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Speech of Hon. It. B. RIIETT, Delivered at Hibernian Hall, in the City of Charleston, June 21, 1850. (Concluded fren First Page.) My friends ! I have been nineteen years a Representative of the people, and twelve years a member of Congress. During this time I have watched with all the intelligence I possess, the operations of the Government of the l niled States. (I was no disunionist in 1628 and 1833 ) I desired to reform the Government, then tak ing in the imposition of the taxes a departure from the Constitution, which wou'd inevitably lead,as I thought, and then declared, to a similar departure on the subject ofslavery. I was sincere ly desirous of saving the Union by enforcing the Constitution, in the strong measures South Carolina proposed, as any of those who resisted them. In 1837, 1 want to Washington as a member of Congress, and after witnessing the operation of the Government for seven years, in 1844, anticipating the repeal of the 21st Role by which jurisdiction over the subject of slavery would be assumed by Congress, I came to the conclusion that it was imposible to rtforrtltfie Government, and keep it within the limitations of the Constitution. My personal relations, as well as a sense nt duty, induced rtie to communieHte my conclusions to him vVho was ever esteemed in South Carolina as her wisest counsellor and friend, and by the whole South her mightiest arm of de fence. lie differed with me ; and still thought that the Government could be restored to its in tegrity by a proper Executive administration.— At last howaver, even he, as devoted a friend the Union as existed within its broad limits, before he died, desparired, it appears to me, of reforming the Government. When he proposed new guaranties to the Constitution, in the last speech he delivered in the Senate of the United States, it was practical declaration,that theGov erdment could not be reformed, in the usual course of its administration. The Constitution as administered, was not enough, to protect the rights and liberties of the South. Despairing ot any reformation, which will bring the Govern ment back to the limitations of the Constitution —despairting of any amendments of the Con. stitution which will give us new guaranties, I see but one course left,for the peace and salva tion of the South, —a dissolution of the Union. There are but two ways under Heaven, by which a written Constitution, establishing a free Government.oin be preserved —good faith and force. The former is implied in all contracts ; fbr without it no contract would he made. If our fathers who entered into the compact of which the Constitution establishes, had foreseen the present state of things in the South, think you they would ever have made it ? Yet, when has good faith restrained the North from any violations of the Constitution, which their in terest or prejudices have demanded ? And now, that by the invitable course of things, the whole power of the Union in Congress is about to he transferred to the free States, hopeless of change, which must be the destiny of the South in the Union? By askilful use of her minority power, between tile parties at the North she may for a ftw years ignobly keep off the catastrophe ; hut the fate of a slave country, under the dominion of the free people of our Northern States, is hard ly a nutter of-doubt or speculation. From the origin ofthe Government whether from sheer indifference to their faith, or a conviction that they must become the fixed majority in the Confederacy, (and therefore that to make the Government of the IJ. S. omnipotent, is to make themselves omnipotent in its affairs) consolida tion has been their policy. “To provide for the common defence arid general welfare” is in their view ofthe Constitution, the only limitation it imposes on Congress. And what “the general Welfare'* of the whole Union requires, North and South, with respect to slavery they have not hesitated to declare. It is a nuisance to be abated—a curse to be eradicated—a national sin to be wiped out and atoned for ? Having usurped- over it jurisdiction in Congress, the subject of slavery never again I believe, will <Wpart from the councils of the Union. Baffled in one form in Congress, the North will bring it back in another; until the South, weakened, disspirited, and degraded, will \ield toemanipa uon, or dissolve the Union. Looking to the past—looking to the nature ofthings—l deem all reliance on the good faith of the free States, to protect the institution of slavery in the Sou'll, vain and futile. The South must protect itself. Its force is powerless in Congress and in the Union, because it is a minority. To give to our people that protection and peace which the Constitution and Union waseslablishnd to secure tile States she must sever the connexion with the North. If a dissolution of the Union is the stern alternative to submission to a Government Without limitation in its powers.it may be proper to glance at its consequences, on the physical prosperity of the booth.— Such considerations are as nothing to the great ends* of liberty and security, but may well be alluded to in view of adopting this alternative. Is there then any thing the Union now affords, which the South could not as well possess without itl In the taxes imposed and expended, we will be free. One-thira the rate of duty vve now pay on the chief articles of ouf imports, by the tariffof the Union, will be amply sufficient for the wants of Government, whilst all revenue from taxation will he spent within our selves. The voice of insult and accusation, instigating insurrection wi hin our borders wi'<f be hushed. By our physical power, we can protect ourselves against foreign nations ; whilst by our productions we can command their peace or support. The kevs of their wealth and commerce ate in our hands, which vve will freely offer to them, by a System of free trade,making out prosperity theirirrtfcrest—our security their care. The lingering or decaying cities of the South, which before our revolution, carried on all their foreign commerce, buoyant with prosperity and wealth, hut which now are otily provincial towns, slug gish subburhs of Boston and New Yoik, will rise up to their natural destiny, and aciin enfold in tbeir embraces, the richest commerce of the world. That desolation, more sad than desert habitations or grass crown streets, or crumbling walls—that desolation which enters into the domestic circle, and robs the hearth of the happy in mates wfeseurround it—that worst of all j desolation, emigration, will cease from within our midst. Our children may live with us, and rise with a rising country— instead of that gloom which rests in the bosom of every parent amongst us, who look* around and sees all the avenues by which his children may obtain an honest and an honorable livelihood, choked up with competition, new hope 3nd life will fill his anticipations. Wealth, honor and power, and one of the most glorious des- which ever crowned a great and happy people await the South, if she but control her own fate—but, controlled by another people, what pen shall paint the infamous and bloody catastrophe which must mark her fall! I have thus, fellow-citizens, fulfilled my word, lhave spoken with open breast to you this night, of your present condi tion and future political prospects. For the sentiment I have uttered and the coun sel l have given, it may he there are some who are ready to exclaim—Traitor! A Traitor to what and to whom ? To South Carolina ? It is to savMV.j'g in her rights, institutions, and I would counsel disunion. Traitoftird St* Consti tution ? The Constitution has no exist ence, under the constructions of consoli dation, and the base purposes of abolition, to which it is made to subserve. Traitor to the Union 1 There is no union with out the Constitution ? That is its bond and condition. Destroy the one, and all faith to the other is absolved. Faitli to wards both, as the Government is admin istered, are incompatible things. To main tain the Utton, is to acquiesce in the des truction of tlie Constitution, and to maintain the Constitution we must dissolve the Union; to afford the only chance of is restoration. But let it be that l am a Traitor. The word has no terrors for me. lam born of Traitors Traitors in England, in tho Revolution, in the middle of the seventeenth century, Traitors again in the Revolution of 1720, when under the lead of an ancestor South Carolina was rescued from the capricious rule of the Lords proprietors, and Traitors again in Revolution of 1776. 1 have been born of Traitors, but thank God, they have ever been traitors in the great cause of liberty, lighting against tyranny and oppression. Such treason will ever be mine whilst true to my lineage. But if 1 heat aright, I am not the only Traitor these perilous times have produced. I am surrounded by a host of Traitors ready to strike for equality and indepen- I edertce against those flagitious incendia ries ; these teal traitors who would con vert the Union into a bond of infamous degradation, or a cordon of fire to con sume the South. Returning from Nash ville, through the interior of our State, 1 learned that the people of our upper Dis tricts fearing that the Nashville Convention would be a failure, were already agitating the policy of South Carolina taking her rights into her own hands, and acting alone in their vindication. There was the true spirit of old South Carolina, and I think 1 hear it proclaimed in cheeis, that she at least will never submit to dishonorable subjection arid ruin. She will join her sister States of the South, or support any ot them, in all expedients of redress they may propose, and is content to follow rather than to lead. But if they should kneel down to a Government without lim itatious on its powers, uniter the control of the consolidalionists and anti-slavery propagandists of the North she will not submit. If Mississippi abandons us— brave and true in counsel as in the field, the first to sound the bugle, which has called the South together for tlie vindica tion of her rights ; and Alabama, where so many of our sons have planted their homes, and, as we have fondly hoped, have aided in setting up in a richdr clime, a younger and fresher liberty—a purer and loftier hatred of tyranny : and Geor gia, the Empire State of the South, proud of her greatness and strength, but proud er still of that f. ec spirit and dauntless courage which never yet has quailed in the maintainance of her rights—And Virginia, the old flag-slip of the South, to wh ini we will all yeild, if she yields not herself, to lead us on to victory and re demotion —geat in spir it and wisdom,and unconquerable as she isgreat—and Kentu cky and Tenesse not only abandon us, but as some of their statesmen hare ven ured to proclaim, shall join with Abolitionsts to subject us to the dominion of the free States, shall South Carolina submit 1 No no, my friends'? Smal er States have be fore us struggled successfully .for their inde pendence and freedom against far greatei odds; and if it must bo, we can make one long, last deperate struggle, for our rights and honor, ere the black pall of tyranny is stretched over the bier of our dead liber ties. To meet death a little sooner or a little later, can be of consequence to very few of us; whilst duty performed, may le main in its effect to many generations, and a fair fame, live forever. Looking to that undying reputation which has ever follow ed every people who have dared to pre servo their liberties,and have conquered or perished nobly in their defence ; instead of shrinking, we might pant for the trial which shall isolate South Carolina in this great controversy. But we wish no isola tion. We desire peace, we desire liberty; that peace and liberty which the Consti tution was intended to secure, but which has been baseelv wrested from us hy sectional fanaticism, avarice, and am bition. Accident. —The iron bridge recently erected across Red Rivor, at Clarksville, Tenn., fell down whilst a man named Parish, and his son, were crossing it, with a load of cedar timber, and the whole were precipitated to the bottom, a distance of about sixty feet. The young mail had his leg broken in two places, but not other wise injured. The father was seriously injured. The team consisted office horses and one mule, all of which were instantly killed except one horse, who nad both hind legs broken. Ihe abutments and pier remained firm, therefore the iron must have given way and bent until the ends slipped off the pillars Qjr’The population of the island ofßarbadoes in the West Indies, is 792 inhabitants to the square mtlo—a thicker population titan that of China. MACON, G A. SATUDRAY AFTERNOON, JULY 27. (CPAs the speech of the Hon. It. B. Rhett, has been the subject of much animadversion here, we publish a report of it furnished by him self, in order that onr readers may examine for themselves, which they can do at their leisure. HTPWe would direct the attention of the pub lic, to the various business cards of the Charles ton Merchants, to be found in our advertising columns. We advise all trading at that point to give them a call, or they may “ go farther and fare worse.” sj*Wc have received the proceedings of va. rious public meetings in different parts of the State, at all of which, (except three viz. Lee, Washington and Morgan, they having sanction ed the “Clay Compromise,”) the Missouri Com promise line was adopted. See notiecs in ano ther column. THE MASS MEET!XU IN MACON. We direct attention to the call for the Mass Meeting to lake place in the city of Macon, on THURSDAY, AUGUST 22, 1650, signed by a respectable portion of our citizens, which ap. pears in another column. It is very generally understood that Macon is the most eligible point by far, for the gathering of the thousands in this State, opposed to the projected sale of the South, now being arranged by the Senate. The reasons for preferiing Macon to Atlanta are so obvious and unquestionable that no one will doubt the propriety ofthe designation of Macon. At this time there are vacant houses in a state o r erec tion and warehouse sheds here sufficient for the comfortable housing of fifty thousand men. As ample accommodation as this no one pretends to believe can be had in Atlanta. That city could not afford shelter for half the number. We have been assured by gentlemen well acquaint ed with the feelings of the citizens of Cherokee Georgia, that no serious objection is entertained to this point as the place of assembling, and that a large delegation will be prompt to leprcsent that patriotic portion of our Statu in the Meeting at Macon. We appeal to the friends of Southern rights— and to those men who, hating usurpation and unwarranted interference with 6tate Rights, are indeed the only true conservators of this Union, to forget for once the pressing and selfish cares ofthe daily routine of home, and muster such a host as shall satisfy the timid, doibtingor disaf fected that the thing is settled for good in Geor. gia. Nerve, nerve is all that is wanting. No handling of the nettle as if we feared its sting, is to be allowed. We act safest for this Union truest to our enemies as to ourselves, when we teach all concerned that ttiflmg is to stop, and when the line is toed that the hot work is to be gin. Trifling, concession, &c , a putting off to a distant day the stern resistance, has brought us to what we are at. Then Georgians rally, and in such style that the North will believe—Give them the alterna tive offair dealing and justice, or the bargain that Abraham made with Lot- Bibb Superior Court. — After a session of three weeks, this Court adjourned to-day. His Honor Judge Stark, passed the following sen tences upon the offenders named : The State, A Murder.—Guilty. vs. > To bo hung on Friday, 20th Allen, a slave. ) September, 1850. The Stale, Larceny from tlie House— vs. > Guilty Five years’ imprison* John Fox. y ment in the Penitentiary. The State 1 Bigamy. Plea of Guilty— rs. > Two years’ imprisonment in Alex. Pearle y the Penitentiary. Latest erom Europe. —The Asia has arriv ed with Liverpool dates to the 13th inst. Th e market had advanced from the Ist to the 10th a sd., or }d. each week. The sales for the four days succeeding the sailing of the America, a mounted to 54,000 hales, of which speculators took 29,000. THE NEW CABINET. The following gentlemen have been appoint ed by the President to compose the new Cabinot t which have been confirmed, viz : Daniel Webster, of Mass., Sec’y of State. "Thoxas Corwin, ofOhio,Sec'ry ofTreas’ry Wm. A. Graham, of N. C.,See’ry ofthe Navy. David Bates, of Missouri, Sec'ry of War. Nathan K. II all, ofN.Y., Postmaster Gen’l. Jas. A. Pearce, of Md , Sec’ry of the Interior "John J. Crittenden, ofKy., Attorney Gen. 'A later despatch states that these two gentle men have declined and Messrs. Vinton, of Ohio, and James L. Pettioru, of S. C , appointed in their stead, which is quite probably. Loplz passed through this city on the 21st inst. on his way to the North. UjpThe prisoners taken at Contoy have been released by the Spanish authorities from their prisons in Havana, and may soon be expected to arrive in the United States UjMt is said that the Cubans had in contem plation the placing of bee-hives so as to impede the march ofthe iuvaders under Gen. Lopez.— This new mode of warfaro reminds us of the suggestion of a certain member of the Georgia Legislature, from the wire-grass region some thirty odd years ago, of abandoning the use of the “ villainous gunpowder," and substituting therefor the common Jlail sticks used in thrash ing out rice, by which an army could crack the shins of their enemies provided they could get within striking distance. The General that could lead his men, thus equipped, to victory, would certainly beelected President of the Uni ted States (£j*Tlie Hon. John W. Hooper has been ap. pointed hy Gov. Towns, Judge of the Superior Court of the Cherokee Circuit, vice Hon. A. R- Wright, resigned. UjTAdam Ramage, the invtorof the celebra ted Ramago Printing Press, died at Philadelphia on Suesday, aged eighty yers. MR. CHAPPELL'S LETTER. This i3 indeed a most singular production, and we can never cease our wonder how one of Mr. Chappell's well known balance of mind could commit himself, in such a moment as this, to arguments so irrelevant and inconsequential, as abound in this letter. For the pest, it is our inclination to be perfectly respectful to Mr. Ciiappei.l, and while differing with hint so widely, in every point he has made, that no qualification seems necessary, we yet ascribe to him pure and amiable motives. But, in alluding for the last time to the style, the argumentation and the spirit of this paper,' we merely repeat what almost all the old friends ofMr. Chappell unite in, that it is not the thing exactly that we used to have from his hand. But this is not what the public have the most interest in, or what, as men interested in the duties ofa public press, we feel called on to notice. This is a long letter —entirely too long—too diluted, and want ing in condensation. Wo cannot be expected to notice every point made in seven mortal columns, when very many of these points are extremely far-fetched, and in our judgment, have hut little bearing upon the main question, evoking this discussion. That question, as we regard it, being the comparative degree of acceptability to the South of Mr. Clay’s plan, and the Nash ville Convention plan. Therefore, after noticing the argument upon which Mr. Ciiappeli. has prodigally wasted the three opening columns of his finest writing, we shall take his own recapitu lation, given by himself, ofthe sum and substance of this letter. The first point raised, to which is given such exceeding prominence is, that as the Democratic party were the promoters of the Texas annexa tion, that consequently all the results of that measure are fairly chargeable to that party- And that, therefore, we should support Mr. Ci-ay's plan as the grand remedy for the evils and distractions attendant upon that great tnea sure. Strange to say, this is gravely insisted on, though Mr. Chappell repeatedly in detail jus tifies, and indeed lauds the Democratic party, fur its agency' in maturing this measure of an nexation. Name any one thing connected with this matter, and we were right, in Mr. Chap pell’s judgment. Was annexation just, politic, opportune ? Yes. Was defensive war with Mexico just, politic, opportune ? Yes Was die Treaty of Guadeloupe Hidalgo just, politic, Opportune ? Did the Democratic party roll, plunder, steal from Mexico or the free Boilers sither by this Treaty ? lie would not say it at ill. All right, hut indeed, we of the South are truly and awfully responsible for all the deviltry which has grown out of these measures—Cali fornia admission — T. B. King’s treason to his own home —a Southern President's betrayal of us—Northern fanaticism that sharpens its beak to devour us—peril to the Union—every thing, every thing is fairly chargeable to us. We were right in every single step until yon come to sum up, aud then we were all wrong. Yes the eggs, each one of them is good, but then mind how you put them together in a basket, for Mr Chappell will not touch one of them—they will then be all rotten. Why this is the sort of logic by which the clown proves that an eel pie ;s a pigeon. An eel pie is a fish pie, quoth he. Granted. Then a jack pie is a fish pie, and if you admit this, then it follows that a jack pie is a John pie and is not a John pie, a pie John,Q- c.d ? Surely Mr. Chappell must see that if his premise is here well taken, that you may prove that the Author of all good himself, is responsi ble for crime and should expiate the whole dark account of human iniquity. Let measures stand or fa!! by their legitimate consequences. And in the name of justice, do not include all the villainies that ever may happen in this world of a later date, among these legitimate cousequen ccs. But could it have been shown to us at the time ofannexation, that all the monstrous sin against this down-trodden South that has been perpetrated against it and is now meditated, would have followed fast upon the heels of this measure, we yet contend that that Southern man who would have been frightened from so just and proper a step by this prophetic warning would not have been fit for his trust. In all such cases there is but one safe guide—prosent duty is ours—events belong to God. And we here take occasion to deny, and we do it flatly unequivocally and with unction, what Mr. Chappell gives as a part of the history of an. nexation by tbo war. He states as a thing un. deniable that it was clearly seen before Mexican annexation, that there would be a fearful sec tional struggle on the application of the anti slavery restriction to these acquired territories No man can fail to remember that vve were too engrossed in the vicissitudes, the glory and the griefs of that struggle, to be attending to free soil robbery. The whole country was too shock ed at the unparalleled baseness of Tom Corwin and bis flee soil confederates, to give any heed to such a school of miscreants or value what they might or would do. But the simple fact that the Senate of the United State*, sitting in solemn judgment on this treaty, did by a large vote, (only fifteen voting affirmatively,) repudi ate all connection with the Wilinot Proviso, in this measure of territorial annexation, proves what the popular sentiment was. But if our recollections of what was expected to be done in regard to the allotment of the acquired domain are not wofully wrong, we are suro all Southern men looked fora quiet adjustment upon the old line of 36 degrees 30 minutes of North latitude, or the adoption of that long respected basis of division, whenever practicable. But, however we may differ in our impressions of what was and was not the history of the popular mind on this matter, we can tell Mr. Chapplll what teas true beyond all controversy, that at that day no Southern man, not one, could he found daring enough in his alarms for this “glorious Union,” to counsel his people that after shedding blood and offering treasure as we did for the fruits ot the war, to yield to the cupidity or to the sancti monious robbery of the North, one solitary foot of what should be conquered. This magnani mous self-devotion was an afterthought of pauiots, whose hearts are ready to break, at all times, at thoughts of disruption of the party unity. But we come to Mr. recapitula tion of the material point 9 of his argument, and our notice shall be more brief even than his sum mary. But before we do this, we can but say, that no words can adequately express our morti fication that in all this letter not one word of warning or reprobation could be spared for the odious interference with slavery in the District of Columbia— not one. First then, Mr. Chappell with oracular dog matism, declares we must support the bill of the Committee to prevent the admission of Califor nia as she is, by a separate bill, this admission contributing to a like admission of the two re maining Territories. Well, we ask in the name of common or uncommon sense, what sort of difference can it make to us, if California is to be smuggled by a grand swindle into the Union as she is, whether she is introduced by a single or an “omnibus bill,” unless the latter shall in clude in its multifarious lumber some equiva lents for this concession. There can be no dif ference whatever Mr. Chappell, it is true, seem* to think that preventing New Mexico and Utah from following the lead of California, would make a part of these equivalents. Suppose they would, who guaranties this ? Can any old. Mi ssouri Compromise man 9 Would nny man in Congress do this though the bill parses, when it is well known that a majority in Congress de clares that though we may be morally bound to a compromise, we are not legally bound ? But next, we must pass the bill or stain our souls with the crime of promoting anarchy in the Territories. This ground astounds us, when we see it assumed and so stubbornly defended by a thorough Cass man and the new admirer and supporter of Mr. Clay. In the first place, the world knows that Gen. Cass stakes his all upon the doctrine that the territories can and should legislate for themselves. Yea on ever 1/ question, for ho has lately scandalized his old Nicholson Letter supporters hero, by disavowing their construction of that letter restricting legis lation on slavery until the territories have past their territorial state. Then, ifthe territories do without law, it is their choice, and so good a friend to the let-alone doctrine as M r. Chappell should have nothing to do with this. But if this were not so, what does Mr. Chappell do with his friend's doctrine of the “ lex loci?" Mr. Clay holds, and Gen. Cass too, for all we know, that this law is strong enough to ride rough-shod over these Southern States to make the consti tution a nullity as to their protection—Then pray why not over the Wiretank and Kickapoo In dians ? All agree, Southern men and all, that so much of the old law stands us is necessary to protect these people from these deplorable evils of anarchy, and we must therefore regard this argument as a sympathy trap. It twill take no thing but gulls or surrender men, however..— We hope this point is fully met. Next—“We must," or the territories will ho kept open as afield for the .dboiitionists to work in and our friends at the North will be cut down to a corporal’s guard,” &c. We will take this argument and rely on it to sustain the basis pro posed by the Nashville Convention, and to over throw Mr. Clay’s plan forever, at least with Southern men. First—How do we fence out the Abolitionists by Gen. Cass’ plan ? How by Mr Clay's doctrine of the "•lex loci?" Solemnly we appeal to every Southern man and ask him does he hope for repose or for equal rights under the operations of this bill, which seems to have been framed to meet these doctrines? Mr. Chappell well remarks in this letter how chary men holding property are in risking their pro perty amid uncertain laws. And w o declare our belief that the Wilmot Proviso itself would noi tend more surely to deter the Southern slave holder from taking his property to the new ter. ritory, than doe* the uncertainty in which the local law has been involved by free soil states men. Certainly nothing in the silence of Mr. Clay’s bill on slavery—in Gen. Cass’ new edi tion of the Nicholson Letter—or in the great Chairman's notion ofthe “ lex loci," can “shut out" the abolition excitement. These things may shut it in however, and give us peace as one who is broken down and conquered gets it.— We said this argument contradicts and does not support what Mr. Chappell seeks to prove.— For if we propose by compromise to settle any thing, let the compromise commit the honor of the parties. Here is the grand point made in com promises for we all know that the mere law o! compromise, settles nothing. But if vve wish to save our friends North, who desire to help us, our first duty to them is to place them “in vin culcs,”—morally speaking, to put them in such bonds that public opinion—instructions from constituents, nor nothing elso shall release them so long as personal honor is worth a rush to them. In this way vve have Mr. Webster last upon the Texas States admission, and when lie flies from his word in this committal, ho would not pass muster at Botany Bay for honesty. No doubt ifthe truth was known, these Northern men, who sincerely desire to aid us against their own friends, above all things, pant for some cer tain and well expressed obligation on their part, not left doubtful, os now proposed by the “ Sur render Bill,” but set forth by metes and bounds. It is true that one with the soul of a dog-like Seward, can be bound by nothing. Such men would have sold their Lord and Master for thirty pieces of silver, and stand ready to sell their country now/or much less. But there are men who think that truth and honor are something besides nets to ensnare tiro unwary. Then we say for the sako of shutting out abolition from the territories—for the sake of re-assuring South ern men, and saving our friends at the North, let the country once more be fully, fairly com mitted to the Missouri Compromise line. But we pass on. “We must shut up this stamping ground of free soilors, or the Union is gone,” Ac. This ground is virtually the same as the last, and we think we have answered it. Next. “Wo must as Southern Democrats, to prevent oar measures from bringing ruin on the country, and shame on ourselves.” This too, we have commented on, and leave it to confute itself. One word in conclusion If Mr. Chap pell had disavowed party considerations in this argument, we should have been the last 'o have introduced them. But this he has not done, and in this connexion we may say, that if the f oes of Democratic politics have not convicted Dei U . ocrats of political incapacity and of recklessly tampering with the salvation of this people, Mr Chappell has. We here declare, if half t| )a t this letter charges upon Democracy is just it deserves to be swept from the earth like a plague. But ready and anxious as we are to see all party sub-divisions South, absorbed into tb c one great State Rights and Southern Rights Part „ we yet sec nothing to be ashamed of in the con-’ duct of the Democratic party, so far as the pre sent controversy goes—nothing that should have been suspended or arrested, ifthe power of des tiny had been in our hands, and now it has hap pened, least of all do vve behold in the past errors, that can only be atoned for by a base sur’ render of our just rights, because surrender is the “best wo can do.” As to the great bugbear of geographical parties They now exist-notoriously rallying upon the anti-slavery issue. What Southern man not absolutely committed to our destruction, can ever hope for a party nomination or election > The day is past when this can be hoped for.— We do not lament it. The loss of constitutional freedom grieves us far more. But if the dis-o lution of this Union by sectional parties is to be averted, it is by a prompt and unshaken rally of the entire South upon her ultimatum. This will satisfy the guilty spoilsmen who are seeking to devour us, that one side or the other must have our aid. The weaker of the contending parlies,made up of the majority, will inevitably sooner or later, be our friends, if not for love they will for money And although it is true in this state of things, the South may never again hope for the first place, yet she may dictate it, and hold the second for herself. But no one who wishes to speak the truth honestly, but well knows that there is already two geographical pnrties here. One that seeks to force on as a moral purgation from a “great sin—the sin of slavery”—and another party that intends to de fend itself from the power and despotism of propagandists. There are two parties here.— One to produce and another to enjoy. Two geographical parties. One among which all social, moral and intellectual excellence is to re side—and one that is to have none of it. Two parties now exist, and Mr. Chappell knows it. One, whose vocation is to snub the Constitution, to break down its checks against injustice and cupidity —and another which note has nothing to hope for, but what little it may save from the wreck of that noble work, that once we looked to as the ark of our safety. Railroads in the United States. —The first charter for a Railroad in ibis country was granted by New Jersey. The Legislature, at the session of 1614-15, chartered llio New Jersey Railroad Company to build a road four rods wide from the River Delaware, near Trenton, to the river Raritan, near New Brunswick— The country was not then prepared for the enterprise, and the work was abandoned. The honor of introducing railroads was resevrved for Massachusetts, and the first road that was built on tins esntinent, was the Ciuincy Rail road, from the quarry to N'eponset river, which was first used in the year 1827. There are now, in the United States 7G77 miles of railroad ;of which 2465 are in New England,2sl9 in the middle States, 154!) in t ho Southern States, and 1153 in the western and south-western States. The Federal Union states tint a meeting of the friends of a Railroad connecting Eatonton with Milledgoville was held at the former placo have the stock taken, who are to report as early as practicable. The Central Railroad it says has agreed to furnish the iron for the road, in payment of stock. Plank Roads. —These roads we think arc destined to become quite common throughout the country. A large meeting was recently held at Newport, Florida, at which SIB,OOO worth of stock was subscribed to construct a plank road from that place via Tallahassee, to Tliomasville, Thomas county, Ga., and thenro to Albany; from the latter town Messrs. Platt and Till, were present. We think it quiie probable this road will be built—and if ?o, we think it would be advisable to extend it to this city, for which object we have no doubt large suhscriplions could be obtained here. It would be well for our citizens to consider this subject, as such a road, when completed, would add considerably to the trade of our merchants. O’Mr. G. W. Crawford addressed a note to the Speaker of the House of Representatives on the 16th inst., requesting that body to insti tute legal proceedings against him to recover tho interest nr any portion of the Galphin claim re ceived by him. At the same time he gave the assurance that he would not interpose delay or raise in his “defence any oilier question than the proper construction of the Act for tho relief of Milledge Galphin, executor of the last will end testament of George Galphin, doccnsed, approv ed August 14, 1848.” [jjr’The ship Charles Carroll, from Boston will bring to Charleston, S. C., in a short time, about three hundred Irish laborers to work on the Nashville and Chattanooga Railroad, which has been put under contraet for its entire length l— O’Tlte Governor and Council of Boston h a '° refused the petition for the pardon of Professor Webster, and the time of his execution is fi xc for Friday, 20th August next. The Huntsville (Alu.) Dcmocrrt of the R'jj instant,says “The crops have greatly • nl P r °' 1 within the last three weeks. Cotton has h< t ‘ n stimulated to a too rapid growth hy the coni'' 111 rains. Corn looks fair and promises an av<rn yield. The farmers complain greatly pf ' grass, which is difficult to keep under "i ll rain every day.” Jjf’The wheat crop of the present )'" ar m West is represented as being.the latest made