by your assent that, by threat* of emancipation in our Terrirorie*, and a refusal to pass proper territorial laws, you have been excluded from our Territories; and the settled purpose has been announced, that by one expe dient or another, you shall not occupy or possess one foot of that magnificent domain, you have lately won in Mexico’ Is it your voice which declares that slavery shall be abolished in tho District of Columbia, and that no more slave States shall be added to the Union, whilst freo States shall be multiplied indefinitely’ In all these unconstitutional pretensions and aggres sions, you do not rule yourselves? You are ruled by the North, in defiance of your will and the Constitution, through tho Government of the United States ; and with the Government of the Uniftd States to enforce these uhconstitu tional pretonsions and aggression*, yon can not and do not protect yourselves ; nor can you keep off, in Congress or out of Congress, the dan* gorniia agitation of the subject of slavery. I put tho question to you, are you a free people, under the practical operation of such a Government, in the protection and security it affords to your domestic institutions ? If such, then, be the true character of the Governmontof the United Staten with respect to the institution of slavery, and the taxes it imposes and expends, the question occurs ■ What sort of Government does it practically es tablish over the South .’ Is it that free Govern ment and that Union the Constitution was de signed to establish ? These are all ivc require. For them we are prepared to live and to die. [u maintaining them I would fulfil the faith to which our fathers pledged us, as I would my bap.ismal Vows. But the Constitution has been put aside, and the Union perverted from the pur poses for which it was created, and in their stead a pragmatical, avaricious and fanatical despotism lias been erected over the South. To enduro it permanently, is to give up all pretensions to liberty and equality in the Confederacy and to link down to the position of degraded and ruin ad colonies. Is there any reasonable hope that the Government may be reformed, and brought back to the limited frea Government of our Constitution ’ (Concluded on Second Page ) NUMBER 29.