Newspaper Page Text
SOUTHERN TRIBUNE.
PUBLISHED WEEKLY, BY
WM. H « HAKHISOIV.
WM. B. HARRISON, }
and > Editors.
WM. S. LAWTON, >
'. .’VHMMMHMHMHnMMneaVIUMM
[t OR THE SOUTHERN TRIBUNE.]
. to Rev. P. A. Sirobol.
Notasulga, Ala., July 23, 1850.
Dear Sir —ln your communion ion to
tiie "Southern Tribune,” over ilate of July
16th, to correct what you suppose an error
in me, you evidently attach much more
importance to the matter than I do. If
you will re-examine the discussion be
tween Dr. Pierce and myself, you cannot
fail to see that I did not mention Dr. Tho
luck’s views as a proof of my own. Hence
the very next words to those you quote,
are these— “ But this only in passing.” —
So you perceive it was merely a passing
remark. But you say you know not upon
what authority my assertion is made.—
You shall have it, and dispose of it the
best way you can. My authority for say
ing what I did, is Professor Sears, an or
thodox gentleman, who studied two years
in Germany ; six months of the time with
Dr. Tholuck. I have neither time nor
space, however, to array all that Professor
Scars says; but I exhibit the following
conversation between Tholuck and Sears.
"One evening at his house,” says Mr. S.,
"there was a debate between us on the
subject, (of Universalism,) in the presence
of two American gentlemen now in this
country.” It made such a painful impres
sion on the mind of the writer, that he can
remember not only the ideas, but many of
the identical words and phrases employed
at that lime. The following is the sub
stance of that conversation which was held
in English :
Tholuck —l suppose that my American
brethren would consider me orthodox in
general, except in my Universalism.
Sears —They would most certainly.—
But with them that point would be a seri
ous matter. With this sentiment you could
nos hold a standing in our orthodox church
es. Now, where did you find this doctrine
—in the Bible, flr in your philosophy ?
Tholuck —ln both.
Scars— What are the passages of Scrip
ture on which you principally rely 1
Tholuck —My main passage is 1 Cor.
xv. 28: "Christ shall overcome all, and
bring them in complete subjection to God,
who to all men will be their all, their eve
rything.” Such language cannot well be
applied to those who shall still remain his
enemies. Also, Rom. xi. 36 : “ For out
of Him, and through Him, and into Him
are all things,” i. e., all things proceed cut
of Him as their source of being ; by Him
they are conducted to their proper destina
tion, and into Him they all return, as their
eternal resting place. It follows, of course,
that they will all be happy ; for happiness
consists in being in God.”
This is not all, nor half the conversa
tion.
You see, Mr. Strobel, that my incidental
remark is amply sustained. * * * *
Respectfully,
C. F. It. SHEIIANE.
Mr. Clay and Mr. Barnwell!.
We copy the following passages fiom
the speech of Mr. Clay recently delivered
in the United States Senate, on the Texas
boundary question,—together with the re
ply of Mr. Barnwell, ofS. C. We have
made these extracts to shew who is the
•‘traitor” to the South, he who would main
tain her lights and honor as Mr. Rhrtt
purposes to do—or he, who, as Mr. Clay,
would not only basely surrender them to
our oppressors, but invoke the 1 sword to
enforce it. Reader judge between them.
Mr. Clay—l am not going to magnify
the power of Texas. lam not going to
magnify the power of any single State. It
is with infinite regret, with profound sor
row and surprise, that I hear individual
States talking as they occasionally do.—
Why, sir, it was only the other day that a
member, returned from the Nashville Con
vention, addressed, we are told, the peo
ple of Charleston, S. C. I do not know
which most to admire, the gravity and pos
sible consequences which may ensue from
carrying nut the views of the delegates to
the Nashville Convention, or the ridicu
lous scenes which occurred during the
course of the public meeting. He was
applauded most enthusiastically—as I learn
from the public papers, and as I learn also
from a creditable gentleman who w'as pre
sent at tl»e meeting—when he declared
that, if the South did not join herself to
this standard of rebellion, South Carolina
would herself raise it, and fight this Union
singly and alone. Yes, said a gentleman
in the audience, in a fit of most patriotic
enthusiasm, and if South Carolina does
not do it, I, with my strong aim and my
In f purse, will fight tire Union invsrlf.
Mr. President, 1 have w> patience for
' hearing this bravado, come from what
source it may. At the same time, I am
not disposed to undervalue its importance
as one of many contemporaneousevents.
Mr. Barnwell — It is not my intention
i *o reply to the argument of the Senate?
| from Kentucky ; but there were expres
sions used by him not a little disrespectful
to a friend whom I hold very dear, and t<-
the State which I in part represent, which
seem to me to require some notice. I be
lieve, sir, that character does not depend
upon words ; it does not live in eulogy ;
it is not to be destroyed by obloquy, it
rests upon a higher and more stable foun
dation—upon intelligence, honesty, disin
terestedness, accompanied with the mani
fested determination to exercise these high
qualities in the best mode for the best ends.
To this test I am willing to bring the char
acter of my friend—one with whom my
friendship, commencing almost with the
cradle, and strengthening through life,
will, I doubt not, terminate only with the
grave. Ido not intend to pronounce his
eulogy. It is well for us both that he is no
unknown man ; nor is lie, in this assembly
or in the other house, without many who
know and appreciate him. lam very wil
ling to intrust the defence of his character
to the judgment of all who ktjow him. It
is true that his political opinions differ very
widely from those of the Senator from Ken
tucky. It may be true that he, with many
great statesmen, may believe that the
Wilmot Proviso is a grievance to be re
sisted “to the utmost extremity,” by those
whose rights it destroys and whose honor
it degrades. It is true that he may be
lieve—and lie will not be very singular in
the opiuion, especially among those who
have heard and may read the able and tii
umpbant argument of tbe distinguished
Senator of Georgia—that the admission of
California will be the passing of the Wil
mot Proviso, when we here in Congress
give vitality to an act otherwise totally dead
and by our legislation, exclude slavehold
ers from that whole broad territory on the
Pacific; an I, entertaining this opinion, be
may have declared that the contingency
will then have occurred which will, in the
judgment of most oftbe slaveholdingStates
as expressed by their resolutions, justify
resistance as to an intolerable aggression.
If be does entertain and has expressed
such sentiments, lie is not to be held up as
peculiarly a disuriionists. Allow mo to
say, in reference to this matter, I regret
that you have brought it -about; but it is
true that this epithet “disunionist” is like
ly soon to have very little terror in it at tiie
South. Words do not make things.—
Rebel was designed as a very odious term
when applied by those who would have
trampled upon the rights of our ancestors,
but I believe that the expression became
not an ungrateful one to the ears of those
who resisted them. It was not the lowest
term of abuse to call them, who were con
scious that they were struggling against
oppression ; and let me assure gentlemen
that the disunionist is rapidly assuming at
the South the meaning which rebel took
when it was baptized in the blood of War*
t en at Bunker’s Hill, and illustrated by the
gallantry of Jasper at Fort Moulttie.
As to the State of South Carolina, I do
not, as I need not, defend her by words.—
I have said that the character of an indi
vidual does not live in words or die from
obloquy. Much more strongly may this
be said of a State. South Carolina has a
histo:y for the past and a character for the
present. To that history and that charac
ter lam perfectly willing ro leave her to
repel any reproach which may be attempt
ed to be cast upon her. Allow me to say,
in this connection, that whilst I listened a
few days since, with a high admiration to
the eloquent elogium which the Senator
from Massachusetts, now no longer in his
place, pronounced upon his own State—
whilst I freely accord to her the honor
which he attributed, it did not seem to me,
sir, that he had selected the highest attri
bute of her character as the subject of his
eulogium. He spoke of her attachment
to this Union as the highest subject of his
commendation, but he had previously and
very pointedly alluded to motives, not ad
dressed to’ho most honorable sentiments
of mankind, which might justly render this
Union very dear to her. Sir, I prefer to
honor Massachusetts for the devotion to
which in times past she has exhibited for
freedom, and which I doubt not still ani
mates her, because I believe that, as in
former days, she justified the proud mo’to
with which she emblazoned herescutcheon.
So should any in future lime invade her
rights, or disturb her peaceful liberty, she
would again, with the sword, maintain the
heritage sought and gained by it. Totliis
criterion l willingly commit my native
[Slate; by this standard do I desire l lint
Mw may 1,.- -vci judged Small she mav
be, and weak in numbers; but it is not by
tbe extent of territory, or the number of
inhabitants, that a State is to be measured;
rather by tbe spirit ofbs people —a spirit
which prepares them, in the main'enance
of their liberty, to live with her or die for
her. I will not speak of my devotion to
South Carolina:
“I would rather be beloved on trust for what
I feel
Than prove it in her griefs, which might no|
yield to any care of mine.”
But this I may claim, in common with
all her sons—in the hour of her peril to be
found at her side, to sustain or to perish
with her.
Mr. Clay —Mr. President, I said no
thing with respect to the character of Mr.
Rhett, for I might as well name him. I
know him personally, and have some res
pect for him. But if he pronounced the
sentiment attributed to him of raising the
standard of disunion and of resistance to
the common government, whatever he has
been, if he follows up the declaration by
corresponding overt acts, he will be a trai
tor, and I hope ho will meet the fate of a
traitor. [Great applause in the galleries,
with difficulty suppressed by the Chair.]
The President—The Chair will be un
der the necessity of ordering the gallery
to be cleai ed, if there is again tbe slightest
interruption. He has once already given
warning that he is under the necessity «f
keeping order. The Senate chamber is
not a theatre.
Mr. Olay —Mr. President, I have heard
with pain and regret a confirmation of the
remark 1 made, that the sentiment of dis
union is becoming familiar. I hope it is
confined to South Carolina. Ido not re
gard as my duty what the honorable Sen
tor seems to legat'd as his. If Kentucky
tomorrow unfurls the banner of resistance
unjustly, I never will fight under that ban
ner. I owe a paramount allegiance to the
whole Union—a subordinate one to my
own State. When my State is right—
when it has a cause for resistance—when
tyranny, and wrong, and oppression insuf
ferable arise—l then will share her for.
tunes ; hut if she summons me to the liat
tie-field, or to support her in any cause
which is unjust against the Union, never,
never will 1 engage with her in such a
cause.
With regard to South Carolina, and the
spirit of her people, I have said nothing.
1 have a respect for her ; hut I must say,
with entire truth, that my respect for her
is that inspired for her ancient and revolu
tionary character, and not so much for her
m .deni character. But spiffed as she is,
spirited as she may suppose herself to be,
competent as she may think herself to
wield hersepara e power against the pow
er of this Union, I will tell her, and I will
tell the Senator himself, that there are as
brave, as dauntless, as gallant men and a
devoted patriots, in tnv opinion, in every I
other State in the Union as are to be found
in South Carolina herself; and if, in any
unjust cause, South Carolina or any other
State should hoist the flag of disunion and
rebellion, thousands, tens of thousands of
Kentuckians would flock to the standard
of their country to dissipate and repress
their rebellion. These are my sentiments
—make the most of them.
Mr Barnwell — l do not know that 1
have anything to say exactly in reply to
the Senator fiom Kentucky, except that,
when he uses such'language as “traitors’*
and ‘‘their doom,” he compels me to re
mind him “ that there are two ends to a
rope ; and when the Senator comes to
tho condemnation of “tiaitors,” it may
prove that they are the true men. With
respect to the threats of the Senator from
Kentucky, if history speaks truly, there
was a certain Biitish officer once who
promised, with a regiment of soldiers, to
drive the rebels from one end of the conti
nent to the other. I need not say the per
formance hardly equalled the promise.—
But 1 made, I make no threats ; I insti
tute no comparisons. Far be it from row
to detract from the fidelity or the gallantry
of the people of any of the Status of this
Union. 1 should do great injustice to my
own convictions, were Ito do so. With
respect to the justice of the cause uphold
by South Carolina, the Senator has not
now to learn that she is sustained in her
judgment by the recorded opinions of the
numerous States who made common cause
with the State of Virginia, in her assertion
of their rights. And shall any State, how
ever feeble, subject herself to ruinous and
unjust domination, from apprehension that
tyranny might prove too strong far her—
that the armed heel of the oppressor might
trample out the life which he only design
ed to make degraded and miserable ?* I
trust not, sir; and I contend only for the
duty and the light of asserting justice,
even at the hazard of ssfotv.
Slave Labor in the Territories.
Hocsi: of Representatives, I
Jane 1, 1350. )
Dear Sir —ln aspeech deliveredby you,
in the House of Representatives in March
last, I understood you tosay that you had
j been in the valley of the Great Salt Lake,
and that you wereacquainted,fromperson*
| al observation with a large part of the teri
tory of California. Will you be so good
as to give me your opinion, and the rea
sons for entertaining it, of probability or
improbability of the introduction of slave
labor in o any part of the territory recent
ly acquired by the United States from
Mexico ; provided such introduction be
not prohibited by law ?
I wish to obtain your opinion in regard
to other kinds of labor, as well as agricul
tural; because, as it seems to me, a most
unwarrantable, if not a most disingenuous
attempt has been made, to lead the public
to believe that no form of slave labor will
ever be introduced there, because, proba
bly, it may not be introduced for agricultu
ral purposes.
A reply at your earliest convenience,
will much oblige, yours, very truly,
HORACE MANN.
Hon. S. R. Thurston, Delegate from
Oregon.
Washington, June 10, 1850.
I received a note from you some days
ago, making certain inquiries, but which,
up to this time, 1 have been unable to an
swer. I desire to take no part in the ques
tion now dividing the country ; but as you
have asked rny judgment upon a matter
which appears to be a disputed point,! can
not, consistently with the law of courtesy,
refuse you an answer. That answer will
be in conformity with what I have fre
quently said, heretofore, in private con
versation with gentlemen on this sub
ject.
The point ofinquiiy seems tobe.vvheth
er slave labor could be profitably employ,
ed in Oregon, California, Utah and New
Mexico. If the nature of the climate and
resources of these countries are such ns o
furnish a profitable market for slave labor,
it appears to be conceded, on all sibes, tnat
it would be introduced, if left free to seek
profitable investment, like other capital-
The whole point at issue, then, is depen
dent,as it is conceived, upon the determin
ation of the first point of inquiry. Hence
to that point, only, it is necessary for me
to confine my answer.
I need not remind you of the law ro
gulatingthe investment of capital. It will
always go where,under all circumstances
it will yield the greatest return to the
owner. Upon this principle I am very
clarly convinced, that slave labor if unres
tricted, could be employed in Oregon,
with at least double the profit to the owner
of the slave that it now yields to the owner
in any Stato in the Union. lam uninform
ed as to the usual price of slave labor in the
States, but the ; rice paid to Indians in Ore
g> » during the past year, for labor, has
tanged from two t three dollars per day.
Domestic negro servants whether male or
female, who undetstand the business of
house-work would command, readily five
or six hundred dollars a year. 1 recollect
that there was a mulatto man on board the
vessel in which I took passagefromOregon
to 51anFrancisco.who was paid one hundred
and eighty dollars per month for his servi
ces as cook. I will not stop to particularize
further, in regard to the inducements Ore
gon would offer to unrestricted slave labor
but will simply add,that a very large num
ber of slaves might now be employed in
Oregon at annual wages sufficiently large
to purchase their freedom. I think,there
fore, that the point is settled so far as Ore
gon is concerned ; and that slave labor, if it
had been left free to seek profitable em
ployment, would readily find its way to that
Territory.
As to California, I am equally clear.—
Califo nia will always be a mining country
and wages will range high. At present
slave labor in California would he more
profitable than in Oregon. And I have al
ways been of the opinion, that wherever
there is a mining country ; if not in a cli
mate uncongenial to slave labor that spe
cies of labor would be profitable. That it
would be iu the California mines is evident.
A good, able bodied slave, would have
commanded iu California, during the past
year, from eight to ten hundred dollars
per annum. When it is recollceted that
one hundred dpllais per annum, upon an
average, is considered a good compensa
tion for their labor in the Southern States,
it is idle, in my judgment, to contend that
slaves would not be carried to the Califor
nia market, if protected by law.
The greatest impediment which white
labor has to encounier in ther mines, is the
| intensity of the heat and the general prev
! alwtjce of bilious disease. The one is
I utmost iu'uffi'pib'e, while the o'her is pcs
tilential. Against both of these the negro
is almost proof. Now, while white labor
is high, it is evident that no one can hire a
white laborer, except at a rate that would
consume his profit. Not sowith negro la
bor. That species of labor might be oh
tained for half the amount which you
would have to pay for white labor. The re
sult will be a profit alike to the hirer and
seller of slave labor. There is no donht, in
myjudgment, that almost any number of
slaves might be hired out in California,
were they willing to allow it,at from eight
to ten hundred dollats a year. This paysso
much above what their services command in
the States, as to satisfy anyone that could
this species of service be protected in Cal.
ifornia.it would rush to the Pacific in almost
any quantity.
Let us turn our attention to Utah and
New Mexico. I have no doubt, from what
knowledge I have of those countries, that
they will ti n out to be filled with the i idlest
mines. I clip the following from a recent
paper containing the news from Texas and
Chihuahua :
“Mr. James was informed, by Major
Neighbours and Mr. Lee Vining, that
they had been shown by Major Stein, some
gold washed out by his troops, on the Gila
river, in a short excursion to that
stream.
“It is reported that, at the copper mines
above El Paso, there are about 100 tons of
puro copper lying upon the ground. This
had been got out by Mexicons, and aban
doned wben attackey by Indians.
“There are at El Paso, in the hands of
different persons, several large amounts of
silver ore, taken from the mines in that
neighborhood. With guaranties of titles
to lands, and protection from Indians only
a short time would elapse before all these
mines would be well worked, and we
would have large quantities of metal seek
ing a market through ibis place.”
And if you consult Frem >nt’s map, prin
ted by older of the Senate in lS4B,\ou will
find, near the source of one of the branch
es of the Gila River, “copper and gold
mines” laid down. And if 1 am no* greatly
mistaken, it will turn out that the Mor
mens are in possession of the richest kind
of mines, east of Sierra Nevada. It is
known, too, that silver and copper mines
have, for years, been worked in New
Mexico, and I am informed by Hugh N.
Smith, Esq. that there are irithat territory
gold, silver, copper, lead, and zinc mines
of the richest quality, and that the reason
why they have not latterly been worked
min e extensively is that it is prevented by
the incursions of the Indians. He is of
the opinion, and he is borne out by what
history wo can get on the subject, that
when these mines shall come to be ex
plored, their wealth will turn out tube
enormous.
When you have once cast your eyo over
hat country lying West of the Rocky
Mountains and East of the Siena Nevada,
ami are informed of the peculiarity of the
go'd bearing region, you at once become
convinced that the United States is in pos
sesion of mineral wealth so vast that ages
will not be able to measure its extent.—
And when these mines shall begin to be de
veloped, and their unquestionable richness
set that way, attended with the usual con
sequences : high prices and a demand for
labor. If slave labor is like other capital,
it will go where its best paid,then we have
a right to say it will seek these mines and
become a part of the producing capital of
the country where those mines are iocated.
That these whole regions are filled with
rich mines, is little less than certain, and
can be profitably worked by slave labor is
sure. Hence, were Ia Southern man
my property invested in slaves, I should
consider the markets in New Mexico,
Utah, and California, for slave labor,
worthy of an honorable contest to secure.
I am sir, with due consideration, yours,
truly, SAMUEL R. THURSTON.
Hon. Horace Mann.
Meeting in Scrivcn County.
Pursuant to notice, a meeting of the
citizens of Scriven and the adjoining coun
ties, without distinction of party, was held
at Station No. 6, Central Railroad, on the
27th ult. John Cameron, Esq., was ap
pointed Chairman, Messrs. Peter Rogers.
Willis Young and dames Young, Sen.,
Vice Presidents, and Messrs. John B.
Washington and Ed w’d Jones,Secretaries.
The Chairman explained the object of the
meeting, and on motion appointed a com
mittee of thirteen to draft resolutions for
the consideration of the meeting, who re
tired and after ashoit time reported the
following, which were unanimously a
dopted, viz :
Resolved, That we give our hearty ap
proval to the platform established by the
Nashville Convention, and will maintain
its enactments with the Southern States to
the last extremity.
Resolved, That should wo accept the
“Missouri Compromise,” we do so purely
as a peace-offering, and we would only
accept it, with it distinctly and plainly un .
derstood, that slavery might go to every
inch South of it; and that the South ought
not to accept any line South of the Mj g .
souri line.
That this Union is ahead
dissolved, when it once fails to protect the
rights of one section from the encroach
ments and robberies of another, it ought
to be dissolved.
Resolved , That the Committee of Thir
teen’s Compromise, and the President's
plan, are the offspring of infamy, and their
offer to us is an insult upon the generosity
and forbeatance of the South.
Resolved, That we pledge ourselves, in
conjunction with our Southern sister States
to maintain the sovereignty of the South
or perish beneath her ruins.
Resolved, That our immediate Repre
sentative in Congress, J. W. Jackson, de
serves the praise of all parties, for his able,
faithful jtnd unflinching zeal in the main
tainance of nur righ’s.
Resolved, That we condemn the conduct
of the Government in its late instructions
to Col. Monro, to wrest a part of Texas
from her, and then maintain it at thepoini
of the Federal bayonets.
R< solved, That we entirely concur in
the action contemplated by Texas to main
tain her tights, at every hazard and to the
last extremity.
Resolved, That we will not stand silent
ly by, with folded arms, and see one of
our sister States despoiled of her rights,
and if a decision of right is to be tested in
powder and ball, instinct will point our
position in the lines of Texas.
MACON, G A
SATUDRAY AFTERNOON, AUGUST 3.
THE MASS MEETING IN MACON.
We direct attention to the call for the Mass
Meeting to take place in the city of Macon, on
THURSDAY, AUGUST 22, 1350, signed by
a respectable portion of our citizens, which ap.
pears in another column. It is very generally
understood that Macon is the most eligible point
by far, for the gathering of the thousands in this
State, opposed to the projected sale of the South,
now being arranged by the Senate. The reasons
for preferring Macon to Atlanta are so obvious
and unquestionable that no one will doubt the
propriety of the designation of Macon. At this
time there are vacant houses in a state of erec
lion and warehouse sheds lierp sufficient for t/ic
comfortable bousing of fifty thousand men. As
ample accommodation as this no one pretends to
believe can be had in Atlanta. That city could
not afford shelter for half the number. We
have been assured by gentlemen well acquaint
ed with the feelings of the citizens of Cherokee
Georgia, that no serious objection is entertained
to this point as the place of assembling, and that
a large delegation will be prompt to lepresent
that patriotic portion of our Statu in the Meeting
at Macon.
\Ve appeal to the friends ofSouthern rights—
and to those men who, bating usurpation and
unwarranted interference with Wale Rights, arc
indeed the only true conservators ofthis Union,
to forget for once the pressing and selfish cares
of the daily routine of home, and muster such a
host as shall satisfy the timid, doubting or disaf
fected that the tiling is settled for good in Gcor.
gia. Nerve, nerve is all that is wanting. No
handling of the nettle ns if we feared its sting, is
to be allowed. We act safest for this Union—
truest to our enemies as to ourselves, when rve
teach all concerned that trifling is to stop, and
when the line is toed that the hot work is to be
gin. Trifling, concession, &c , a putting off to
a distant day the stern resistance, has brought us
to what we. are at.
Then Georgians rally, and in such style that
the North will believe—Give them the alterna
tive offair dealing and justice, or the bargain
that Abraham made witli Lot.
Important from Washington—We learn
by a despatch to the Telegraph, the following—
“ Washington, July 31.
The Omnibus Bill was shattered into frag
ments in the Senate to-day. Everything struck
out but the provision making Territorial Gov
ernment for Utah, which was engrossed by yeas
31, nays 18—only two Southern Senators Beu.
and Pearce, voting in the negative. Glory
enough for ono day.”
(UFTIio Tallahassee Sentinel states that a
petition has been sent to the Postmaster General
for a daily mail line between that city and this.
ffjT’ We insect so much of Mr. Shkhakk s let
ter to Mr. Strobel, as explains bis authority l° r
citing Dr. Tholcck as being in favor of Univer
salism—and omit that part which seems 1° ,n
vite further discussion; which so far as the 1"
btinc is concerned, cannot be ndmi’ted, as " e
doubt not its readers will judge ofßiblo doctrine*
for themselves.
Just in Time.—A splendid new I’asscngf
Car passed our office on Thursday, to bo plarcJ
on the Macon & Western Railroad. It a PP e3r
ed larger than usual and of fine workmanship-'
and we advise those going to Atlanta, to tl |l!
State Agricultural Fair on the 15th inst. ( or thos*-
enming from that section to the great Mw*
Meeting in this city on the 22d instant, to g 1
it a trial.
Latest from Europe. —The Canada In' 6 ar
rivad with Liverpool dates to tho 20th “k-
The market had advanced from the 13lli 10
20th from Jib to |d. —Fair Orleans 88<1.
gales for tho week amounted to 110,000 b- 1
of which speculators took r. 2,000, nnd la.
for export. The market closed quiet.
(O'B- C. Wirmrnor has been #pptMid c< *
succeed Mr. Wf.bstkr, and Mr. Ewing 11
Mr. Corwin's place in the U. S. Senate-
' - * tfgU*
irrThc Directors ofthc Alabama amt
nessce River Railroad have called for * db' l
of five per cent, on the stock, in order to
der immediate contract, over one hired re
of the rond.
