The Southern tribune. (Macon, Ga.) 1850-1851, August 03, 1850, Image 2

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SOUTHERN TRIBUNE. PUBLISHED WEEKLY, BY WM. H « HAKHISOIV. WM. B. HARRISON, } and > Editors. WM. S. LAWTON, > '. .’VHMMMHMHMHnMMneaVIUMM [t OR THE SOUTHERN TRIBUNE.] . to Rev. P. A. Sirobol. Notasulga, Ala., July 23, 1850. Dear Sir —ln your communion ion to tiie "Southern Tribune,” over ilate of July 16th, to correct what you suppose an error in me, you evidently attach much more importance to the matter than I do. If you will re-examine the discussion be tween Dr. Pierce and myself, you cannot fail to see that I did not mention Dr. Tho luck’s views as a proof of my own. Hence the very next words to those you quote, are these— “ But this only in passing.” — So you perceive it was merely a passing remark. But you say you know not upon what authority my assertion is made.— You shall have it, and dispose of it the best way you can. My authority for say ing what I did, is Professor Sears, an or thodox gentleman, who studied two years in Germany ; six months of the time with Dr. Tholuck. I have neither time nor space, however, to array all that Professor Scars says; but I exhibit the following conversation between Tholuck and Sears. "One evening at his house,” says Mr. S., "there was a debate between us on the subject, (of Universalism,) in the presence of two American gentlemen now in this country.” It made such a painful impres sion on the mind of the writer, that he can remember not only the ideas, but many of the identical words and phrases employed at that lime. The following is the sub stance of that conversation which was held in English : Tholuck —l suppose that my American brethren would consider me orthodox in general, except in my Universalism. Sears —They would most certainly.— But with them that point would be a seri ous matter. With this sentiment you could nos hold a standing in our orthodox church es. Now, where did you find this doctrine —in the Bible, flr in your philosophy ? Tholuck —ln both. Scars— What are the passages of Scrip ture on which you principally rely 1 Tholuck —My main passage is 1 Cor. xv. 28: "Christ shall overcome all, and bring them in complete subjection to God, who to all men will be their all, their eve rything.” Such language cannot well be applied to those who shall still remain his enemies. Also, Rom. xi. 36 : “ For out of Him, and through Him, and into Him are all things,” i. e., all things proceed cut of Him as their source of being ; by Him they are conducted to their proper destina tion, and into Him they all return, as their eternal resting place. It follows, of course, that they will all be happy ; for happiness consists in being in God.” This is not all, nor half the conversa tion. You see, Mr. Strobel, that my incidental remark is amply sustained. * * * * Respectfully, C. F. It. SHEIIANE. Mr. Clay and Mr. Barnwell!. We copy the following passages fiom the speech of Mr. Clay recently delivered in the United States Senate, on the Texas boundary question,—together with the re ply of Mr. Barnwell, ofS. C. We have made these extracts to shew who is the •‘traitor” to the South, he who would main tain her lights and honor as Mr. Rhrtt purposes to do—or he, who, as Mr. Clay, would not only basely surrender them to our oppressors, but invoke the 1 sword to enforce it. Reader judge between them. Mr. Clay—l am not going to magnify the power of Texas. lam not going to magnify the power of any single State. It is with infinite regret, with profound sor row and surprise, that I hear individual States talking as they occasionally do.— Why, sir, it was only the other day that a member, returned from the Nashville Con vention, addressed, we are told, the peo ple of Charleston, S. C. I do not know which most to admire, the gravity and pos sible consequences which may ensue from carrying nut the views of the delegates to the Nashville Convention, or the ridicu lous scenes which occurred during the course of the public meeting. He was applauded most enthusiastically—as I learn from the public papers, and as I learn also from a creditable gentleman who w'as pre sent at tl»e meeting—when he declared that, if the South did not join herself to this standard of rebellion, South Carolina would herself raise it, and fight this Union singly and alone. Yes, said a gentleman in the audience, in a fit of most patriotic enthusiasm, and if South Carolina does not do it, I, with my strong aim and my In f purse, will fight tire Union invsrlf. Mr. President, 1 have w> patience for ' hearing this bravado, come from what source it may. At the same time, I am not disposed to undervalue its importance as one of many contemporaneousevents. Mr. Barnwell — It is not my intention i *o reply to the argument of the Senate? | from Kentucky ; but there were expres sions used by him not a little disrespectful to a friend whom I hold very dear, and t<- the State which I in part represent, which seem to me to require some notice. I be lieve, sir, that character does not depend upon words ; it does not live in eulogy ; it is not to be destroyed by obloquy, it rests upon a higher and more stable foun dation—upon intelligence, honesty, disin terestedness, accompanied with the mani fested determination to exercise these high qualities in the best mode for the best ends. To this test I am willing to bring the char acter of my friend—one with whom my friendship, commencing almost with the cradle, and strengthening through life, will, I doubt not, terminate only with the grave. Ido not intend to pronounce his eulogy. It is well for us both that he is no unknown man ; nor is lie, in this assembly or in the other house, without many who know and appreciate him. lam very wil ling to intrust the defence of his character to the judgment of all who ktjow him. It is true that his political opinions differ very widely from those of the Senator from Ken tucky. It may be true that he, with many great statesmen, may believe that the Wilmot Proviso is a grievance to be re sisted “to the utmost extremity,” by those whose rights it destroys and whose honor it degrades. It is true that he may be lieve—and lie will not be very singular in the opiuion, especially among those who have heard and may read the able and tii umpbant argument of tbe distinguished Senator of Georgia—that the admission of California will be the passing of the Wil mot Proviso, when we here in Congress give vitality to an act otherwise totally dead and by our legislation, exclude slavehold ers from that whole broad territory on the Pacific; an I, entertaining this opinion, be may have declared that the contingency will then have occurred which will, in the judgment of most oftbe slaveholdingStates as expressed by their resolutions, justify resistance as to an intolerable aggression. If be does entertain and has expressed such sentiments, lie is not to be held up as peculiarly a disuriionists. Allow mo to say, in reference to this matter, I regret that you have brought it -about; but it is true that this epithet “disunionist” is like ly soon to have very little terror in it at tiie South. Words do not make things.— Rebel was designed as a very odious term when applied by those who would have trampled upon the rights of our ancestors, but I believe that the expression became not an ungrateful one to the ears of those who resisted them. It was not the lowest term of abuse to call them, who were con scious that they were struggling against oppression ; and let me assure gentlemen that the disunionist is rapidly assuming at the South the meaning which rebel took when it was baptized in the blood of War* t en at Bunker’s Hill, and illustrated by the gallantry of Jasper at Fort Moulttie. As to the State of South Carolina, I do not, as I need not, defend her by words.— I have said that the character of an indi vidual does not live in words or die from obloquy. Much more strongly may this be said of a State. South Carolina has a histo:y for the past and a character for the present. To that history and that charac ter lam perfectly willing ro leave her to repel any reproach which may be attempt ed to be cast upon her. Allow me to say, in this connection, that whilst I listened a few days since, with a high admiration to the eloquent elogium which the Senator from Massachusetts, now no longer in his place, pronounced upon his own State— whilst I freely accord to her the honor which he attributed, it did not seem to me, sir, that he had selected the highest attri bute of her character as the subject of his eulogium. He spoke of her attachment to this Union as the highest subject of his commendation, but he had previously and very pointedly alluded to motives, not ad dressed to’ho most honorable sentiments of mankind, which might justly render this Union very dear to her. Sir, I prefer to honor Massachusetts for the devotion to which in times past she has exhibited for freedom, and which I doubt not still ani mates her, because I believe that, as in former days, she justified the proud mo’to with which she emblazoned herescutcheon. So should any in future lime invade her rights, or disturb her peaceful liberty, she would again, with the sword, maintain the heritage sought and gained by it. Totliis criterion l willingly commit my native [Slate; by this standard do I desire l lint Mw may 1,.- -vci judged Small she mav be, and weak in numbers; but it is not by tbe extent of territory, or the number of inhabitants, that a State is to be measured; rather by tbe spirit ofbs people —a spirit which prepares them, in the main'enance of their liberty, to live with her or die for her. I will not speak of my devotion to South Carolina: “I would rather be beloved on trust for what I feel Than prove it in her griefs, which might no| yield to any care of mine.” But this I may claim, in common with all her sons—in the hour of her peril to be found at her side, to sustain or to perish with her. Mr. Clay —Mr. President, I said no thing with respect to the character of Mr. Rhett, for I might as well name him. I know him personally, and have some res pect for him. But if he pronounced the sentiment attributed to him of raising the standard of disunion and of resistance to the common government, whatever he has been, if he follows up the declaration by corresponding overt acts, he will be a trai tor, and I hope ho will meet the fate of a traitor. [Great applause in the galleries, with difficulty suppressed by the Chair.] The President—The Chair will be un der the necessity of ordering the gallery to be cleai ed, if there is again tbe slightest interruption. He has once already given warning that he is under the necessity «f keeping order. The Senate chamber is not a theatre. Mr. Olay —Mr. President, I have heard with pain and regret a confirmation of the remark 1 made, that the sentiment of dis union is becoming familiar. I hope it is confined to South Carolina. Ido not re gard as my duty what the honorable Sen tor seems to legat'd as his. If Kentucky tomorrow unfurls the banner of resistance unjustly, I never will fight under that ban ner. I owe a paramount allegiance to the whole Union—a subordinate one to my own State. When my State is right— when it has a cause for resistance—when tyranny, and wrong, and oppression insuf ferable arise—l then will share her for. tunes ; hut if she summons me to the liat tie-field, or to support her in any cause which is unjust against the Union, never, never will 1 engage with her in such a cause. With regard to South Carolina, and the spirit of her people, I have said nothing. 1 have a respect for her ; hut I must say, with entire truth, that my respect for her is that inspired for her ancient and revolu tionary character, and not so much for her m .deni character. But spiffed as she is, spirited as she may suppose herself to be, competent as she may think herself to wield hersepara e power against the pow er of this Union, I will tell her, and I will tell the Senator himself, that there are as brave, as dauntless, as gallant men and a devoted patriots, in tnv opinion, in every I other State in the Union as are to be found in South Carolina herself; and if, in any unjust cause, South Carolina or any other State should hoist the flag of disunion and rebellion, thousands, tens of thousands of Kentuckians would flock to the standard of their country to dissipate and repress their rebellion. These are my sentiments —make the most of them. Mr Barnwell — l do not know that 1 have anything to say exactly in reply to the Senator fiom Kentucky, except that, when he uses such'language as “traitors’* and ‘‘their doom,” he compels me to re mind him “ that there are two ends to a rope ; and when the Senator comes to tho condemnation of “tiaitors,” it may prove that they are the true men. With respect to the threats of the Senator from Kentucky, if history speaks truly, there was a certain Biitish officer once who promised, with a regiment of soldiers, to drive the rebels from one end of the conti nent to the other. I need not say the per formance hardly equalled the promise.— But 1 made, I make no threats ; I insti tute no comparisons. Far be it from row to detract from the fidelity or the gallantry of the people of any of the Status of this Union. 1 should do great injustice to my own convictions, were Ito do so. With respect to the justice of the cause uphold by South Carolina, the Senator has not now to learn that she is sustained in her judgment by the recorded opinions of the numerous States who made common cause with the State of Virginia, in her assertion of their rights. And shall any State, how ever feeble, subject herself to ruinous and unjust domination, from apprehension that tyranny might prove too strong far her— that the armed heel of the oppressor might trample out the life which he only design ed to make degraded and miserable ?* I trust not, sir; and I contend only for the duty and the light of asserting justice, even at the hazard of ssfotv. Slave Labor in the Territories. Hocsi: of Representatives, I Jane 1, 1350. ) Dear Sir —ln aspeech deliveredby you, in the House of Representatives in March last, I understood you tosay that you had j been in the valley of the Great Salt Lake, and that you wereacquainted,fromperson* | al observation with a large part of the teri tory of California. Will you be so good as to give me your opinion, and the rea sons for entertaining it, of probability or improbability of the introduction of slave labor in o any part of the territory recent ly acquired by the United States from Mexico ; provided such introduction be not prohibited by law ? I wish to obtain your opinion in regard to other kinds of labor, as well as agricul tural; because, as it seems to me, a most unwarrantable, if not a most disingenuous attempt has been made, to lead the public to believe that no form of slave labor will ever be introduced there, because, proba bly, it may not be introduced for agricultu ral purposes. A reply at your earliest convenience, will much oblige, yours, very truly, HORACE MANN. Hon. S. R. Thurston, Delegate from Oregon. Washington, June 10, 1850. I received a note from you some days ago, making certain inquiries, but which, up to this time, 1 have been unable to an swer. I desire to take no part in the ques tion now dividing the country ; but as you have asked rny judgment upon a matter which appears to be a disputed point,! can not, consistently with the law of courtesy, refuse you an answer. That answer will be in conformity with what I have fre quently said, heretofore, in private con versation with gentlemen on this sub ject. The point ofinquiiy seems tobe.vvheth er slave labor could be profitably employ, ed in Oregon, California, Utah and New Mexico. If the nature of the climate and resources of these countries are such ns o furnish a profitable market for slave labor, it appears to be conceded, on all sibes, tnat it would be introduced, if left free to seek profitable investment, like other capital- The whole point at issue, then, is depen dent,as it is conceived, upon the determin ation of the first point of inquiry. Hence to that point, only, it is necessary for me to confine my answer. I need not remind you of the law ro gulatingthe investment of capital. It will always go where,under all circumstances it will yield the greatest return to the owner. Upon this principle I am very clarly convinced, that slave labor if unres tricted, could be employed in Oregon, with at least double the profit to the owner of the slave that it now yields to the owner in any Stato in the Union. lam uninform ed as to the usual price of slave labor in the States, but the ; rice paid to Indians in Ore g> » during the past year, for labor, has tanged from two t three dollars per day. Domestic negro servants whether male or female, who undetstand the business of house-work would command, readily five or six hundred dollars a year. 1 recollect that there was a mulatto man on board the vessel in which I took passagefromOregon to 51anFrancisco.who was paid one hundred and eighty dollars per month for his servi ces as cook. I will not stop to particularize further, in regard to the inducements Ore gon would offer to unrestricted slave labor but will simply add,that a very large num ber of slaves might now be employed in Oregon at annual wages sufficiently large to purchase their freedom. I think,there fore, that the point is settled so far as Ore gon is concerned ; and that slave labor, if it had been left free to seek profitable em ployment, would readily find its way to that Territory. As to California, I am equally clear.— Califo nia will always be a mining country and wages will range high. At present slave labor in California would he more profitable than in Oregon. And I have al ways been of the opinion, that wherever there is a mining country ; if not in a cli mate uncongenial to slave labor that spe cies of labor would be profitable. That it would be iu the California mines is evident. A good, able bodied slave, would have commanded iu California, during the past year, from eight to ten hundred dollars per annum. When it is recollceted that one hundred dpllais per annum, upon an average, is considered a good compensa tion for their labor in the Southern States, it is idle, in my judgment, to contend that slaves would not be carried to the Califor nia market, if protected by law. The greatest impediment which white labor has to encounier in ther mines, is the | intensity of the heat and the general prev ! alwtjce of bilious disease. The one is I utmost iu'uffi'pib'e, while the o'her is pcs tilential. Against both of these the negro is almost proof. Now, while white labor is high, it is evident that no one can hire a white laborer, except at a rate that would consume his profit. Not sowith negro la bor. That species of labor might be oh tained for half the amount which you would have to pay for white labor. The re sult will be a profit alike to the hirer and seller of slave labor. There is no donht, in myjudgment, that almost any number of slaves might be hired out in California, were they willing to allow it,at from eight to ten hundred dollats a year. This paysso much above what their services command in the States, as to satisfy anyone that could this species of service be protected in Cal. ifornia.it would rush to the Pacific in almost any quantity. Let us turn our attention to Utah and New Mexico. I have no doubt, from what knowledge I have of those countries, that they will ti n out to be filled with the i idlest mines. I clip the following from a recent paper containing the news from Texas and Chihuahua : “Mr. James was informed, by Major Neighbours and Mr. Lee Vining, that they had been shown by Major Stein, some gold washed out by his troops, on the Gila river, in a short excursion to that stream. “It is reported that, at the copper mines above El Paso, there are about 100 tons of puro copper lying upon the ground. This had been got out by Mexicons, and aban doned wben attackey by Indians. “There are at El Paso, in the hands of different persons, several large amounts of silver ore, taken from the mines in that neighborhood. With guaranties of titles to lands, and protection from Indians only a short time would elapse before all these mines would be well worked, and we would have large quantities of metal seek ing a market through ibis place.” And if you consult Frem >nt’s map, prin ted by older of the Senate in lS4B,\ou will find, near the source of one of the branch es of the Gila River, “copper and gold mines” laid down. And if 1 am no* greatly mistaken, it will turn out that the Mor mens are in possession of the richest kind of mines, east of Sierra Nevada. It is known, too, that silver and copper mines have, for years, been worked in New Mexico, and I am informed by Hugh N. Smith, Esq. that there are irithat territory gold, silver, copper, lead, and zinc mines of the richest quality, and that the reason why they have not latterly been worked min e extensively is that it is prevented by the incursions of the Indians. He is of the opinion, and he is borne out by what history wo can get on the subject, that when these mines shall come to be ex plored, their wealth will turn out tube enormous. When you have once cast your eyo over hat country lying West of the Rocky Mountains and East of the Siena Nevada, ami are informed of the peculiarity of the go'd bearing region, you at once become convinced that the United States is in pos sesion of mineral wealth so vast that ages will not be able to measure its extent.— And when these mines shall begin to be de veloped, and their unquestionable richness set that way, attended with the usual con sequences : high prices and a demand for labor. If slave labor is like other capital, it will go where its best paid,then we have a right to say it will seek these mines and become a part of the producing capital of the country where those mines are iocated. That these whole regions are filled with rich mines, is little less than certain, and can be profitably worked by slave labor is sure. Hence, were Ia Southern man my property invested in slaves, I should consider the markets in New Mexico, Utah, and California, for slave labor, worthy of an honorable contest to secure. I am sir, with due consideration, yours, truly, SAMUEL R. THURSTON. Hon. Horace Mann. Meeting in Scrivcn County. Pursuant to notice, a meeting of the citizens of Scriven and the adjoining coun ties, without distinction of party, was held at Station No. 6, Central Railroad, on the 27th ult. John Cameron, Esq., was ap pointed Chairman, Messrs. Peter Rogers. Willis Young and dames Young, Sen., Vice Presidents, and Messrs. John B. Washington and Ed w’d Jones,Secretaries. The Chairman explained the object of the meeting, and on motion appointed a com mittee of thirteen to draft resolutions for the consideration of the meeting, who re tired and after ashoit time reported the following, which were unanimously a dopted, viz : Resolved, That we give our hearty ap proval to the platform established by the Nashville Convention, and will maintain its enactments with the Southern States to the last extremity. Resolved, That should wo accept the “Missouri Compromise,” we do so purely as a peace-offering, and we would only accept it, with it distinctly and plainly un . derstood, that slavery might go to every inch South of it; and that the South ought not to accept any line South of the Mj g . souri line. That this Union is ahead dissolved, when it once fails to protect the rights of one section from the encroach ments and robberies of another, it ought to be dissolved. Resolved , That the Committee of Thir teen’s Compromise, and the President's plan, are the offspring of infamy, and their offer to us is an insult upon the generosity and forbeatance of the South. Resolved, That we pledge ourselves, in conjunction with our Southern sister States to maintain the sovereignty of the South or perish beneath her ruins. Resolved, That our immediate Repre sentative in Congress, J. W. Jackson, de serves the praise of all parties, for his able, faithful jtnd unflinching zeal in the main tainance of nur righ’s. Resolved, That we condemn the conduct of the Government in its late instructions to Col. Monro, to wrest a part of Texas from her, and then maintain it at thepoini of the Federal bayonets. R< solved, That we entirely concur in the action contemplated by Texas to main tain her tights, at every hazard and to the last extremity. Resolved, That we will not stand silent ly by, with folded arms, and see one of our sister States despoiled of her rights, and if a decision of right is to be tested in powder and ball, instinct will point our position in the lines of Texas. MACON, G A SATUDRAY AFTERNOON, AUGUST 3. THE MASS MEETING IN MACON. We direct attention to the call for the Mass Meeting to take place in the city of Macon, on THURSDAY, AUGUST 22, 1350, signed by a respectable portion of our citizens, which ap. pears in another column. It is very generally understood that Macon is the most eligible point by far, for the gathering of the thousands in this State, opposed to the projected sale of the South, now being arranged by the Senate. The reasons for preferring Macon to Atlanta are so obvious and unquestionable that no one will doubt the propriety of the designation of Macon. At this time there are vacant houses in a state of erec lion and warehouse sheds lierp sufficient for t/ic comfortable bousing of fifty thousand men. As ample accommodation as this no one pretends to believe can be had in Atlanta. That city could not afford shelter for half the number. We have been assured by gentlemen well acquaint ed with the feelings of the citizens of Cherokee Georgia, that no serious objection is entertained to this point as the place of assembling, and that a large delegation will be prompt to lepresent that patriotic portion of our Statu in the Meeting at Macon. \Ve appeal to the friends ofSouthern rights— and to those men who, bating usurpation and unwarranted interference with Wale Rights, arc indeed the only true conservators ofthis Union, to forget for once the pressing and selfish cares of the daily routine of home, and muster such a host as shall satisfy the timid, doubting or disaf fected that the tiling is settled for good in Gcor. gia. Nerve, nerve is all that is wanting. No handling of the nettle ns if we feared its sting, is to be allowed. We act safest for this Union— truest to our enemies as to ourselves, when rve teach all concerned that trifling is to stop, and when the line is toed that the hot work is to be gin. Trifling, concession, &c , a putting off to a distant day the stern resistance, has brought us to what we. are at. Then Georgians rally, and in such style that the North will believe—Give them the alterna tive offair dealing and justice, or the bargain that Abraham made witli Lot. Important from Washington—We learn by a despatch to the Telegraph, the following— “ Washington, July 31. The Omnibus Bill was shattered into frag ments in the Senate to-day. Everything struck out but the provision making Territorial Gov ernment for Utah, which was engrossed by yeas 31, nays 18—only two Southern Senators Beu. and Pearce, voting in the negative. Glory enough for ono day.” (UFTIio Tallahassee Sentinel states that a petition has been sent to the Postmaster General for a daily mail line between that city and this. ffjT’ We insect so much of Mr. Shkhakk s let ter to Mr. Strobel, as explains bis authority l° r citing Dr. Tholcck as being in favor of Univer salism—and omit that part which seems 1° ,n vite further discussion; which so far as the 1" btinc is concerned, cannot be ndmi’ted, as " e doubt not its readers will judge ofßiblo doctrine* for themselves. Just in Time.—A splendid new I’asscngf Car passed our office on Thursday, to bo plarcJ on the Macon & Western Railroad. It a PP e3r ed larger than usual and of fine workmanship-' and we advise those going to Atlanta, to tl |l! State Agricultural Fair on the 15th inst. ( or thos*- enming from that section to the great Mw* Meeting in this city on the 22d instant, to g 1 it a trial. Latest from Europe. —The Canada In' 6 ar rivad with Liverpool dates to tho 20th “k- The market had advanced from the 13lli 10 20th from Jib to |d. —Fair Orleans 88<1. gales for tho week amounted to 110,000 b- 1 of which speculators took r. 2,000, nnd la. for export. The market closed quiet. (O'B- C. Wirmrnor has been #pptMid c< * succeed Mr. Wf.bstkr, and Mr. Ewing 11 Mr. Corwin's place in the U. S. Senate- ' - * tfgU* irrThc Directors ofthc Alabama amt nessce River Railroad have called for * db' l of five per cent, on the stock, in order to der immediate contract, over one hired re of the rond.