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THE
®3B2SWSS‘S 9
Hill hcpublishcd every SATURDAY Afternoon,
In the Two-Story Wooden Building, at the
Corner of Walnut and Fifth Street,
IX TIIE CITV OF MACON, GA.
Kjr WM.B. HARRISON.
T E Jt M S :
I or the Paper, in advance, per annum, $2
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JT Advertisers by the Year will be contracted
with upon the most favorable terms.
JJ*Sales of Land by Administrators.Execufors
or Guardians, are required by Law, to be held on
the first Tuesday in the month, between thehours
of ten o’clock in the Forenoon and three in the
Afternoon, at the Court House of the county in
which the Property is situate. Notice of these
.Sales must be given in a public gazette Sixty Days
previous to the day of sale.
,JTSales of Negroes by Administators, Execu
t.ws or Guardians, must be at Public Auction, on
11 j first Tuesday in the month, between the legal
:i rirs of sale, before the Court House of thecounty
waere the I.ettersTeStamentary.or Administration
r Guardianship Bnay have been granted, first giv
ir notice Miereoffor Sirty Days, in one of the
public gazettes of this State,anil at the door of the
Court House where such sales are to he held.
PJ'Notiee for the sale of Personal Property
mist be given in like manner Forty Days pre
vious to the day of sale.
to the Debtors and Creditors of an es
pts must be published for Forty Days.
jyNotice that application will be made to the
Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Ne
s 'roes must be published in a public gazette in the
s,ate for Four Months, before any order absolute
c an be given by the Court.
J'Citations for Letters of Administration on
hi Estate, granted by the Court of Ordinary, must
be published Thirty Days ~ for Letters of Dismis
. ,n fromtheadininistrutinnofan Estate,monthly
lor Sir Months — for Dismission from Guardian
slop Forty Days.
y-llules for the foreclosure of a Mortgage,
must be published monthly for Four Months—
fir establishing lost Papers, for the full space of
three Months —for compelling Titles from Ex
ecutors, Administrators or others, where a Bond
his been given by the deceased, the full space of
Three Months.
N. 15 All Business of this kind shall receive
prompt attention at the SOUTHERN TRIBUNE
nifite, and strict care will be taken that all legal
Alvertisemcnts are published according to Law.
y*.\ll Letters directed to this Office or the
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sure attention.
IT. OTTSLE7 & SOlT s
WAREHOUSE 4* COMMISSION.^!ERCHANTS'
HriLL continue Business at their *■ Fil*e-
Prool' BuiHliiijrs,” on Colton
.IrcnUC, Macon, Ga.
Thankful for past favors, they beg leave to say
tliey will be constantly at their post, and tliatno
. tlbrts shall be spared to advance the interest of
their patrons.
They respectfully ask all who have COTTO A
nr other PRODUCE to Store, to call and exam
ine the safety of flieir Buildings, before placing
it elsewhere.
JT Customary Advances on Cotton in ..lore
nr Shipped,aud all Business transacted at the
usual rates.
june ‘2 - v
I> AV I D Ki: 1 D ,
Justice of the Peace ami Notary Public,
MACON, Q A .
/ 10MMISSIONER OF DEEDS, &c., for the
V States of Alabama, Louisiana, Mis.-issippi,
Texas, Tennessee, Kentucky. Virginia, North
Carolina, South Carolina, Florida, Missouri,
New York, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Pnnn
vlvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Arkansas, New
Jersey, Maine, &o.
Depositions taken, Accounts probated, Deeds
and Mortgages drawn, anti ail documents and
instruments of writing prepared and authentica
ted for use and rerord, in any of the above States.
Residence on Walnut Street, near the African
Church.
in*Public Office adjoining Dr.M.S.Thomson’s
Botanic Store, opposite the l'loyd House,
junc 2!) 25 I v
WILLIAM WILSON,
HOUSE CARPENTER AND CONTRACTOR t
Cherry Street near Third , Macon, Ga.
A TAKES and keeps on hand Doors, Blinds
i-VL and Sashes for sale. Thankful for past
favors he hopes for further patronage.
may 25 20-6 m
WOOD & LOW,
GENERAL COMMISSION MERCHANTS,
NEW ORLEANS, LA.
tn av 25 20 1 v
Ice Crcuiu Saloon,
Cotton Avenue, next door beloic Ross 4' Go s.
OPEN from 10 o’clock, A. M. to 10 P M.»
daily, Sundays excepted The Ladies
Slaoon detached and fitted up for their comfort,
in a neat and pleasant style.
June 22 M. C. FREEMAN.
HALL A; BIIANTLEY,
TTAVE just received a well selected nssorl-
II ment of DR Y GOODS and GROCERIES,
which embraces almost every article in their
line of business. Those Goods make their stock
Extensive, which has been selected recently by
one of the firm, and they are determined to sell
their Goods upon reasonable terms, and at the
lowest prices. Whilst they are thankful for past
favors, they respectfully invite their friends and
the public to call at their Store on Cherry Street,
and examine their Goods and prices, before pur
chasing elsewhere.
march 23 11
Macon Candy Manufactory.
r pilE Subscriber still continues to mnrtifae-
L tore CANDY of every variety, next door
below Ross & Co’s, on Cotton Avenue. Ilav
tag increased my Facilities and obtained addi
tional Tools, I ant now prepared to put up to
order, CANDIES, of any variety, and war
ranted equal to any manufactured in the South.
I also manufacture a superior nrticleofEcmonand
other SYRUPS, CORDIALS\PIiESERVES,^c.
All my articles are well packed, delivered at
any point in the City and warranted to give
satisfaction. 11. C. FREEMAN, Agent,
march U 9
Macon Female Hifcli Scliool.
MRS. LAWTON, being thankful for the
patronage she has received, will commence
the Second Term of her SCHOOL on MONDAY
'th of July next. All communications directed
,0 Mrs. L. through the Post Office, Box No. 30,
"‘II meet with prompt attention.
THE SOUTHERN TBIBUNE.
NEW SEIITES—VOLUME jj.
_43or t r » .
[Foil THE SOUTHERN TRIBUNE]
A SPELL,
n V D . POSTru.
T here is a soft spell, let me roam where I will,
T hat hangs o’er the pages of memory still ;
And recalls to my mind, both in sorrow and mirth
’l lie spot of my childhood, the place of my birth.
Like the forms that arise, and surround us in
dreams,
The scenes ofmy boyhood come back to tny
heart;
The tall waving pines, and those clear summer
streams,
Mctliinks they can never completely depart ;
The joy they once brought me 1 ne’er can forget,
And I dw ell on them now with a voiceless regret.
’Tis well to remember those times that have fled;
To think of the garden trees, aged or dead :
To think of young pleasures all vanish’d away;
They silently teach us that we must decay :
1 hat the poison of death all around us is cast ;
That it lurks in the cup which is sweetest, to
blast !
1 hey tell me that I, like the joys I once tasted,
By the rudeness of time, must be injur’d and
wasted :
They hid me prepare for Eternity’s doom,
Ar.d the silence that reigns in the dark cover’d
tomb.
political.
From the Southern Press.
The Randolph Epistles on the
Bight of Secession.
NO. 11.
Views of Messrs. Clay, Cass and Webster.
The Right of Revolution defined. —
The Secession of the Colonies from Great
Britain. — Gen. Washington ssentiments
on Secession, Sfc.
To his Excellency, Millard Fillmore,
President of the United States :
Three of the most eminent living men
of the country are Messrs, Clay, Cass and
Webster. Could they have been satisfied
as so many of tlie fathers of the Constitu
tion, and of the great men who preceded
them, and the illustrious Washington,
Jefferson, and Madison among them were,
that the right of secession was an inherent
a riel essential element of a compact to
which the States were parties in their
soverign capacities; and had they seen fit
to make known such opinions to their coun
trymen in all sections—who can doubt,but
that their great weight of character and
influence, and admirable powers of de
bate, would have wrought their own con
victions every where upon the public mind?
And hud they done so, who can doubt,
but that the free Stales, after balancing
the South’s products and the South’s
freights,the South’s purchases,the South’s
exchanges, and the South’s supplies to the
Treasury—against their pretensions to
appropriate to themselves exclusively the
entiiety of the Federal territory, to decoy
and emancipate the South’s slaves, &c. f
in breach of the Constitution, with the
certainty of an immediate disruption of
the Union—would promptly have chosen
to have stood by their interests, aban
doned their pretensions, yielded the South
her equality, shared with her the territory,
surrendered up her slaves, and, in fine
have adjusted the whole controversy on
the very moderate ba-is of the South’s
ultimata. Had this been done, the whole
land would have resounded with rejoic
ings, and been wreathed with chaplets of
conciliation and peace from ocean to ocean,
and from the lakes to the sea. But most un
happily for the country, these distinguish
ed men did not see fit to take this sooth
ing and tranquilizing course, but took the
opposite one: and in my humble judgment
have wrought thereby incalculable, and it
may he, incurable mischiefs upon the coun
try. Ido not mean to say that either of
these gentlemen asserted, iu so many
words, that the right of secession did not
exist; hut that they so ingeniously and ora
cularly argued against its exercise, and
made civil war its imminent and insepara
ble sequence, as to have wiought that im
pression thoroughly upon the public mind
at the North, and to have wrought the im
pression every where, that sucli were
their opinions.
It has neverbeen my good or ill fortune,
to encounter any well-informed person,
any where, North or South, who however
he might deny the right of secession in
words, did not in sentiment if urged to
particulars, betray his belief in it, in some
form or other; though apt enough to retreat
from his position, and mask his confession
under cover of the phraso of a right of
MACON, (GA.,) SATURDAY AFTERNOON, AUGUST 31, 1850.
revolution. This proneness of statesmen
to conceal their retreat under a battery
of words, and in matters of State to re
gard as the safest use of language,the con
cealment of one’s thoughts, was most strik
ingly exemplified at the close of Mr. Web
ster s great speech on the slavery ques
tion in March last. Avery eminent per
son, of spotless purity of character, frank
of thought and hold of counsel, unrivalled
1 among men for his deep sagacity and pro.
found and comprehensive statesmanship,
happened to he present on that occasion:
It was South Carolina’s illustrious
statesman, the lamented Calhoun! In
| the course of Mr. Webster’s fervent de
plorings of the effects of secession, Mr. Cal
houn understood him to deny (as did most
of his audience) the right of secession and
fur any cause. True to his instincts, and
as rapid as thought, Mr. Calhoun saw all
the portentous hearings of this skilful piece
of oratory, and, though then in a deep
decline, and hut a span from the grave, lie
faultered not a moment in assaulting Mr.
Webster’s position, and putting him upon
his defence ; and the following colloquy
ensued :
Mr. Calhoun. “I cannot agree with the
Senator from Massachusetts—that this
Union cannot bedissolved. Am Ito under
stand him, that no degree of oppression ;
no outrage ; no broken faith, can produce
the destruction of this Union? Why, sir, if
that becomes a fixed fact, it will itself be
come the great instrument of producing
oppression, outrage and broken faith. No]
sir,the Union can he broken. Great moral
causes will break it if they go on, anti it
can only he preserved by justice, good
Jaitli, and a rigid adherence to the Con
stitution.
Mr. Webster. “The Senator from South
Carolina asks me, if I hold the breaking
up of the Union by an such thing as the
voluntary secession of States as an impossi
bility? I know sir, this Union can be
broken up. Every government can be; and I
admit, that there may be such a degree
of oppression as u-i/l warrant resistance and
forcible severance. That is revolution! Os
that ultimate right of revolution, I have not
been speaking. 1 know that that laic of
necessity docs exist.'’
It is thus seen that Mr. Webster plainly
evades the question be repeats to ho an
swered, touching the right of “voluntary
secession,” and contents himself with ad
mitting, under the contingency he names
the right of a “forcible severance,” (about
which no question had been put to him)
and this he defines to mean, “the right of
revolution.” And pray what is a right of
revolution, hut a right to change or abolish
systems or forms of government, with or
without force? Can Mr. Webster have at
tempted to impose upon his countrymen,
as a sentiment of his own, that which he
lie cannot believe, to wit: that a revolution
cannot he effected but by the spilling of
blood and civil war ? If so distinguished
a person would risk his high fame
upon so paltry a quibble as this, then
the world might be curious to know
how much blood must be spilled, and
how long the war must las', to make
it a legitimate revolution ? The throne of
Louis Philippe in a single day sunk,crush,
ed under the weight of popular opinion,
and the affrighted monarch, with scarcely
the exchange ofa shot,precipitately fled the
kingdom,and lo! France was revolutioniz
ed and free? That’s history. Was there
blood enough spihto make it a revolution ?
Shortly thereafter, the Provisional G overn
ment of France was overthrown,and a Con
stitutional Government was substituted in
its stead,without drawing a sabre or firing
a gun! That’s history Was it not a revo
lution In 1846, Gen. Paredes, without
the click ofa musket, displaced General
Herrera, and overturned the Mexican
Government; and, crossing the Rio Grande,
brought on the American war! That’s
historv. Was it not a revolution ?
Revolutions may be brought about by
civil war undoubtedly, and most frequent
ly are; but falsifies all experience, and
is absurd to maintain ex vi terminorum>
that they impart governmental changes
wiought by civil war and none other.—
The terms revolution and change, applied
descriptively to substitutions of one form
of government for another, are dealt with
as synonimes, by those publicists of Eu
rope in the highest repute. Should the
people of these thirty States ever become
madmen enough to abolish this Republic
by common consent, establish a monarchy
in its stead and cliooze a King, it would
astound the world !—and if that would
not be a revolution in the universal sense
of mankind, and the most memorable
which Christendom has witnessed, I chal
j lenge all history for the registry of one
| which would rival it in wonder, in inter
; est and in importance ; and yet not a blood
stain would attest the patriot strivings of
ian heroic resistance! Why, sir, when
! your predecessor was chosen and inaugu
ted as President of the United States,
! what less or olher did the change from a
i Democratic to a Whig Government im
port or attest, than a thorough revolution
jof national policy and parties ? And
. when, upon General Taylor’s demise, you
acceded to his functions, and substituted a
new Cabinet for the old one, what less or
other, did it import or attest, than a revolu
tion, \\\ the administration of the Govern
ment? The one was a revolution of the
Government and the other of the Adminis
tration; et si sic omnes, &c. Hence se- (
cession, come when it may, and be it in
peace or in strife, and end as it will, must
effect a revolution of Government, and a
dismemberment of the Union. That’s the
result, and that’s all. Nothing more, no
thing less, nothing else.
The right of secession then, is one of
the rights of revolution; and when I speak
of it as a right, I mean what all the world
means, in speaking of a right, an authori
ty in a State to do something, which no
other Government, nor other State, nor
many States, nor the United States, can
have a counter right to prevent or obstruct,
or oppose by force, or through any con
straint or interference whatever. 1 repeat
what I have said before, that the right is
absolute, exclusive, and unquestionable,
or it does not exist. Should the other
States through their folly or wickedness
make war upon them for exercising rights
guarantied to them as muniments of sov
ereignty, resulting from the nature of the
compact which made them parties to the
Union. So bo it ! They will be blame
less, and irresponsible, happen what may.
And should the Union be shattered into
fragments amid the shock and crash of
arms, those who may have fomented the
contest and achieved the catastrophe, will
wish they had never been born, or being
borne that they were cast with millstones
around their necks into the uttermost
depths of the sea ! The controversy
which severed the Colonies from the Kin
gdom in the days of 1776,resulting as it did
from intolerable wrongs and oppressions
toogrievious to be borne with, would have
been effected (had justice and the right
held sway,) through peaceful secession and
nothinig besides. The men of the Revo
lution, in their memorable Declaration of
Independence, recited their grievance and
announced their separation ; hut they pro
claimed no war and they made none. It
was Great Britain who had made the war,
and converted their attempt at a peaceful
revolution into a bloody one, by invading
their borders, laying waste their towns
and villages, killing their people, dessolu
iing their country, aud driving them to
arms! Now, 1 demand to be shown in all
the broad, a single American, who stands
ready to deny that British oppressions ves
ted aright of secession even in the colonies,
and with it aright to judge for themselves
of the occasion meet for its exercise. If
there be such a person, I want to see that
man ! But there is no such man ! All
men, in this country at least, admit that
the colonies possessed the right of peace
ful secession, and all who do, necessari
ly deny to Great Britain the conflicting
right to resist its accomplishment by force
or at all, or to hav e waged the cruel and
bloody \v ar of the Revolution against them.
And who and what were these colonies?
Distant dependencies of the Biilish Crown:
Scattered political units, and meagro a
lomies in the grand sum total of the pop
ulation of that world wide empire. Not
a vestage of sovereignty had ever rested
in those colonies, nor had any ever abided
thither; but such emanations of it as
had been disputed by their Majesty to
make subjects of their people, monopolize
their commerce, appropriate their reve
nues, and rule over aud govern them.—
What then! are there Americans among
us who will deny to soverign States plena
ry of all the power self-government,a right
of secession, which they will not concede
to the colonies, and while they were en
thralled insubjection to the British Crown ?
Far bolder and justcr sentiments than
these inspired the men of the Revolu
tion, when taking their high resolves, to
| peril all that men have or value, in de
j fence of “life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness,” when they wisely and firmly!
resolved:
“That whenever any form of government'
becomes destructive of tho ends for which
governments are formed, ‘it is the rig hi of
the people to alter or abolish it, and to insti
tute anew government, laying its own foun
dation, on such principles, and organizing
its powers in such form, as to them shall
seem most likely to effect their safety and
happiness.” * * When a long train of
abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably
the same object, evince a design to tedu.ee
them under absolute despotism it is their
right, it is their duty to throw off such gov
ernment, and to provide new guards for the
future security.”
In thescnoble passages isfound thegrea l
right of secession, the right of any oppress
ed people under the sun, “to throw off''
any government and "toprovide new guards
for their future security.” These are the
doctrines of the men of tho Revolution,
tho doctrines of the Congress of ’76, the '
doctrines traced bj tho pencil of Jefferson
in the lines of living light, the doctrines
maintained by the sword of Washington,
until it had cleaved the colonies and king
doms asunder ! Thinks your Excellency
that the great and good man, who drew his
sword in defence of the right of secession
and in behalf of the enthralled and de
spised colonies, would have sheathed it in
the vitals of a sovereign State, for as
serting the very right which gives to the
revolution its highest legal sanction ?
Verily, sir, the precious morceaux which
history brings down to us, when rightly
understood, will clear away every doubt
as to the sentiment of this illustrious man,
upon this, the most momentous of all the
issues which the federal compact can raise
or solve. He was the piesiding officer of
the Convention, when James Madison
declared with such imposing solemnity,
that,
“A breach of the fundamental principles
of the compact by a part of the society,
would cert airily absolve the other parts from
their allegiance to it,”
and brought down the assent and applause
of tho whole Convention, upon the so
wise and just sentiment. He had calmly
noted the deep forecaste displayed by the
Convention of Virginia when ratifying
the Constitution, .1 une 2G, 1788,in hoi sov
ereign reservation of the right of secession,
through its memorable deelaiation, that
the powers, granted under the Constitu
tion by the people, “ may be resumed by
them, whenever the same may be perverted
to their injury or oppression.” He had
equally noted, that the Convention of the
great State of New York,had taken coun
sel of the wise precaution of Virginia, in
specially reserving, also, the sovereign
right of secession, when ratifying that in
strument just one month thereafter, (July
26, ’BS) and the reservation was made iu
the explicit declaration, that,
“All power was derived from the people,
and could be resumed by the people, whenev
er it becomes necescary for their happiness
and none knew belter than he, that the
reservations of these Sta'es, in a union of
equals, necessarily inured toall the States,
and vested in each a right of secession ;
which however, without any reservations
at all, would have clearly resulted from
the nature of a compact to which all were
parties as States. He was President of
the United States in 1795, when the Ken
tucky Legislature exasperated to the last
letter of endurance, at the procrastination
snbmitted to, in securing the free naviga
tion of the Mississippi, drafted its famous
memorial, announcing her purpose; "to
secedefrom the Union,” unless that naviga
tion was speedily secured toiler! “ This
strong declaration, "’ (says one of Kentucky’s
most eminent citizens) “was made in a
language not to be misunderstood: The
ground was taken after mature considera
tion, and from it they had resolved never
to recede one inch /” And how did Gen
eral Washington, (fresh from the most au
theniic readings of the Constitution, and
surrounded by as eminent a Cabinent as
ever adorned the councils of this country,)
deal with this lofty and high toned menace?
Did he issue his proclamation, threatening
the State with military restraint or coer
cion ? Not he! Did he deny to the
State, the right of secession, or the right
of judging of the fit occasion for its exer
cise ? Neither and never ! The action ha
took conceded both rightsfully! He address
ed himselfwholly to the affections and inte
rests of Kentucky, to induce her to post
pone her action, and through bis parental
councils, saved the Union from impending
dismemberment! In the words of the
eminent citizen just referred to, “Col.
James Intiis of Virginia, clothed with au
thority from President Washington, to
disclose tho state of the negotiations
with Spain, ou the interesting subject
which agitated the public feeling in
Kentucky, repaired to the Capital of
that State, opened a correspondence, gave
satisfactory explanations to the Legislature,
and fully succeeded in tho important ob
ject of his mission.”
No man of sound sentiments and skilled
in the counsels of statesmanship, has ever
read General Washington’s Farewell Ad
dress with a tytlie of profound thought
employed in its composition, and doubted
of his sentiments as to scccsion being the
ultimate anil the rightful remedy for all
BOOK AND JOB PRINTING, '
II ill be executed in the most approved sti li
and on the best terms, at the Office of the
SCTTHEPwIT TPJB'OI.TE
—Bt—
WM. B. HARRISON.
NUMBER 34.
'be ills of the Union the States are heirs
' tc —after all other expedients have bean
resorted to and have faded of redress,—
Tho parental solicitude displayed by “ the.
Father of his Country” for the perpetuity
of the Union has been the theme of tho t
public applauses and grateful remembran
ces of such of the generations which have
borne the burthen of life, since that ines
timable bequest was made to his country.
Shallow minds which have never reached
the depth of those profound thoughts and
disturbing apprehensions for ihe future,
which swayed bis cautious and solid un
derstanding, have paused and wondered
at the circumstance, that ho should never
have said a word in the address, nor cau
tioned his countrymen against the stealthy *
and perilous working of treason, tho
greatest of the crimes of States. This
lias ever proven the deadly bane and
epidemic through which all other Govern
ments but ours have met their fate and
their fall “in their day and generation.”—
To the mind of Washington, there were
sound and satisfactory reasons so notable a
silence. One of these was, that the Con
stitution had already conferred upon Con
gress ample powers to provide for the
prosecution and punishment of treason,
us well as of counterfeiting, piracy, offen-
ces against the law of Nations, and of all
other felonies known to the Constitution
and laws, and ihe terror of punishment
was more effective than counsels for men
prone to become either traitors or felons—
Another reason was, that Washington had
no dread whatever of tho Union being
overthrown by treason or any other crime
which individuals, and in their private ca
pacities alone could commit; and these
ate the only crimes of which the Consti
tution takes notice, or denounces and pun
ishes. No sir! none of these things
gave his patriotic heart a thought or a
care. The imminent perils of State which
disturbed the contemplations of his calm
und excellent mind, and weighed it down
and roused his alarms, related to contin
gencies, which, happen when they might,
would be no crimes at all; and had they
been, wero beyond the jurisdiction of the
ConMjUution, and which that instrument
far from attempting to prevent, or restrain
or to punish, had no where forbidden, but
on the very contrary, the contingencies he
depreciated and deplored, derived their
whole authorization from the compact
of Union itself, and thus the remedy,
like the disease, rested exclusively with tho
States who were parties to the compact!
Washington’s apprehensisons touching the
safety of the Union had theirorigin in cau
ses far deeper and vaster than treason, or
any other crime known to tho laws. He
confidingly trusted, that the people’s spon
taneous love of the Union would always
preseve it from the masses, and as to the
lew aspiring and turbulent spirits,dispersed
promiscuously through the Union, who
might meditate its overthrow, he did not
doubt, but that the terrors of tho law’ and
its effective administration would amply
protect it against all assaults these sources.
No sir! The far-reaching sagacity of Geo.
Washington which looked quite through
the motives and desigus of men, foresaw in
the slavery institution, in the distinctive
geographical partitions which sundered the
free from the slave States, and the rapider
growth of the former than the latter thro’
foreign migration, in the temptations
and tendencies to encroachments from the
North upon the rights of the South, the im
minent danger there were, of tho forma
tion of parties upon geographical lines,
the raising of sectional issues, and the
growth, the intensity of sectional jealous
ies. In all this he predicted while he
deplored the causa causans of an eventual
disruption of the Union. He saw that the
Federal Constitution had not provided, nor
could have provided any means of preven
tion against such a calmity, but through the
total destruction of the State sovereignties,
the expunction of tho right of State seces
sion, and the absolute consolidation and
centralization of the Government! Re
garding these as leading directly and inevi
tably to the establishmelit of a central des
potism,and the destruction ofthe public lib
erties,he deemed them to he infinitely worse
than a dissolution of the Union itself,
seeingno other salvation for that, but in the
sound and enduring affeclious and common
interests of the people of theSta'es.to these
lie addressed liimself, and with a power
and pathos which no true hearted patriot
ever read and forgot! That greqt and
good man was not misaken? The crisis!
he so portrayed and deplored is present
with us now! Who is there but realizes
how true were his predictions, how con
servative bis counsels! Would to God!
they had been as widely heeded, as they
have been intensely felt! Yet even now,
and in this alarming crisis of our destinies,
it is not too late! The power is ample and
responsibilty is great, and the free States
are the sole depositories of both! Never
since the world began, did any body of
men have the means of imparting tranquil
ity and joy to the bosoms of so many
millions of men upon easier terms. Tho
South begrudges the North nothing, and
wants nothing that is hers; all she wants is
her own,and all she claims is justice, equal
rigiffs, and the Constitution as- it is writ
ten! Give her these, and vouchsafe her
these, and doomsday may come and find
us one people! What say you men of the
North—is not the blessing worth the
boon! Yes, or No!
RANDOLPH, OF ROANOKE.
