Newspaper Page Text
SOUTHERN TRIBUNE.
rfMHatt v. tikit, *r
Wln . B. B AP.RI SO N ,
WM B. HARRISON, i
asd 5 Editors.
WM. 3. LAWTON, >
MESSAGE OP THE PRESIDENT,
On tike Tem« Boundary Qnettiob.
To the Senate and House of Representatives
1 herewith transmit to the two Houses
of Congross, a letter from his Excellency
the Governor of Texas, ilated on the 14th
day of June last, addressed to the late
President of the United States, which, not
having been answered by him, came into
roy bauds on his death; and I also trans
mit a copy of the answer which 1 felt it to
be my duty to cause to be made to that
communication.
Congress will percieve that the Govern
or of Texas officially slates, that by author,
ity of the Legislature of that Stete, he
despatched a special Commissioner, with
full power and instructions to extend the
civil jurisdiction of the State over the or
ganized coun'ies ofElPasso, Wo th, Pre
sido, and Santa Fe, situated on its north
western limits.
He proceeds to say that the Commis
sioner had reported to him, in an official
form, that the military officers employed
in the service of the United States, sta
tioned at Santa Fe, interposed adversely,
with the inhabitants, to the fulfilment of
his object, in favor of the establishment of
a separate State government, east of the
Rio Grande, and within the rightful limits
of the State of Texas. These four coun
ties which Texas proposes to establish
and organize, as being within her own ju
risdiction extend over the whole of the
territory east of the Rio Grande, which
has here ofore been regarded as an essen
tial and integral pat t of the Department
of New Mexico, and actually governed
and possessed by her people, until con
quered and severed from the Republic of
Mexico by the American arms.
The Legislature of Texas has been
called together by the Governor, for the
purpose, a3 is understood, of maintaining
her claim to the territory cast of the Rio
Grande, and of establishing over it her
own jurisdiction and her own laws by
force.
These proceedings of Texas may well
arrest the attention of all brauches of the
Government of the United States, and I
rejoice that they occur while Congress is
yet in session. It is, I fear, far from be
ing improbable that, in consequence of
those proceedings of Texas, a ctisis may
bo brought on which shall summon the
two Huuses of Congress— and still more
emphaiicully the ExecutiveGoverument
to an immediate readiness for the perform
ance of their respective duties.
Dythe Constitution oftheUuited States,
the President is c nstituted commander
in chief of the army and navy, and of the
millitia of the several States, w hen called
into the actual service of the United States.
Ihe Constitution declares, also, that he
shall take care that the laws be faithfully
executed, and that he shall, from time to
time, give the Congress information of the
state of the Union.
Congress has power by the Constitution,
to provide tor calling forth the militia to
execute the laws of the Union; and suit
able and appropriate acts of Congress
have been passed, as well for the Provid
ing for calling out the militia,aß for placing
other suitable and efficient means in the
hands of the President, to enable him to
discharge the constitutional functions of
hia-office.
fho second section of the act of the
twenty-eighth of February, seventeen
hundred and ninety-five, declares, that
whenever the laws of the United States
shall be opposed, or their execution ob
structed, in any State, by combinations too
powerful to be suppressed by the otdina.
ry course of judicial proceedings, or the
power vested in the marshals, the Presi
dent may ._•»!! forth the militia, so fat as
may be necessary, to such comidnations,
and to causo the laws to bo duly execu
ted.
By the act3 of March 3, 1607, it is pro- j
vided in all cases of obstruction to the
laws, either of the United States or any
individual State or Territory, where it is
lawful for the President to call forth the
militia for the purpose of causing the laws
to be duly executed, it shall be lawful for
him to employ, for the same purposes,
waeh part of the land or naval force of the
Huited States as shall bejudged necessary.
These several enactments are now in
full force ; so that if the laws of the Uni
ted States are opposed or obstructed, in
w any State or Territory, by combi
nations too powerful to be suppressed by
the judicial or civil authorities, it becomes
« case in which it is the duty of the Presi
dent, either to call out the militia or to
employ military and naval force of the
United Staets, or to do both, if in bis judg
ment the exigency of the occasion shall so
require for the purpose of suppressing
such combination.
The Constitutional duty of the Presi.
dent is plain and peremptory; and the
authori’y vested in him by law, for its per
formance, clear and ample.
Texas is a State authorized to maintain
her own laws, so far as they are not re
pugnant to the Constitution, laws and trea
ties of the United States ; to suppress in
surrections against her authoriiy, and to
punish those who may commit treason
against the State according to the forms
provided by her own constitution and her
own laws.
But all this power is local, and confin
ed entirely within the limits of Texas her
self. She can possibly confer no authori
ty which can be lawfully exercised beyond
her own boundaries.
All this is plain, and hardly needs argu
ment or elucidation. If Texan militia,
therefore, march into any one of the other
States, or into any Territory of the Uni
ted States, there to execute or enforce any
law of Texas, they become at that mo
ment trespassers; they are no longer the
protection of any lawful authority, and
are to be regarded merely as intruders ;
and if within such State or Territory they
obstruct any law of the United States,
either by power of arms or mere power
of numbers, constituting such a combina
tion as is too powerful to be supprssed by
by the civil authority, the President of the
United States has no option left to him,
but is bound to obey the solemn injunction
of the Constituton, and exercise the high
powers vested in him by that instrument
and by the acts of Congress.
Or, if any civil posse, armed or unarmed,
enter into any Territory of the United
States, under the ptoiection of any laws
thereof with intent to seize individuals
to bo carried elswheru for trial for al
ledged offences, and this yrojse be too pow
erful to be resisted by the local and civil
authorities, such seizure or attempt to
seize is to be prevented or resisted by the !
authority of the United Stales.
The grave and important question now
arrises, whether there be in the Territory
of Now Mexico any existing law of the
United States, opposition to which, or the
obstruction of which, would constitute a
case calling for the interposition of the
authority vested in the President.
The Constitution of the United States
declaies that ‘‘this Constitution and the
laws of the United States, which shall be
made in pursuance thereof, and all the
treaties made, or which shall be made un.
dor the authority of the United States,
shall be the supreme law of the land.”—
If, therefore, New Mexico be a Territo
ry of the United States, and if any treaty
stipulation be in force therein, such treaty
stipulation is the supreme law of the land,
and is to be maintained and upheld accord
ingly.
In the letter to the Governor of Texas,
my reasous are given for believing that
New Mexico is now a Territory of the
United States, with the same extent and
the same boundaries which belonged to it,
while in the actual possession of the Re
public of Mexico, and before the late war.
In the early part of that war, both Cali
fornia and New Mexico were conquered
by the arms of the United States, and
were in the military possession of the Uni
ted States at the date of the treaty of
peace.
By that treaty the title by conquest was
confirmed, and these territories, provin
ces, or departments, separated from Mexi
co forever; and by the same treaty certain
important rights and securities were so
lemnly guarantied to the inhabitants tesi
ding therein.
By the fifth article of the treaty it is de
clared that
"The boundary line between the two
Republics shall commence on the Gulf cf
Mexico, three leagues from the land oppo
site the mouth of the Rio Grande ; other,
wise called the Rio Bravo del Norte, or
opposite the mouth of its deepest branch
if it bhould have than one branch
emptying directly into the sea; from
thence up the middle of that river, follow
ing the deepest channel where it has more
than one, to the point where it strikes the
southern boundary of New Mexico; thence
westward'y along the whole southern
boundary of New Mexico, (which runs
north of the town called Paso,) to its west
ern termination ; thence northward along
the western line of New Mexico, until it
intersects the first branch of the River Gi
la, (or if it should not intersect any branch
of that river, then to the point on the said
line nearest to such branch, and thence in
a direct line to the same;) thence down
the middle of the said branch and of the
said river, until it empties into the Rio
Colorado; thence across the Rio Colora
do, following the division line between
Upper and Lower California to the Pacific
ocean.”
The eighth article of the treaty is in
the f dlowing terms :
"Mexicans now established in the Ter
ritories previously belonging to Mexico,
and which remain f«r the future within
the limits of the United States, as defined
by the present treaty, shall be free to con
tinue where they now reside, or to re
move at any time to the Mexican Repub
lic, retaining the property which they pos
sess, in the said Tenitories, disposing
thereof, and removing the proceeds
wherever they please, without their being
subjected, on this acoount, to any contri
bution, tax, or charge whatever.
"Those who shall prefer to remain in
the said Territories may either retain the
title of Mexican citizens or acquire those
of citizens of the United States. But
they shall be under the obligation tomake
their election within one year from the
date of the exchange of ratifications of
this treaty; and those who shall remain in
the said Territories after the expiration of
that year, without having declared their
intention to retain the chtracter Mexicans,
shall be considered to have elected to be
come citizens of the United States.
“In the said Territories property of ev
ery kind now belonging to Mexicans not
established there, shall be inviolably re
spected. The present owners, the heirs
of these, and all Mexicans who may here
after acquire said propery by contract,
shall enjoy, with respect to it, guaranties
equally ample as if the sane belonged to
citizens of the United Staes.
rne ninth article of the treaty is in these
words:
"The Mexicans who, in the Teritory
aforesaid, shall not presene the character
of citizens of the Mexican Republic, con
formably with what is s ipulated in the
preceding article, shall be incorporated
into the Union of the Uni’ed Slates and
he admitted at proper time (*r> be judged
of by the Congress of the United States,)
to the enjoyment of all the rights of citi
zens of the United Stares, according to
the principles of the Constitution ; and in
the meantime shall bo maintained and
protected in the free enjoyment of their
liberty and property, and secured in the
free exercise of their religion, without re
striction.”
It is plain, therefore, on the face of those
treaty stipulations,that all Mexicans estab-
lished in territories north or east of the
line of demarkation already mentioned,
c <me within the protection, of the ninth
article; and that treaty, being a part of
the supreme law of the land, does extend
over all Mexicans, and assures to them
perfect security in the free enjoyment of
theii liberty and property, as well as is in
the free exercise of their religion; and
this supreme law of the land being
thus in actual force over this territory,
is to be maintained until it shall be
displaced by other legal provisions; and
if it be obstructed or resisted by combi
nations too powerful to be suppressed by
the civil authority, the case is one which
comes within the provision of the law, and
which obligoa the President to enforce
these provision. Neither the constitution
nor the laws, nor my duty, nor my oath
of office, leave me any alternative, or any
choice in my mode of action.
Iho Executive Government of the
United States has no power or authority
to determine what was the true line of
boundary between Mexico and the United
States before the treaty of Guadaloupe
Hidalgo, nor lias it any such power now,
since the question has become a question
between the States of Texas and the Uni
ted States. So far as this boundary is
doubtful, that doubt can only be removed
by some act of Congress, to which the as
sent of the State of Texas may be neces
sary, or by some appropriate mode of le
gal adjudication ; but in the meantime, if
disturdances or collisions arise or should
be threatened, it is absolutely incumbent
on the Executive Government, however
painful the duty, to take care that the laws
he faithfully maintained ; and he can re
gard only the actual 6taie of things as it
existed at the date of the treaty, and is
bound to protect all the inhabitants who
wete then established, and who now re
main north and east of the line of demar
cation, in the full enjoyment of their lib
erty and property according to the provi
sions of the Bth article of the treaty; and
in other words, all must be now regard,
ed as New Mexico w hich was possessed
and occupied as New Mexico by citizens
of Mexico at the date of the treaty, until
a definite line of boundary shall be estab
lished by competent authority. This as
sertion “f duty to protect the people of
New Mexico from threatened violence or
from seizure, to be carried into Texas
for trial for alleged offences against Texan
laws, does not at all exclude any claim of
j power on the part of the Executive to es
tablish any civil or military government
within that Territory. That power belongs
exclusively to the legislative department,
and Congress is the sole judge of the time
and manner of creating and authorising
any such governments.
The duty of the Executive extendsonly
to the execution of laws and the mainte
nance of treaties actually in force, and the
protection of the rights which those trea
ties and laws guarantee.
It is exceedingly desirable that nooccaaion
should arise for the exercise of the powers
thus vested in the President by the Con
stitution and the laws. With whatever
mildness those powers might beexecuted,
or however clear the case ofnecessity, yet
consqtiences might nevertheless follow, of
which no human sagacity can foresee ei
ther the evils or the end.
Having thus laid before Congress the
communication of his Excellency the Go
vernor of Texas, and the answer thereto
and having made such observations as I
have tho’t the occasion called for respecting
constitutional obligations which may arise
in the further progress of things, and may
devolve on me to be performed, I hope I
shall not be regarded as stepping aside from
the line of my duty, notwithstanding lam
aware that the subject is now before
both Heuses, if I express my deep and
earnest conviction of the importance of an
immediate decision, or arrangement, or
settlement of the question of boundary
between Texas and the territory of New
Mexico. All considerations of justice,
general expediency, and domestic Iran,
quilty call for this. It seems to be, in its
character and by position, the first, or one
of the first, of the questions growing out
of the acquisition of California and New
Mexico, and now requiring decision.
No government can be establshed for
New Mexico, either State or Territory,
until it shall be first asertuined what New
Mexico is, and what are her limits and
boundaries. These cannot be fixed or
known, till the line of division between
her andTexas shall be ascertained and
established—and numerous and weighty
reasons conspire, in my judgment, to show
that divisional line should be established
by Congress, with the assent of the govern
ment of Texas. In the first place, this
seems by far the most prompt mode of pro
ceeding, by which the end can be accomp
lished. lfjudical proceedings were resor
ted to,such proceedings would necessarily
be slow and years would pass by, in all
probability, before the controversy could
be ended. So great a delay, in this case,
is to be avoided if possible. Such delay
would be every way inconvenient, and
might be the occasion of disturbances and
collisions. For the reason, I would, with
the utmsot deference to the wisdom of
Congress, express a doubt of the expe
diency of the appointment of commission
ers, and of an examination, estimate, and
an award of indemnity to be made by
them. This would be but a species of
arbitration, which might last as long as a
suit at law.
So far as I am able to comprehend the
case, the general facts are now all known,
and Congress is as capable of deciding on
it, justly and properly now, as it probably
would be after the report of the Cornission
ers. If the claim of title on the part of
Texas appears to Congress to be well
founded, in whole or in part, it is in the
compeiency of Cougress to offer her an
indemnity for the surrender of that claim.
In a case like this, surrounded as it is, by
many cogent considerations, all calling
for an amicable adjustment and immediate
settlement,the Government of the U. States
would be justified, in my opinion, in al
lowing an indemnity to Texas, not unrea
sonable and extravagant, but fair, liberal,
and awarded in a just spirit of accommo
dation.
I think no event would be bailed with
more gratification by the people of the
United States, than the amicable adjust
ment of questions of difficulty, which have
now, for a longtime, agitated the country,
to the exclusion of other subjects, the at
tention of Congres.
Having thus freely communicated the
results of my own reflections, on the most
advisable mode of adjusting the boundary
question, 1 shall, nevertheless, cheerfully
acquiesce in any other mode which the
wisdom of Congress may devise.
And, in conclusion, 1 repeat my conviction,
that every consideration of the public in
terest,manifests the necessity of a provision
byCongress for the settlement of this boun
dary quest ion,before the present session be
brought to a close. The settlement of other
questions connected with the same subject,
willtin the same period, is greatly to be
desired : but the adjustment of this sppears
to me, to be in the highest degree impor
tant. Itt the train of such an adjustment,
; we may well hope that there will follow a
return of harmony and good w ill, an in
creased attachment t<« the Union, and the
general satisfaction of the country.
MILLARD FILLMORE.
Washington, August 6, 1850.
From the Southern Press.
On the 9th of August, on motion of Mr
Bayi.y, the House of Representatives
went into Committee of the Whole on the
state of the Union, Mr. Bcet in the Chair,
when
Mr. Stephens, of Ga., addressed the
House on the President's recent meessage.
Heconceived that paper to beat variance
withthe Constitution, and dangerous to the
rights and liberties of the people. The
Coustiutioii did riot confer on that officor
the powers he had therein assumed.
He (the President) says he is sworn to
excute the laws, and to secure the obser
vance of the Mexican treaty, he is author
ized under the laws of’9s, to use the mili
tary force without act of Congress.
Mr. S. held the contrary of this position,
m toto. He could not call out forces,
except when the execution of an adjudica
tion of a court of justico was opposed.—
The clause in the act of ’95, (from which
Mr. S. quoted) he held,only referred to ca
ses where the judgment of a court was be
ing enforced. It was the businessot'the Ex
ecutive to see to the execution of the nea
ty, according only to the previous action of
Congress directing bow it should be exe
cuted. It was the business of Congress to
declare what were the rights of these Mex
icans under the treaty, whereupon the
President was hound then to see them ac
corded to the inhabitants of this territory
acquired from Mexico. There was no law
defining what were those rights. Could
the President put his hands intothe treas
ury and pay the twelve millions (that obli
gation being equally a part of the treaty,)
without special law of Congress?
When the Treaty (of Ghent,) with Eng
land was ratified, there was no effort on the
part of the President to carry out its pro
visions until after Congress bad passed a
law declaring how it should bo carried into
effect.
Mr. S. argued this point atlength. The
only authority on which he (the President)
had claimed the right to appeal to arms,
was the law of ’95, authorizing him to use
the miiita only, and that, too, in case of
obstruction to thejudgment of courts.
He defied any one to show by what law
the President was authorized to call out the
militia even, except to carry out thejund
ment of a court under a previously enacted
law of Couress.
I he principle for which Mr. S. contend
ed, was older than our Constitution. It
was that of the Mayna Charta —that no
freeman should be molested except by or
for judgment of his peers. This principle
was also incorporated in our Constitution ,
to prove which Mr. Stephens quoted that
instrument. No man could he seized
and tried under the Constitution, ex
cept for violation of a law. Therefore, it
was preposterous to bold that a man could
be rightfully shot down by the military
power of this Government, for doing that
for which he could not be punished, when
arraigned before some legal tribunal of
tins country.
He (the President) could not say that the
jut isdicti 3ti of Texas could not extend up to
Santa Fe, as he had said, without viitually
deciding the boundary dispute.
Mr. Moore inquired whether the annex
ation resolutions did not say that the Gen
eral Government should determine the
boundaries of Texas?
Mr. S. replied in the negative. Had
Mexico not put up the claim for territory
east of the Rio Grande.no power on earth
would have disputed the claim of Texas
to this strip of territory. The only out
standing claim being extinguished, the
claim of any other party against Texas
was preposterous.
Mr. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, held
that the United Slates was the assignee of
Mexico.
Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, denied the
fact, Texas only permitted the United
States to become the umpire between her
self and Mexico, not the assignee of the
latter
The House, by a large majority, in vo
ting that Mexico had spilled American
blood on American soil, had acknowldged
the right of Teyas to the territory in dis
pute. Ho (Mr.S.) had originally denounc
ed this declaration as untrue; but the na
tion had affirmed it. Would Congress
present the shameless front of now de
claring that declaration to have been made
in bad faith ? That would be saying to
the world, that we bad gone to war at a
cost of one hundred and fifty millions, and
thousands of fives, to steal land from
Mexico—such would be the declaration in
this proposed change of front on the part
of Congress.
There was another grave question in
volved in this controversy. This was
whether Congress had the power to pass
a law to coerce a State of this Union.—
He would not discuss question now, how
ever. Jackson had not dared to say that
he would use force against South Carolina
until Congress had expressly authorised
him to do so. He could not say whether
J exas would maintain her jurisdiction
over the disputed territory or not. Were
he a citizen of Texas, he should advocate
the jurisdiction of that State there,to hang
those forcibly combatting that jurisdiction,
and to repel by force, any forcible effort of
the general government to dispute its vali
dity. Whenever the President of the
United States, or bis officers, attempted to
shoot down American citizens without au
thority of law, he, for one, would go to the
rescue.
Mr. S. here drew an analogy between
such advice as he was here giving Texas,
and the course of our fathers in the War
of independence. Ho approved highly
of the conciliatory tone of the message,
but if the government ever nttempt to car
ry out the course for it laid down in that
paper, his voice would be for war, and for
the destruction of theThanged
ted General Government. He was ?'
peace, and for the preservation of t k.
mon. which could only be preserved k'
rightful, constitutional and just letri-| a . : y
He denied the allegation of M«J
°f Pennsylvania, that the South ast a'
special legislation. She had only IT]
co-equality and protection frn m dem.nS
of this character coming constantlv r 2
r'h s -
The South had done as much to arm.;
the territory in dispute as the Northman!
under the laws of nations, (as Mr S “
ted from Vattell to show) she was entE
to enjoy lt w.th as many privileges in t
territory as the North. He would § nev« he
knowledge allegiance for a day to a r raC '
ment which arrayed itself against ih« oVern ‘
and social organization offo* sechoHf*,?
Union. Seven millions of peonle ' the
s.ly conquered, and it would be L well for S'
North to estimate the cost to-dav ns f th ®
It might be that the North woifld r ' m ° rrow
South-that she might ciLn l ,nil C " ( ? qUer ,he
race of grown up Southern cit.zen, bR"'
sons would never come to this ball aga,„ J 0
elate in fraternity with thr North 8 10 M °-
He held that the nmi-alavery sentim™, ,
the North was an unfounded and sickly D h‘ f
bnlhropy . I, waß querulous—quarrelling with
God Alm.ghty and finding fault with Nature
1 lie Negro s akin was as easy to be chamoolT
Ins nature. The Bible said that .he Elliump.'
could not change his skin nor the leonarTh
spots. The next step in the anli-.|, V e™ w
would be to follow the French Revolutioffof
.8. They would attempt to dethrone the Deity
himself. Mr. Mann, of Massachusetts, wlio h
here declaraed that he would rather see war
pestilence and fnmine upon us tlmn slavery ei’
tended one inch, had also held doctrines, ,Vaf
feet, saying lhat if the Scriptures justified slave
ry, then Christianity was a mockeiy.
Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, continuing went on
to show that notone man more would be made
a slave by the extension of the institution thus
and that its diffusion would have the effect 0 f
ameliorating the condition of the slave. And
then he laid before the North the alternative
declaring that the North was at liberty tomake
war on this account if she would, the South
having made up her mind to remain wholly on
the defensive '
M ACON, G A
SATUDRAY AFTERNOON, AUGUST 17
o*We are indebted to the Hon. P. Soul*,
of the Senate, and Messrs. R. Toombs and J. R.
Orr, of the House,for valuable public documents,
for which they will please accept our thanks.
IITWc have been requested to state that the
President of the Macon & Western Railroad has
reduced the fare on that road to one-half the
customary rates for those who wish to attend the
great Mass Meetingin Macon on THURSDAY,
22d inst.; and that the other Railroad Compamel
have been solicited to, and will doubtless do the
same. The departure of the cars will be so ar
ranged as to prevent any delay or disappoint
ment at Atlanta or elsewhere on the route. We
therefore renew the invitation already given to
the People of Georgia to come up to Macon tit
that time, cn masse and enfoule.
The following gentlemen, among others, have
been invited to attend, addresses front many of
whom, may lie expected, viz : Messrs. Bagby,
Berrien, Barnwoli, Butler, Brown, Benning,
J. A. Campbell, Colquitt, Clemens, Crawford,
Gibson, Hammond, Howard, Hunter, Harris,
Iverson, Inge, J. W. Jackson, Johnson, Mortor,
Meade, McDonald, Memntingcr, Moses, Orr,
Porter, Pugh, Rlictt, Soule, Seddon, Strong,
Shorter, Stiles, Troup, Turney, Toombs, Vena
ble, Wallace, Woodward, Yulee and Yancy.
New Cotton.—The first bale of new Cotton
in our market, was received in this city on the
• 2th inst. from the plantation of Mr. I. Davis,
near Oglethorpe in Macon county. It required
a field 0f250 acres to be picked over twice to
obtain the bale which weighed only 285 pounds,
was of “middling fair” quality, and sold at 13
cents per pound. The first bale last year was
received here on the 13th of August, from the
plantation of Mr. J. B. Ross in Houston county.
It was of“good middling" quality, and sold at
IO.J cents.
Late from Europe. —The steamer Pacific
has arrived, bringing Liverpool dates to the 31st
ult. Cotton had advanced from an }d. to jd
since the sailing of the Cambria The sales of
the four days amounted to 47,000 bales, of which
speculators and exporters took 25,000.
The Danish and Holstein question is exciting
general discussion in England. Should the
British trade in the Baltic be interfered with, it
will become the duty of the Eugland to protect
her interests. War has afttually commenced be
tween Denmark and the Duchies, and on the
25th of July the hostile armies met at Adstcd —
the Danes numbering 40,600, and the Holstein
ers 30,000 men. The battle lasted eleven hours
beforo victory decided for the Danes, with the
loss on both sides of 7000 men.
Later Still —The Pacific has arrived bring
ing Liverpool dates to the 3d inst. Cotton hid
again advanced Jd. Fair Orleans is qunted at
Bjd. The saies of the week amount to 119,C0G
bales, of which speculators took 71,000.
(CpThe California Bill passed the Senato on
the 13th inst. by a vote of 34 to 18, and it i* *»'<•
the other measures will be hurried through by
the majority. In view of this, the Southern
members have determined to insist upon the line
0f36 30, being applied to California and the
Territories, and will refuse to rote supplies un
til the North meets them on this ground. That
is right,— let our men adhere to this and they
will certainly got it, or do better.
O’ Mr. Clemens lias introduced s bill i n
the Senate to confer the title of Lieutenant
General upon Major General Winfi*ld Scott,
as a token of the public regard for his distinguiA*
ed services in behalf of the liberties of the coun
try. “Harry of the West" had better keep *
sharp look out, lest “Greek meet Greek.
O’David Reid, the Democratic candid* 1 *
for Governor of North Carolina, has been elect*
by upwards of3ooo voles, and both branches 0
the Legislature ere Democratic
The returns from Missouri are in favor
the anti-Benton party
