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THE
mil be published every SA TURD A Y Afternoon ,
In the Two-Story Wooden Building, at the
Corner of Walnut and Fifth Street,
I!» THE CITT or MACON, OA.
By WM. B. HARRISON.
TERMS:
For the Paper, in advance, per annum, $2
If not paid in advance, $3 00, per annum.
03' Advertisements will bo inserted at the usual
rates—and when the number of insertions dc
sirud is not specified, they will be eontinued un
til forbid and charged accordingly,
O’ Advertisers by the Year will be contracted
with upon the most favorable terms.
[□“Sales of Land by Administrators,Executors
or Guardians, are required by Law, to be held on
thi first Tuesday in the month, between the hours
of ten o’clock in the Forenoon and three in the
Afternoon, at the Court House of the county in
which the Property is situate. Notice of these
Sales must be given in a public gazette Sixty Days
previous to the day of sale.
U*Sales of Negroes by Administators, Execu
tors or Guardians, must be at Public Auction, on
the first Tuesday in the month, bet ween the legal
hours of sale, before the Court House of the county
where the LettersTesiamentary.or Administr*tion
or Guardianship may have been granted, first giv
ing notice thereof for Sixty Days, in one of the
public gazettes of this State,and at the door of the
Court House where such sales are to be held.
O*Notice for the sale of Personal Property
must be given in like manner Forty Days pre
vious to the day of sale.
t}*Notice to the Debtors and Creditors of an es
tate must be published for Forty Days.
Cy Notice that application will be made to the
Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Ne
groes must be published in a public gazette in the
State for Four Months, before any order absolute
can be given by the Court.
Lj’Citations for Letters of Administration o n
an Estate, granted by the Court of Ordinary, must
be published Thirty Days -for Letters of Dismis
sion from theadministrationofan Estate,monthly
fo' Six Months —for Dismission from Guardian
ship Forty Days.
O-Rul es for the foreclosure of a Mortgage,
must be published monthly for Four Months—
for establishing lost Papers, for the full space of
Three Months —for compelling Titles from Ex
ecutors, Administrators or others, where a Bond
has been given by the deceased, the full space of
Three Months.
N. B. All Business of this kind shall receive
prompt attentionat the SOUTHERN TRIBUNE
Office, and strictcare will be taken that all legal
Advertisements are published according to Law.
Letters directed to this Office or the
Editor on business, must be post-paid, to in
sure attention.
IT. OTJSLEY & SCIT,
WARE HO USE 4- COMMISSIOAM E R CHANTS
WILL continue Business at their “Fire-
Proof Buildings,” on Cotton
Avenue, Macos, Ga
Thankful for past favors, they beg leave to say
thev will be constantly at their post, nnd tlmtno
efforts shall be spared to advance the interest of
•their patrons.
They respectfully ash all who have COTTOJS
or other PRODUCE to Store, to call and exam
ine the safety of their Buildings, before placing
il elsewhere.
{{jf Ccstohabv Advances on Cotton in Store
or Shipped, and all Business transacted at the
n-ual rates.
juno 2 27 —>y
DAT ID KEID,
Justice of the Peace and Notary Public,
MACON, G A .
COMMISSIONER OF DEEDS, &c., for the
States of Alabama, Louisiana, Mis-issippi,
Texas, Tennessee, Kentucky, Virginia, North
Carolina, South Carolina, FJorida, Missouri,
New York, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Penn
sylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Arkansas, &c.
' Depositions tsfecn, Accounts probated. Deed?
and Mortgages drawn, and all docun»r*n*B and
instruments of writing prepared and authentica
ted for use and record, in any of the above States.
Residence on Walnut Street, near the African
Church.
O’Public Office adjoining Dr. M.S. Thomson s
Botanic Store, opposite the Floyd House,
june 29 25 1 y
WILLIAM WILSOX,
HOUSE CARPENTER AND CONTRACTOR,
Cherry Street near Third, Macon, Ga.
MAKES and keeps on hand Doors, Blinds
*nd Sashes for sale. Thankful for past
favors he hopes for further patronage.
may 25 20 6m
WOOD A LOW,
GENERAL COMMISSION MERCHANTS,
NEW ORLEANS, LA.
may 25 20 ~ 1 - v
Icc Cream Saloon,
Cotton Avenue, next door below Ross t,- Co's.
OPEN from 10 o'clock, A. M. to 10 P. M ,
daily, Sundays excepted The Ladies
Slaoon detached and fitted up for their coinfort,
in a neat and pleasant style.
j une 22 H. C. FREEMAN.
HALL & BRANTLEY,
HAVE just received a well selected assort
ment of DR V GOODS and GROCERIES,
which embraces almost every article in their
line of business. These Goods make their stock
extensive, which has been selected recently by
one of the firm, and they are determined to sell
their Goods upon reasonable terms, nnd at the
lowest prices. Whilst they are thankful for past
favors, they respectfully invite their friends and
the public to call at their Store on Cherry Street,
nnd examine their Goods and prices, before pur
chasing elsewhere.
march 23 11
Hlaeon Female High School,
MRS. LAWTON, being thankful for the
patr mngeshe has received, will commence
the Second Term of her SCHOOL on MONDAY
Bth of July next. All c inmunications directed
to Mrs. L. through the Post Office, Box No. 30,
will meet with prompt attention,
juno 15 23—ts
Macon Candy Manufactory
r|tHE Subscriber still continues to mnrufac.
turo CANDY of every variety, next door
below Rohs & Co’s, on Cotton Avenue. Hav
"■g increased my facilities and obtained addi
tional Tools, I am now prepared to put up to
order, CANDIES, of any variety, and war
ranted equal to any manufactured in the South.
also manufacture a superior article of Lemon and
oilier SYRUPS, CORDIALSj(PRESEnPES,^t.
AH my articles are well packed, delivered at
"'v point In the City and warranted to give
■""‘faction. 11. C FREEMAN Agent
march y u
THE SOUTHERN TRIBUNE.
NEW SERIES — VOLUME 11.
J3 0 e t r s .
[for the southern tribune.]
hope.
There wai never a cloud in the blue sky,
But has passed away on the wind's low sigh ;
There was never a grief that did not expire,
When the chalice of tears would sweetly bo
Drunk up by the warmth nfthe altar fire,
1 hat burns in the realm of Hope's mystery :
And brighter the sky and sweeter is love,
To the soul that has suffered its sorrow and pain
And the heart that once trembling lookoth above
Is sure In its rapture to look there again ! ’
„ SAMIVEL.
Savannah, Ga.
liolttCral.
from the Charleston Courier .
Speech of Hon. It. B. RIIETT,
Delivered at Hibernian Hall, in the City
of Charleston, June 21, 1850.
Fellow-Citizens — l thank you for the
frank and cordial reception, you have giv
en me this night; and I propose to evince
my gratitude in tho only way in my power,
by laying before you, a free and truthful ex
position of my opinions on the grave mat
ters which have assembled us together.—
I lie time has arrived, when it becomes
the people of the Southern States, no long
er to deprecate, hut to face, with unblench
ing front, the dangers which surround
them; whilst from their public servants
they should demand all the aid they are
capable of imparting, to enlighten their
councils and guide iheir determinations
Without reserve, or fear, 1 propose to speak
to you to-night.
I fully assent to all which your immedi
ate Representative has said, and so well
said, with respect to the Nashville Con
vention. We assembled under the frown
of the whole North, arid of the partisans
of all parties in the South, which looked
to the North for affiliation and support. —
That sympathy which was given man by a
kind Providence, to daunt and baffle op
pression, by leading us to the side of the
sullering and oppressed, we found near
our homes, perverted against us; and
whilst hushed in its arraignments of the
North, was loud in its denunciations of all
those in the South, who looked beyond
oppression for redress. Conventions in
the North to take into consideration the
institution of slavery in the South, and
the most effectual means of overthrowing
it. has become so common, as to he mat
ters of course, without censure or con
demnation; but when a portion of the
people of the South, driven by a long
course of persecution, and insult, assem
ble together to counsel for the defence
of their dearest inteiests and honor, they
are denounced even in the South; and
every effort :s made to cover their Con
vention with confusion and failure. Gen
tlemen, the Nashville Convention did
meet, it counselled, it united. The breath
of the people which gave it life, gave it ]
also strength and unanimity. Its effect
was in nothing more lemarkahle than in
the change of opini n and feeling it ap
parantly produced on the people of Nash
ville and the Tennessee Delegation. In
stead of coldness and alienation, we re
ceived the wannest hospitality from the
generous and noble people of that beauti- I
iulcity; and the Tennessee Delegation,
whilst ministering in every way to the
accommodation of the Convention, acted
with the utmost forbearance and dignity,
and finally gave to all of our procedings
and measures, their unanimous support.
1 lie toast of Gov. Brown, at a dinner j
given by Gen. Pillow and himself, to the
Delegates of the Convention, declating
that in five days the Tennessee Delegation
were brought into line, shows how previ
ous mistrust had been changed into confi
dence. 1 tiese were the results not of ar
tifice or a refined policy, hut of simple
truthfulness and manly frankness amongst
Southern men,conferring faceto face upon
the lights and wrongs of the South. The '
proceedings of the Convention reflected |
the spirit of its members. It was pre
pared to concede any thing hut principles, j
1 hese it laid down with distinctness and
firmness,exposing the constitutional rights
to which the South was entitled. Equality
in the Union. Equality in our Territories.
But if the North refused us the equality
(which constitutes the bond of the Union
itself,)in our Territories, and insisted upon
putting the Constitution aside ; then, for
the sake of peace and the Union, the Con
vention proposed that the South should
accept, as an extreme concession, a parti
tion of our Territories, on the Missouri
Compromise lino of 36° 30' parallel of
North latitude. By this line the North
would get three-fourths of our Territories;
but as it had been twice before sanc
tioned by those who had gone before us,
the honor of the South at least be saved
by the proposition. But the partition
the Convention proposed was not in the
words of the Missouri Compromise of
1820. That Compromise took place with
respect lothe territory, over which slavery
existed by the Louisiana purchase. It
merely prescribed that North of 36 de
grees 30 minutes, 6lavory should be pro
hibited; but it said nothing with re-
MACON, (GA.,) SATURDAY AFTERNOON, JULY 27, 1850.
spect to the admission of slavery South of
that line. The reason was obvious. It
was not necessary to say any thing, because
the whole territory was already slave ter
ritory, and slavery would of coure be ad
mitted wherever it was not prohibited.—
But the fact is directly the contrary as to
territory we have lately acquired from
Mexico. When acquired, slavery did not
exist throughout this territory. The Con
vention therefore proposed,in the partition
between the North and South on this line,
that there should be a distinct recognition
of the right ofthe two sections of the Union
to.enter and colonize the portions assigned
to each. The admission of slavery should
be as distinct on one side of the linq qs its
exclusion on the other. Not only our
equality and honor required this policy,
but the peaceful enjoyment of the portion
assigned to the South rendered it necessa
j ry. Truly or falsely, it had been boldly
| asserted by some of the ablest jurists and
statesmen of the country, that the people
ofthe South, wete excluded by the laws
of Mexico from entering any portion of
these Ten itories with their slaves. It was
not proper, when setting aside the Consti
tution to effect an arrangement, to leave
any doubt as to its effect on either side of
the line proposed. Nor would the w >rds
used in cat t ying out this line through Tex
as, in the resolutions of annexation, suit
the emergency. These resolutions con
templated the admission of States. They
do not apply to a country in a Territorial
condition. New words therefore suiting
the emergency and the condi ion in which
our 1 erritories are placed, would be ne
cessary to carry out the terms of partition
proposed by the Convention. Whilst thus
laying down the “extreme concession”
which the South should make with respect
to our lorritories—the Convention repu
diated and condemned the measures pend
ing in the Senate of the United States,
called “the Compromise.’’ It condemned
them, not only because in effect they sur
rendered every thing to the North, but be
cause Southern men supported the sur
render. The South, struck down by the
arms of her own sons, would find it
more difficult to rise from the blow.—
Putting aside all oilier methods of ad
justment the Convention presented ti
the North the lair and simple alterna
tive— Equality in our Ter-itories under
the Constitution, or a partition of them,
beside il.
Felhiw Citizens! It is a matter of the
gravest importance to us to consider,
whether either ofthe alternatives propos
ed by the Nashville Convention, will be
adopted by Congress. Will an equality
in our Territories be conceded ; and if not
will the North divide with us our Territo
ries on the line proposed? If either of
these alternatives shall be enforced by the
legislation of Congress, all danger to the
Union, from the question of slavery in our
Territories, will be over ; although the
subject of slavery i selfwould still con inue
in other forms to be agitated in Congress,
atid in the Northern States. The Conven
tion was unanimous in presenting these al
ternatives ; but I cannot bu’ suppose, that
a great deal of our unanimity sprung from
the belief that the North would yield us
one or the other of them ; and w uld not
persist in the unjust and insulting preten
sion of seizing all of our Territories for
themselves. It was understood that the
most distinguished statesman of Pennsyl
vania—one whose patriotic counsels have
ever been in favor of the Union and the
constitutional guaranties on which it rests,
had expressed himself in favor of the Mis
souri Compromise line of 36* 30’, extend
ing to the Pacific ocean, as a method of
adjustment, which the S‘ uth should de
mand and the North should yie and. If Penn
sylvania could be brought to aid the just
demands of the South, the controversy
could be brought to a speedy and peaceful
end. Such views, 1 doubt not, influenced
the Convention in coming to their unani
mous conclusions. But if they shall not
be realized, the unanimity of the Conven
tion may by no means be a guaranty of
unanimity on ulterior measures. We, at
least, should not be deceived, and thus be
weakened by false expectations. Truth
is strength and wisdom. Le us therefore
bo'dly look consequences in the face, and
bring our determiuaiiods up to the most
probable results.
And first, will the Senate’s Compromise
become a law ? Certainly not, I think,
iu the present state of things. When the
true nature of the measures it proposes
comes to be fairly understood by the peo
ple of the South, its adherents in Wash
ington, from the South, must relax or give
up that support they have Ireretofore ex
tended to it. But should il pass the Sen
ate, it cannot, I am satisfied, pass the
House of Representatives. There the
anti-slavery bigotry of the North most
predominates. It will takenothing equiv
ocal even in appearance, but demands tho
Wilmot Proviso in Territorial Bills, or the
Wilmot Proviso in the Constitution of
States to be presently formed out of our
Territories. Yet if these fail there is
some ground to fear that, alarmed at the
attitude of the South, or convinced that the
Senate’s Compromise sufficiently sub
serves their interests, the North may make
a rush in its favor, and press it into a law.
At present, however, they more strongly
oppose it than the South. But will a par
tition of our territories on the line propos
ed by the Nashville Convention, be adopt
ed by Congress ? This measure in my
opinion, is more desperate of success tlian
tho Senate’s Compromise. The North,
1 1 am satisfied, will never permit the Suuth
| to occupy any portion of our Territory ly
ing on the Pacific sufficient to make a
! State, with a Southern border open to fu
ture extension. This would endanger
their whole policy of mastering the Con
federacy and colonizing the South, by
multiplying free States, and admitting no
' more slave States into the Union. Lastly,
will the South be admiited to 8n equality
in our territories, including California, by
Territorial laws passed by Congress. To
hope for such legislation is to hope
against hope. If, then, all of these ex
pedients of adjustment fail in Congress,
where are wet We are in the beginning
of a revolution!
I know that it may be said that the North
will recede before extremities are reached.
But when in these latter days, has the
North receded Trom any policy which her
interests or her prejudices have demanded?
And when, in any age, has fanaticism cal
culated consequences ? The very high
and honorable prerogative of yielding un
der the pressure of circumstances, belongs
I believe, exclusively to the South ! Will
the South now give back and fall, on an
issue which involves, not merely her liber
ty and honor, but existence itself, or will
she fearlessly and firmly stand erect, and
move on in the vindication of her rights ?
Will not those be disappointed who ex
pect her to come forward, ignominious!}',
with another “extreme concession,” or to
give up all, at the bidding of political aspi
rants for power and place, in the drunken
saturnalia of another Presidential elec
tion 1
From my retired position, I may be
mistaken in the true aspect of things ; but
not such is my reading of the political hea
vens. I think the air feels hot and heavy,
and no rays of tho setting sun gilds the
blackness of the horizon. 1 think free
on the stupidity, ignorance and insolence
of the North, the exact counterpart of
British statesmen, in our Revolution, who
would heed nothing, and learn nothing,
unil the thunders of Revolution burst upon
their heads, and broke tbp sceptre iri their
hands over the fairest empire God ever
gave to the dominion of any people. I
think I see in the South, the weakening of
the bonds of party, the awakening spirit
of liberiy, the gathering resolve to be
equal in the Union, or independent without
it; whilst the long endurance of indignity
and wrong,like suppressed fire,gives deeper
intensity to their determinations. There
is often a moral, as strong as a physical ne
cessity, which controls the affairs of men.
One step leads to another by inevitable
consequence. To begin, is lo go <n ;
and to go on is to go on to the end. It has
been so in all Revolutions; and events
which ai the time they occurred appeared
to be of little moment,have been fountains
of bitter waters, or ofliealing to the na’ions.
When Chiislo| her Gadsden, in our Revo
luti n.first denounced from the steps ofthe
Exchange the tyranny of England, and
advocated resistance, a spirit was abroad
which nothing but redress or tevoultion
would sati'fy. Andso I believe il must
be, under the contingencies I have sup
posed,in the South. She will have redress
or disunion; and the Nashville Conven
tion, will be one of those great events
which will mark the beginning of mighty
changes.
My frtends ! All changes in govern
ments are serious things. Nothing will
justify a free people in changing their go
vernment, but a conviction tha - it does
not fulfil the purposes for which it was
created. We must all take a part in the
important transactions now going on a
mongst us, for good or for evil, under the
weighty responsibility all republican gov
ernments impose on their ci izens. 1
invite you to a calm and serious considera
tion of your condition in the Union, in or
der that you may properly do your part,
in the grand drama of its dissolution,
which it appears to me, must take place
at no very distant day.
The great objects of free government,
is liberty. The great test of liberty iu
modern times, is to be free in the imposi
tion of taxes, and the expenditure of taxes.
To these te-ts there is another pecular to
a country where the institution of slavery
prevails, personal protection and security
from the dangers, necessarily involved in
this institu’ion. I propose to take up
each of these points separately, that you
may judge hjw far you are practically
free and protected under the govern
ment of the United States, as now admin
istered.
And first, are you free in the imposition
of the taxes you now pay to the General
Government? There are no people in the
world who ought so thoroughly to under
stand, or so highly appreciate the great
principles of freedom involved in taxation,
as the people of the United States. Its
vindication was the one great cause of our
Revolution. Our fathers boldly asserted
that a people to be free in the imposition
of taxes, they must lay them through their
Representatives* If they were laid by
any other authority than their own, they
were political slaves. Hence, when they
were called upon by the Government of
Great Britain to pay taxes laid on them by
the Representatives of the people of Eng
land, iu Parliament, they refused to pay
them. Nor could they seo any difference
in tho principle between no Representa
tion and a Representation inadequate to
protect them in the laying ofthe taxes. —
Great Britain offerod them a Representa
tion in the British Parliament, but as thaj
representy| would be a minority, it
could si, by -rol the legislation of Parlia
ment J °H consequently, the taxes laid
on them by Parliament would still be
practically taxes not laid by their Repre
sentaiives. They would still be ruled by
others, and would not rule themselves in
the taxes imposed. They would, there
fore, not be free ; and rather than submit
to the political slavery, the payment of
such taxes established overthem.they drew
the sword of Revolution. Now, in what
respect do the taxes you now pay to the
General Government, differ in principle
from those our fathers resisted. Did your
Representatives lay them ? And ifit was
in their power or yours to repeal them,
would they remain a day on the statute
book ? The Tariff Act of 1846, is hut a
modification of the Tariff of 1840, passed
in Congress, against the vote of every Re
presentative from South Carolina. Itcon
•ains, from beginning to end, discrimina
tions in the taxes imposed, to benefit
Northern manufactures and productions;
and differs, therefore, in this principle, in
no respect whatever from the Tariff of
1840. It is ten per cent, higher in its ex
actions than the Tariff of Great Britain, or
tho Tariff of 1833, coerced by South Car
olina. Such a Tariff, it was nnd is the
unanimousopinion ofyour Representatives
in Congress, is unconstitutional ; and you
are nearly unanimously of the same opin
ion. Here, then, are taxes laid upon you
by the Representatives of other States,not
only against your will, but witbnut any
warrant in the Constitution. Are you any
better off than your fathers would have
been, had they been represented in Par
liament, and the British Representatives,
to further British inleresls, had passed the
taxes imposed upon them ? Are you free
in the payment of such taxes ? Do you
rule yourselves in these exactions ? And
when you come to analize the purposes
for which these high taxes are laid, they
are infinitely worse than the taxes our fa
thers refused to pay. They refused to pay
them, although they were laid iu pan to
discharge the national debt incurred, to
defend them in the war of 1756. But what
interest has the Southern man or Southern
planter in the duties laid by the act of 1846
to benefit the Northern people in their
pursuits of industry ? So far as the law
accomplishes its object, and the consump
tion of Northern productions is forced on
the Southern consumer, by excluding the
foreign commodity, it is just so much mo
ney taken from him, and given to the
Northern producer. It is naked robbery.
It is teal republicanism on a far more fla
gitious scale, than is demanded in France.
There, all that is required of Government
is bread, or employment to labor, which
will give bread. Poverty and starvation
afford some semblance of right, for extort
ing a support, through Government, from
the property of others. But here, it is not
bread the people of the North require, to
be wrung out of us by the taxes of the
General Government they impose, but
wealth and power and dominion. We
are their colonies, in a more absolute and
oppressive sense, than the colonies of
England are to the mother country. For
whatever may be the prohibitions on the
trade of the colonies imposed by England,
she in fact furnishes to her colonies the
cheapest manufactured commodities in the
wo-id, whilst she is the best consumer of
all their productions. The prohibitions,
therefore, on their trade are almost entire
ly nominal. The case is widely different
between the Southern and Northern
States. The Northern people do not and
cannot consume tho productions of the
South, whilst they compel us by the Tariff’
of the General Government, to consume
theirs. Our natural trade is thus inter
rupted, or broken up, to the immense loss
of the South. Are you free under such a
system of taxation ? Do you enjoy that
liberty in taxation which your fathers
bequeathed to you in the Constitution,
and to obtain which, they toiled through
the seven years’ war of our revolu
tion ?
But let us turn to the next great test of
liberty in taxation—the expenditure of the
taxes. As the iaxes should be laid by the
tax payer for his benefit, so they should
be expended by him for his benefit. So
far as the Civil List and the Army and
Navy of the United States are concerned,
the taxes may be said to be expended in
conformity to our l ights, although they all
go in their expenditure to6well the pros
perity of the North. But thete is one
branch of expenditure as unjust in its op
erations os it is unconstitutional, which
after a long struggle, repeatedly arrested
by the veto of the Executive, may now
be considered a part of the settled policy
ofthe Government—l mean appropriations
for Internal Improvements. The free
States in the North and West have at
length combined to carry out this policy;
and having a decided majority in both
branches of Congress in its favor, they
will allow no one to be elected President
of tho United States who will hereafter
arrest it. The present Executive is coin
mined to support it, and will doubtless
sanction all presented to him, for itsenlbrce
meut. The chief object of the North, in
supporting this policy, is to empty the
Treasury ; and thus occasion high taxa
tion for the benefit of their manufactures.
So notorious is tlris, that a distinguished
BOOK AND JOB PRINTING,
?Vtll be executed in the most approved stt,lg
and on the best terms , at the Office of the.
3C7THZB.ir TBIS72TZ
—BY— . -i
. WM. B. HARRISON „
•'l'—' ' - " " 1 ! Bil' . ■.,! f
member of Congress from the North, after
wards a cabinet-minister, declared if he
could find no better means of exhausting
the Treasury, he would vote to empty it
into the Potomac River. r i lie object of
the West in this policy is to have, the
means of improving anew country whero
capital is scarce. The result of the combi
nation is seen in the appropriations already
made. Os the $15,000,000, which have
been taken from the Treasury of the Uni
ted States for Internal Improvemenst $12,-
500,000 have gone to the free States, and
$2,500,000 to the slave States ; thus ma
king a clear gain of $10,000,000 by the
former. Your Representatives in Con
gress, believing that Congress has no con
stitutional right to make any such appro
priations, have steadily voted against them.
Are you free in the expenditures of the
taxes you have paid into the treasury, in
the appropriations for Internal Improve
ments!
But 1 hasten to the last test of liberty
in a country where the institution of slave
ry prevails, the protection and security,
the government affords. Is the govern
ment of tho United States, a source of
confidence and security in the maintain
ance of this institution ; or is it on the
contrary, a cause of anxiety and fear.—
For a people to fear their government is a
proof of political slavery. It is incon
ceivable, that a free people, free to make,
and free to change their governments,
should have any oilier feelings towards it,
than those of affection and confidence.——
If they rule themselves, they must fear
themselves, to fear their government.—
Only those who are ruled, need fear their
rulers. And yet I appeal to every one of
you this night, have you no fears of the
government of tho United States in its
present and future bearings on the institu
tion of slavery! Lo k abroad through
out the world, and from what government
and what people do you apprehend inter
vention which must endanger this in
stitution, looking to it overthrow.—
You must answer—the government of
the United States, and the people of the
Northern States. Instead of contri
buting to your peace and security, they
are the grand agitators—the only agitators,
who restlessly assail the institution of
slavery, and do all they can do, and dare
do, to weaken and abolish it in the South.
Are you free, and do you rule yonrselves
by the government of the United States,
in securing to yourselves protection and
peace, with tespect to the institution of
slavery. Was it ever intended by your
fathers—ls it your will thatslavery should
be, as it has been for years past, the
one great subject of agitation in Congress!
Do you pass those resolutions which are
annually, on one pretext or another, sent
to you from the Northern States, in which
you are denounced on account of this in
stitution,and your right to hold your slaves
is questioned nr denied. Is it your choice,
that you stand in a position, where you
cannot even defend yourselves, without
instigating servile insurrections. Hsvs
you set up that most odious of all tyran
nies in your midst, which enters into the
domestic citclue, and sows suspicion and
discontent amongst those who dwell under
the same roof! Have you wrested from
yourselves, contrary to tho express man
dates of the Constitution, the reception of
your fugitive slaves in the free States !
Ha* it been by your assent that, by threat* of
emancipation in our Terrirorie*, and a refusal
to pass proper territorial laws, you have been
excluded from our Territories; and the settled
purpose has been announced, that by one expe
dient or another, you shall not occupy or possess
one foot of that magnificent domain, you have
lately won in Mexico’ Is it your voice which
declares that slavery shall be abolished in tho
District of Columbia, and that no more slave
States shall be added to the Union, whilst freo
States shall be multiplied indefinitely’ In all
these unconstitutional pretensions and aggres
sions, you do not rule yourselves? You are
ruled by the North, in defiance of your will and
the Constitution, through tho Government of
the United States ; and with the Government
of the Uniftd States to enforce these uhconstitu
tional pretonsions and aggression*, yon can
not and do not protect yourselves ; nor can you
keep off, in Congress or out of Congress, the dan*
gorniia agitation of the subject of slavery. I put
tho question to you, are you a free people, under
the practical operation of such a Government,
in the protection and security it affords to your
domestic institutions ?
If such, then, be the true character of the
Governmontof the United Staten with respect
to the institution of slavery, and the taxes it
imposes and expends, the question occurs ■
What sort of Government does it practically es
tablish over the South .’ Is it that free Govern
ment and that Union the Constitution was de
signed to establish ? These are all ivc require.
For them we are prepared to live and to die.
[u maintaining them I would fulfil the faith to
which our fathers pledged us, as I would my
bap.ismal Vows. But the Constitution has been
put aside, and the Union perverted from the pur
poses for which it was created, and in their stead
a pragmatical, avaricious and fanatical despotism
lias been erected over the South. To enduro it
permanently, is to give up all pretensions to
liberty and equality in the Confederacy and to
link down to the position of degraded and ruin
ad colonies. Is there any reasonable hope that
the Government may be reformed, and brought
back to the limited frea Government of our
Constitution ’
(Concluded on Second Page )
NUMBER 29.