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THE
mil bepublisked every SATURDAYAfternoon,
In the Two-Story Wooden Building, at the
Corner of Walnut and Fifth Street,
IV TnE CITY OF MACON, GA.
tty WM. B. HARRISON.
TER M S :
for the Paper, in advance, per annum, $2
if not paid in advance, $3 00, per annum.
(CJ*Advertisements will be inserted at theusual
rates——and when the number of insertions de
sired is not specified, they will be continued un
til forbid and charged accordingly,
tO* Advertisers by the Year will be contracted
with upon the most favorable terms.
oj*Salesof Land by Administrators,Executors
or Guardians, are required by Law, to be held on
the first Tuesday in the month, between thehours
of ten o’clock in the Forenoon and three in the
Afternoon, at the Court House of the county in
which the Property is situate. Notice of these
Sales must be given in a public gazette Sixty Days
previous to the day of sale.
O*Sales of Negroes hy Administators, Execu
tors or Guardians, must be at Public Auction, on
the fust Tuesday in the month,between thelegal
hours of sale,before the Court House of the county
where the LettersTestamentary,or Administration
or Guardianship may have been granted, first giv
ing notice thareoffor Sixty Days, in one of the
public gazettes of this State,and at the door of the
Court House where such sales are to be held.
KJ” Notice for the sale of Personal Propertv
must be given in like manner Forty Days pre'-
vious to the day of sale.
NT Notice to the Debtors and Creditorsolan es
tate must be published for Forty Days.
C3»Notice that application will be made to the
Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land or No
groes must be published in a public gazette in the
Siate for Four Months, before any order absolute
c an be given by the Court.
(L}*Citations for Letters of Administration on
an Estate, granted by the Court of Ordinary, must
be published Thirty Days for Letters of Dismis
sion from the administration ofan Estate,monthly
for Six Months —for Dismission from Guardian
ship Forty Days.
(£j*Rules for the foreclosure of a Mortgage,
must be published monthly for Four Months—
for establishing lost Papers, for the full space of
'Hirer. Months —for compelling Titles from Ex
ecutors, Administrators or others, where a Bond
has been given by the deceased, the full space of
Three Months.
N. B. All Business of this kind shall receive
prompt attentionat the SOUTHERN Tlt 1111. YE
Office, and strictcare will bo taken thatall legal
Advertisements are published according to Law.
Tj*AU Letters directed to this Office or the
Editor on business, must he posr-raiD, to in
sure attention.
IT. C’JSLZ7 & SCIT.
W.l ItE HO USE 4- COMMISSIO.YMEIt CHANTS
WILL continue Business at their “ Firc-
Frool' Kuildiiigrs,” on Colton
•f VCUUC, Macon, Ga.
Thankful for past favors, they beg leave to say
they will be constantly at their post, and that no
efforts shall be spared to advance the interest ol
their patrons.
They respectfully ask all who have COTTOJi
or other PRODUCE to Store, to call and exam
ine the safety of their Buildings, before placing
it elsewhere.
Uj’Custoiiarv Advances on Cotton in Siore
or Shipped,and all Business transacted at the
usual rates.
june *2 27—ly
I» A V I 1) tt BID,
Justice oj the Peace and JYotary Public.
M A C O N , G A .
aM O.MMIS3IONER OF DEEDS, Ac., for the
Vy States of Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi,
Texas, Tennessee, Kentucky, Virginia, North
Carolina, South Carolina, Tlorida, Missouri,
Now York, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Penn
ylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Arkansas, New
Jersey,, Maine, &e.
Depositions taken, Accounts probated, Deeds
and Mortgages drawn, and all documents and
instruments of writing prepared and authentica
ted for use and record, in any of the above States.
Residence on Walnut Street, near the African
Church.
(EfPublic Office adjoining Dr. M.S. Thomson's
Botanic Store, opposite the Floyd House,
june 29 25 Iy
WILLIAM WILSON,
HOUSE CART ESTER AMD CONTRACTOR,
Cherry Street near Third, Macon , Ca.
MAKES and keeps on hand Doors, Blinds
and Sashes for sale. Thankful for past
favors he hopes for further patronage.
may 25 20—6ni
WOOD A LOW,
GENERAL COMMISSION MERCHANTS,
NEW ORLEANS, LA.
may 25 20-1 y
POOLE tV BROTHER,
Forwarding and Commission Merchants,
NO. 90 MAGAZINE STREET,
NEW ORLEANS, LA.
E. R. Foot-t.. J. M. Pooi.e.
aug 31 34—ly
Ice Cream Saloon,
Cotton Avenue, next door below Ross 4' Co's.
OPEN from 10 o’clock, A. M. to 10 P. M.,
daily, Sundays excepted The Ladies'
Slaoon detached and tilted up for their comfort,
In a neat and pleasant style,
june 22 11. C. FREEMAN.
HALL A BKANTLGY,
HAVE just received a well selected assort
ment of DR Y GOODS and GROCERIES ,
wliioli embraces almost every article in their,
line of business. These Goods make their stock
extensive, which has been selectod recently by
one of tho firm, and they are determined to sell
their Goods upon reasonable terms, and at the
lowest prices. Whilst they are thankful for past
favors, they respectfully invite their friends and
the public to call at their Store on Cherry Street,
and examine their Goods and prices, before pur
chasing elsewhere.
march 93 11
ITlstcoii Clan«ly iHaintfnctory.
FrAIIE Subscriber still continues to innrtifuc
-I- tore CANDY of every variety, next door
below Ross & (Jo’s, on Cotton Avenue, llav
ing increased my facilities and obtained addi
tional Tools, I am now prepared to put up to
order, CJI jf l) I E .S', of any variety, and war
ranted equal to any manufactured in the South
I also manufacture a superior article ofLcmon and
other SYRUPS , COIIDLILS\PDESERI ES,K,-r.
All my articles are well packed, delivered at
any point in tho City n.nd warranted to give
satisfaction. FREEMAN, Agent,
march 9 9
THE SOUTHERN TRIBUNE.
NEW SEMES— VOLUME 11.
U o c t r i».
[for the southern tribune ]
THOUGHTS OS THE PAST ASO FUTURE.
by and . fosrr.it.
Those seasons of life which around me have
shone,
With their sunshines of pleasure, O! where
have they flown ?
Alas! they have vanish'd with each golden
beam,
And are lost, lost fitfev’r in Eternity’s stream.
No prize have I won, no pearl have I gain’d,
Os time’s bright improvement no sign hath re
main'd ;
, The prist is a l !apk,on which thought drops n
tear,
When it turns and beholds not one hope rising
there.
And must it he thus, even thus to the last,
All wasted and lost, like the time that hath past:
Shall mv spirit yet yield to poor folly’s control,
Nor struggle to reach a more glorious goal ? .
I should not, —nay, must not, thus uselessly live
When there is so much I may give and receive;
The poorest can oftentimes wipe away tears !
And the life ofthc good knows but very few fears.
I should not, —nay, will not, thus darkly remain,
When for me, there is so much to lose, or to gain;
From henceforth, O Virtue ! lead on to that prize,
W on in Time,and forever to last, in the skies.
$3 o 1111 c a l.
From the Southern Press.
THE RANDOLPH EPISTLES ON THE
ICIGII'F OF NKFFtSSJO.V.
NO. IV.
Aew England has four times meditated
Secession — The occasions 1803—1—ISOS
-9—1512-15 —and 1844-s —The testi
mony of J. Q. Adams, U. Tracy and. W.
Plumer, all Senators—The plot end bar
gain between New England and, N.Yorh
to crush the slave power—through the ces
sion of Texas arid the partition of the slave
t. rri: ory, —Missouri Com prom isc, Tie e
Northern Demo- racy and its course.
To his Excellency, Millard Fillmore,
President of the United States :
Sir: Four times within the past half
century has Massachusetts and her staid
and sober sisters of New England, menac
ed a dismemberment of the Union, and a
Northern Confederacy, and on these me
morable oecasisons: In ISO 3-4, on ac
count of the slave territory of Louisiana :
In ISOB-9, on account of the embargo:—
In 1812-15, on account of tiro Arnencan-
British war; and, in 1544-5, on account
of the annexation ofTexas? That vvilldo,
methinks, for one-half century! Quite!
enough lo contrastvvitha single act ofAW i- j
ftcation which looked to no dismemberment
at all! And quite enough to seal New!
England's lips for aye, and in estoppel, I
from contesting a right of secession in any !
other States or section, or their associate ]
and resulting right of deciding upon the !
occasions for its exercise! But, after all,!
they did not secede and dismember the i
Union: No, they didn’t, and that was
decisive as a fact. But they insisted and j
resolved on the right, and that was decisive
as a principle. And have I any authority
for the facts from which these deductions
arc made? Yes indeed! And witnesses
of note they are, and High Priests you’ll
own them to be at the same altar, and in
the same synagogue ol' Federalism,where
your Excel ency and your Secretaries of
State nnd of the Treasury have, time and
again, met the Sanhedrim ofthe juntos, and
been worshiping for a lifetime! For these
were they: John Quincy Adams, a senator
from Massachusetts, Uriah Tracy a senator
from Connecticut, and William Plumer, 1
a senator from New Hampshire. Tracy I
was one informant of Adams, and Plumer j
another, and the best of the two, as he j
confessed,that he had himself shared, in the
plot of 1803-4, and promoted it! But these
are matters of which history has taken
charge, and I will freshen up your mem
ory from its authentic revealings:
I.— New England Confederacy in 1803
-4.—History speaks: “In the Presidential
canvass, and in October IS2B, Mr. Adams,
then President.of the United States, pro
claimed to the public, that during the
session of Congress following the purchase
of Louisiana,(in 1803) he was informed by
Uriah Tracy, then senator from Connecti
cut, of a project hy Federal members of!
Congress from New England to establish a
separate Government there: extending it, if
found pracicablc, as far South as to include
Pennsylvania, but at all events to estab
lish one in New England /,’ And fur
thermore: “William Plumer,then a sen
ator from New Hampshire, of which State
he was afterwards Governor hud written
to Mr. Adams in IS2S, that he was party
to the New England project of disunion:
lie was informed by one ofthe parties to
it, duringthc session of Congress of 1803-4,
that arrangements hud been made for a
select meeting of the Federalists of Aew
England., the next autumn at Boston to con
sider and recommend the measures neces
sary, to form a system of government in
the Northern States, and that Alexander
Hamilton, of New York, had consented to
attend the meeting! That Mr. Plumer fur
ther stated, that the meeting at Boston had
been prevented by the death if Hamilton
in J unc,lßol, (in aduel with Burr,) but the
arrangement for a meeting there was not at
an end, and that the project was not and
would not he abandoned.” And it was not ü
bandoned.tho’ postponed for several years.
MACON, (GA.,) SATURDAY AFTERNOON, SEPTEMBER 14, ISSO.
Let us pause a moment, and ponder on
this. Why should New England have
wished to have seceded from the Union?
Y our Excellency knows too well! It was
the acquisition if Louisiana,and prospective
ascendency of the slave power ! That
was deemed the most galling of greivan-’
ces and the direst of curses that could ever
befall her, and perish the Union soonef
(thought she) than we will submit to it! —
Ah that was it: was it? * But why secede
from the Union? Where was the need
for it? What a generation of dunderheads
they must have been, Mr. President, to *
have thought of such a thing? Can it l»
possible, that the race of political sliarpeis .
and brokers, who'now bear the burthen
of life in the free States, and of which your
Excellency is their honored head and
leader, should have sprung from the loins !
of sucit brainless dullards as these? Why
did they not appropriate the whole Terri- j
tory to themselves, and crush the slave
power for aye, through the all grasping-j
spoliation; just as the generation now liv
ing, is despoiling the Soutli of the whole!
Mexican acquisitions? The power was
theirs as much then as now —a majority of
one, being as potent as a majority of forty,
to effect results and fix them. Could they I
have seen ati inch beyond their noses— 1
how could the anti-slavery restriction —aye,
sir, the veritable Wilmot Proviso itself- —
which your Excellency and your party of
Free-soilers, can at any time now-a-days,
shut your eyes lo conscience,and see every
where sticking out from the Constitution,
have escaped them? There stood Louisi
ana at that day with less than 60,000 in
habitants— with less than 20,000 of these
slaves, and with forty-nine-fiftieths of
her territory a savge wilderness and an
unredeemed savanna, —and lo! in all New
England, nor in all the realms of federal-
sim could he found one man with optics
sharp enough to espy a power in the Con
stitution, lo appropriate her whole terri
tory to the aspirings and graspings of poli
tical free soilism. So they concluded one
and all, and afier the most diligent search
es through and through the Constitution,
for this vagrant power to abolish, prohibit
or exclude slavery from the territories,//tat
it was not there, —and that there were no
lawful means whatever under that instru
ment,lo escape the overwhelming asccden
cy of the slave power in prospect, hut hy
retiring beyond its jurisdiction and seceding
from the Union! Well, sir, fifteen years
tolled by, and men were no wiser than a
foretime, and no discovery was made.—
New England muttered away, yet toddled
on: again arid again menacing dismember
ment, and now on the eve of it—but ever
“halting between two opinions;” but the
year 1819 had scarcely opened upon our
advancing destinies, —when hist!—there!
—land ho! from the mast-head, — proclaim
ed a disconvery made and a bargain struck
and New York and New England as the
contracting parties! And what was the
discovery? Why, lhat the slave power
could be crushed by ceding away Texas
to Spain and the running of a partition
line through the slave territory of
Louisiana, and prohibting slavery to the
North of it! And what was the bargain?
Why, that John Quincy Adams of Massa
chusetts, as Secretary of State, should con
trive to cede away Texas for Florida,with
85,000,000 to boot, in order to indemnify
Y ankee merchants for Spanish spoliations
upon Northern commerce, —and that your
Excellency’s friend, John W. Taylor, of
New York, (afterwards Speaker of the
House) as a member of Congress, should
supply the want of constitutional power
to impose an anti-slavery restriclion upon
the territory, through a power of numbers,
and refusing Missouri admission into the.
Union, without either a prohibition in her
Constitution inhibiting slavery, or, (which
was the whole pith and kernel of the move
ment) to force the South to consent to a
partition of the Territory upon the line of
36® 30' with an exclusion of slavery to the
North of it! And what went with the
bargain ? It was executed in all its parts
and to a hair’s nicety ! Yes, sir, more
than six years age, and over the nomine de
plume i now use, 1 demonstrated through
the columns of the Richmond Enquirer,
through the declarations of Scnor Marti
nez, lire Spanish Secretary of Legation,
with many corroborative proofs, that the
Chevalier Don Otiis, (the Spanish Minis
ter) had full autboritv from his Govern
ment, to adopt the channel of the ll'o
Grande del Norte as the boundary line be
tween the two countries—hut whether Mr.
Adams knew that fact before executing
the Treaty and making the Sabine the
boundary, l will not assert, but the circum
stances are redolent of persuasives that he
did! What is certain, is, that he had in
his hands at the time, our Minister’s (Mr.
Irving’s) convincing assurances that Spain
would most probably consent to the botin
dary of the Colorado. It is certain also,
that if he did not knowof DonOnis’ instruc
tions before the treaty teas signed, that he
knew of them afterwards—and lhat he had
been circumvented before the treaty teas
rati fad! It is certain, that he specially
instructed Mr. Forsyth, (the successor of
Mr. Irving) to inform the the Spanish
Government that this Government was
aware of the deception which had been
practiced upon it, yet, that in the face
of all this, he urged the ratification
of the treaty upon Spain, and under
penalties so treacherously contrived
that Texas must have been lost to the
South, "(hut for Mr. Forsyth’s disobedience
to his instructions) whether the treaty had
been ratifed or not! It is certain, that
every material part of the correspondence,
showing that the Union States could have
obtained a far better boundary line than
the Sabine, was wholly suppressed from
i the extracts which accompanied the treaty
from the Department of State to the Sen
ate! It is certain, that the resolution
which was offered by the Hon. l)ixou
H. Lewi, in the spring of 1844, calling for
that suppressed correspondence, brought
forth proofs, when transmitted hy the Sc
i cretary (Mr. Calhoun) which more than
corrobrated the charge of mutilation. I
, had it from Mr. Calhoun’s own lips, that
| Mr. Monroe’s Cabinet, to the best of his
! recollection and belief, had no other
knowledge of the terms of the corres
’ pondence, than such as was communica
ted through these extracts to the Senate!
: And it is certain, that the Senate unani
mously ratified that treaty February 24,
1819, (but two days after its date) and
as well as in its subsequent ralificatainn
1 arising out of the delays of the Spanish
Government, was without a knowledge
lof any of the facts above referred to,
| and which had been so faulty and trea
| cherously suppressed fiom both the Cabi
net and the Senate! Did these statements
1 need anycorroboration, it was amply made
in the facts that Spain could never have
wanted Texas, for after the treaty, she
never laid claim to Texas—nor took pos
session of it—nor raised a flag, nor had
a foothold there—nor levied a contribu
tion thither in men or money, nor attempt
ed either, though waging at the time a
bloody civil war against Mexico and others
of her colonies—bleeding at every pore,
and with her exchequer reduced to the
lowest shifts of impoverishment and bank
ruptcy ! Such were the vile means through
which Texas was spirited away and spoli
ated from the South, in ratification of the
fraudulent bargain to crush the slave power!
As to the other part of the fraudulent
bargain, which coveted and compassed the
ravishment from the South of three-fourths
cf the slave territory of Louisiana, and
surrendering it for aye, to the exclusive
dominion of Free-solism, it of course a
waited tho dinoument ofthe Texan spolia
tiin, and little need be said of it, for histo
ry is loaded down with the blighting and
revolting details. Suffice it to say, that
John YV. Taylor, of New Y ork, in lead of
the free States, demanded (as was agreed
on) that an unconstitutional condition
should be imposed upon the admission of
Missouri, from which all other States had
been free and which would have destroyed
in tho thresh-hold, her equality with the
co-States; or else, that an unconstitutional
partition should ho made of the territory,
excluding the South from three-fourths,
and leaving the North free to every por
tion of it: Such was the choice! It was
submission or disunion: Such was the
alternative! While the South remained
united, she was impregnable in the Senate;
hut when Mr. Clay deserted, (as he has al
ways been prone to do on all sectional is
sues between the North and South,) hi3
defection reached his friends in the Senate,
and all was lost. This grievous oppres
sion and foul wrong was thus furci.il upon
the South, arid in an indelible brand of po
litical inferiority and degradation stamped
upon her forehead, and all the solace left
her was, to mark the spoliation under the
fraudulent cognomen (God help us!) of a
Compromise! How it is possible that a
person of Mr. Senator Bell’s ample knowl
edge, should havestaggard into soegregi-
O 1 30 O O
ous a blunder, as to have asserted on the
floor of the Senate, that the Missouri
Compromise was carried ‘by the united vote
of the South, and against the vole of nearly
the whole North /” and how is it to be ac
counted for, that a man of his character,
should persist in publishing such a state
ment to the world, in face of the demon
stration made by Senator Yulee from the
Journals of the two Houses, that the state
ment was so radically erroneous, that the !
very reverse of the proposition, would j
have been far nearer the truth ; the votes j
of the two sections being as follows:
The North's vote. The South's vote.
In the Senate. In the Sanate.
Yeas 20-Nays 2 ! Y’eas 14-Nays S!
lathe House. In the House.
Yeas 95- Nays 5! Yeas 39 Nays 37!
Total, yeas 115 to nays 7! Total yeass3, nays 45.
From which it results, that while tho
North polling but 122 votes in botli Houses,
cast 10S votes more for the Compromise
than against it—the South polling but 98
votes in both Houses, cast-only 8 votes
more for the Compromise than against it,
and consequently, that the North cast 62
votes more for the Compromise than the
South did!
These are random epistles, Mr. Presi
dent, and when they are fairly under weigh,
l put hut small restraint, as you see, upon
thought or pen. When in the throes and
heaviugs of the mind over the sad portents
so traceable in the current events of the
day, clusters of the memotics of the
gloomiest past, will be heaved back
upon our contemplations, and vent
they will have; and thought and pen,
away thev go, at a dashing pace athwart
these pages, unmindful that they are draft
ed to beguile a President’s leisure, and to
grace his. escrotoire, and lhat ho passes
thorn over to the public, as fast as he reads
them, through the columns of his favorite
journal— the Southern Press!
When l struck out of a sudden, upon
tho foul bargain for the retrocession of
, 1 exas, and the spoliation of the territory,
from New England’s wrath and wailing
! over the Louisiana Treaty, not a thought j
j had I, hut to fasten your Excellency’s medi- j
tations upon the withering remembrances'
they gave back into life, out of tlie deep
past! 1 know how you, and the whole
Federal party with you, must wince under
the infliction of contemplating such scath
ing contrasts in principle and conduct, as ,
these sad remembrances recall and attest;
| but this is the “salutary hitter,” that raises
; sound minds out of the depths of political
vileness and profligacy where they are too
often allured and corrupted, into bright,
and broad day-light, where high morals,
just sentiment, and elevated statesmanship, i
may be marked, measured and prized.— j
! Take note of it Mr. President! See where
you are, ami what you are claiming, and
j what you have done and are doing now to
j enforce the claim ! Aio you not to this I
hour asserting as constitutional rights of
free States, a right to impose anti slavery
| restrictions and Wimot Proviso, and
through these and other appliances, to ap
-1 propriute the whole of the federal territo
! ry to those Stales exclusively; and pre
! cisely as if all these were undoubted
powers which the Constitution had obvi
ously and palpably vested in Congress!—
\ et some fifty years ago, your federal
bretheren who then filled the places in
their generation, which you are filling in
yours, racked their inmost brains in quest
of these very powers in the Constitution
which you see so palpably, and verily
would have given the mines of l’otosi for
the discovery ; but wo woilh the scrutiny!
for though Die Constitution has not a word
more or less or otherwise now than it had
then, —yet after near twenty years of slav
ing and solicitude, — blear-eyed that they
were ! not a trace of these powers was to
be found, not the shadow of a substitute
either, until they fell upon the despotic
and oppressing expedient of furcing out
j°f the South's necessities, (would that
I Heaven and her soldierly right arm had for-
I bidden it!) a renunciation forever, of all
her rights of migration and settlement in
! four-fifths of tho whole of the Federal
; Territory, to which every principle ofjtis
| Dee, equality and the Constitution, gave
her as sound a right and as clear a title as
, the North had! But avast! Fancy’s wings
are fleeter than Time’s and telescope
through the mind's eye, the air of triumph
and the glow of exultation with which you
will read this! Not a word,Mr. President,
not a word! I see it all! Confess it—de
plore it,—and even now am tracing out the
: consequences with a heart touched with un
feigned sorrow and heavy despondency !
Y our Excellency stands eager tftid pre
pared to twit me for my pains, with the
ready retort, — that "my whilom brethren
of the Northern Democracy and the Frce-
Soil Whigs are all in a bunch and all of a
piece,and have proven themselves equally
>n out and resolved at this session of Con
gress, on despoiling the South of every
aero of the Mexican acquisitions! It is
even so! And for the first time since my
manhood; have I been shorn ofthe gratifi
cation of discriminating between the two
parlies in Northeren aggressions upon
Southern rights. Your Excellency is rea
dy to add, that as a strict construction of
the Federal Constitution, has never been
a fixed principle in your party, it has in
mine,—it is far more excusable as to
what has been done or may happen, than
mine can be. I cannot admit lhat any par
ty can he excusable for holding a principle
that would sanction or palliate breaches
of the Constitution or aggressive wrong
upon others, whatever they be; and at the
same lime, 1 utterly deny that there is
a single principle in the Democratic creed,
which sanctions any one of the prominent
measures upon the anti-slavery issues, now
in the course of portentous accomplish
ment. Should these measures pass into
laws with aid of the Northern Democracy,
l tell them now, with a prophet’s ciedence
and a prophet's trust, that God’s judge
ments are not surer, than that the nationali
ty oi Ihe party, already “shivering in the
wind" from the Senate’s action, will he ut
terly annihilated, and with it these conser
vative principles,binding section lo section,
which is the last, the best, the safest
cement ofthe Union ! And what are they?
lho Democratic creed is found in the
doctrines of Jefferson, and State Rights, a
strict construction of the Constitution—
the immutable equality between tho States,
and a standing negation of all doubtful
constructive powers, are the doric columns
on which it rests : That’s the creed which
withholds from the Federal Government,
all powers not manifestly needed and not
clearly conferred; which lets alone the
States to act for themselves in all that is not
foi hidden to them ; which gives equal pro
tection to all the citizens of all States, and
to all their property whatever it be, while
within the scope of exclusive Federal ju
risdiction, and finally which holds every
State as sovereign, and all the States as
equals. lam aware that your Excellen
cy has stood aloof from this creed all your
life, but l submit to your maturer judg.
ment, if you do not see enduring safety to
the Union, in rigid adherence to its princi
ples ? In the Constitution itself, there is
nothing aggressive upon the States, and if
you free them fropi encroachment, you
extinguish in the germ every motive for
dismemberment. It is not a possible case,
that tho imminent hazards which menace
and seriously imperil the Union, could
have arisen, or arising, could have lasted,
BOOK AND JOB PRINTING,
Will be executed in the neates* style,
and on the bpst terms, at the
< Office of the - / ‘ ■
SCTTTJnSB.IT TB.IBTJITS
BY
WM. B. HARRISON.
NUMBER 36.
had the Democratic principle of a strict
const!uction to the Constitution been ad
hered to, as it would have been, had De
mocratic men stood up to it.
'1 he Democracy ofthe South, repudiate
utterly all holiday Democrats, .whose prin
ciples are subservieut to their interests,
and whoso interests are evermore the
touchstones of their principles. It holds,,
that when Democrats abandon their prin
ciples, they cease to he Democrats. Gen
uine Democracy does not admit member
ship to those who are Democrats for one
purpose, and anti-Democrats for another.
Democrats to obtain Federal power and
spoils, through tho South’s votes, and ahti-
Democrats to wield it for the North’s as
cendency and the South’s oppression. A
pest upon such Democracy evermore!—
Why, what sort « Democracy have we
at the North in these our days? Verily,
; men who can find a Wilmot Proviso pow
er in the Constitution—and men who stand
instructed from no less than nine Demo
crat ir free Siates, to impose it on the South
whenever the oppnrunity offers, and thus
despoil her of every interest in the terri
tories, while all the lalitudinanah Federal
ists of New England, with all the black
cockade Federalists, who passed the
Alien and Sedition laws to help them,-
with tho largest interests at stake that
ever appealed to the toils or the ge
nius of men could not * find a pow
er in the Constitution to refuse an onti
slavery restriction or the Wilmot Provi
so, after a twenty years search in quest of
it? And what would that Wilmot Provi
so which strict construction, State-Rights
Democrats have found in the Constilf/tiort
accomplish ? Why full immunities to
Northerners to migrate and settle with their
property in any portion of the territories,
while it would withhold such immunities
from Southerners with theirs. Exactly so,
Then it would not treat the free States
and the slave States alike, nor deal with
them as equals. No! YVould it not?—*
Why, bless you, sir, the equality of tho
States, is the foundation rock on which tho
Federation stands. Without it, it could
never have be formed. Without it, it must
go down with a crash! Point me to a
single strict construction Democrat in all
the land, who has found a power in the
Constitution, to destroy lhat very basis of
equality among tho States, which was
made the immutable condition of its adop
tion, its ratification, and itsexistence; and
let him put his finger upon the clause
which says so. lie cannot do it. There
is no such a man. There is no such a
clause. There is, uothing.like it. How
could there have been ? Who made the
Constitution? The States. How many
of them l Twelve. What was their con
dition ? Eleven of them were slave States,
and one of them a free Slate! What is
the condition of these States now? Six
of them are slave and six of them arc free
States! Who were the Delegates who
foi nied the Constitution ? Eleven-twelfths
of them were slaveholders! Who can
believe, then, that it was the design of
these Slates or those Delegates at lhat day
to brand themselves, or let others brand’
them, with a mark of inferiority and an
abridgment of l ights : and especially in
reference to the ownership of a species of
property, common to all the States, save
one ! Who can believe that in a conven
tion of slaveholders, who were so very
tenacious of the rights of slaveholders, tbaf
they had again and again refused tomako
any Constitution at all, unles three-fifths of
their slaves were represented in Congress,
and unless slave taxation was,limited by
slave representation, and unless fugitive
slaves were delivered up to their owner;
yet actually conferred and meant to confer
a power on CongroO, to expel or exclude
themselves with their slaves, and their
posterity with theirs, fi om a foodhold with
in the Fedral jurisdictions they were crea
ting for the future territories of Louisiana
and Florida, which they knew we must
have, leaving such territories free all the
while, to the entrance and abiding of all
other people and of all other property !
Foil! It is a fraud upon common sense
to maintain such an absurdity. No hon
est man whoever had any and fairly look
ed into the question, ever did or could be
lieve it; and no such man will lay his
hand upon his heart and say so ! And ye£
a strict construction Jeffersonian Democrat
can find a Wilmot Proviso power in the
Federal Constitution ! It cannot be so,
Mr. President, but in cases where fanati
cism has driven reason from its judgment
seat, and holds in absolute dominion the
human mind ! No, no sir, and to return
to the case of the earlier Federalists of
New England, and part with them here—
all unprejudiced and candid men will ad
mit, 1 am sure, that if those tohrewd and
sagacious intellects failed to%liscQvet these
anti slavery powers iti the Constitut'd!,
they could only have failed because there
were no such powers (here! And until
those noble spirits who have so long vviel
ded the energies of the Northern Demo
cracy in seasons of peril, to the ! nipn,
shall como back to their principles—repu
diate the doctrine of constructive powers,
and give back to the South her Own, and
before the pending measures hare gone into
. an irretrievable accomplishment —as Gospel
Truth it is sure, that the Northern and
Southern Democracy can bd united no
more, and without lhat union lo withhold
it, the vaster union of all thd Slates, (doubt
it who may !) will inevitably go to pieces!
RANDOLPH OF ROANOKE’
