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THE SOUTHERN TRIBUNE.
NEW SB It IES —VOLUME 11.
From the Southern Press.
the RANDOLPH EPISTLES.
Facts and Reflections for the People of tUe
South.
NO. 111.
The Rtricto of the Compromise continued The '
Rights of Equality—Constitutional Rights —
The Texas Boundary Bill—The way it was
Carried — Ihe principle of the Bill unconstitu
tional—The 'false elamor” that was raised—
the Compact between the States in the Senate
ichtn ratifying the Treaty—Colloquy between
the North and the South- The Texas title—Col
loqay betiecen the United Siates and Texas, 4 c.
j Fellow-Citizen* of the Soul It:
! Papers dashed off‘»t a single heat as these are
would necessarily bear on their face the traces
| of many imperfections even were the author
capable, with pains, of impnrting to them any
higher value, than usually attach to tho nugee
which sparkle ndovvn the fleeting columns of a
daily journal, and are gone ! My last Epistle
however, had far more than iis share of hurly
burly haste in concoction,ns is apparent enough in
the omission 1 made when discussing the consti
tutionul objections to the proceedings of Congress
on the California and Territorial Bills, in saving
not a word, of the most palpable and incoritesti
bleofa'l tlie constitutional objections with whicli
they were chargeable, to wi ; their violation of
the Rights of Equality of the States. No one can
lay his finger on a clause in the Constitution
which declares in so many word--, that l|nStn|i g
shall he equal in theL tiion.y et no one can point
toclause, in the instrument making reference to
the States, which is not im st obviously based
upon their equality and sameness in Federal
rights and restraints in Federal privileges and
duties There is not a principle laid down in
any of its clauses upon which all men are more
fully agreed than upon this : Nobody denies it :
Nobody doubts it: It must therefore Imregaided
as a settled axiom of the Constitution that The
Equality of the States in Federal rights and priv
i'cges, and in Federal restraints and duties is a
fundamental and immutable principle of the Union
All that is needed lien is to determine, whether
that Equality of the States has been observed
and protected in the proceedings of Congress
upon the California amt Territorial Bills : and
this is readilv ascertained ;
Ot the whole cession of territory made be
Mexico, it is agr ed on all hands that ninety-five
one hundredths of itin value is embraced wi: hie
the limi's ofCalifiirnia as recognized in the art of
Congress admitting her into die Union; and it is
certain that the Southern States are excluded
forever from every foot iff it and through die
action ofCongrcss. Now the Constitution, (as 1
have saiii) guarantees tho equal rights of the
States, w hetlier they he Free States or Slave
Stales, whether those rights pSilain to territory
toother properly or to any thing else, and I
demand to know, whether tile Rightsof Equality
of Slave! Mates have been protected or destroyed
by the action ot Congress in ndmi ting California
into the Union with the linn mini ins assigned her
in the act of admission ? But one answer can tie
given: The Rights of Equality have been des
troyed by it !
As to the Territories of Utah and New Mexico
(embracing hut five one hundredth" s part in value
of the whole cession) if hot li of them were ceded
over to the Sontli in exclusiveness arid perpetui
ty, it would m t reach the centime of aty tlie to
wards the restoration of tho equality destroyed,
through the admission of California. But far
from surrendering either up to slavery,— it was
the avowed design of die majority,— in giving
them organization, ofexcludirig the South per
petually from both ; and the repeated refusals of
Congress to repeal the Mexican Proviso inter
dicting Slavery,—are tantamount to tftdeclarato
ry Into, that that interdiction survived the ces
sion and is now in force ;—and I again demand
to know, whether the action of Congress in the
premises, has protected or destroyed the equal
rights of the Slave States to the use and occupan
cy of those Territories ?—But one answer can
he given . The Equal Rights of the Slate States,
have been destroyed by it
The money-price of California and the Terri
tories, is the money-cost of their acquisition and
reaches to an hundred millions of dollars, of
which the South puys .$75,000,000 and the North
$25,000,000 ; and 1 once more demand to know
whether the action of Congress which has de
prived the Slate States of a foot-hold in either,
without releasing the South from its obligations
to pay three-flUi ths of their money-cost,—has
protected or destroyed their equal rights as
members of the Union, to a just apportionment
of its blessings and its burthens ? lint one an
swer can lie given : The Equal Rights of the
Slave States, have Leen destroyed by it!
~, . i
i Int nlv i may venture to sav, that no man
with brains enough to compass the facts and ap
ply them to the principle, and who takes con
science fur his monitor, will contest or can doubt,
hut thaPtho proceedings of Congress in all the
measures referred to, —have inflicted palpable
and flagrant broaches upon the Rights of Equal
ity of the S ave Slates ; and that in the case of
California those Rights of Equality have been
utterly annihilated ! If then the Equal Rights
of the Slave States, are Constitutional rights, ns
they incontcs'.ihly are ; —if those Rights have
been utterly annihilated in California through
the action of Congress, as is equally incontesti
ble, skepticism itself must surrender its doubts
and join in the romdlary, that THE ACT OF
CONGRESS, RECEIVING CALIFORNIA
INTO THE UNION, W..S AND IS, A
PALPABLE AND FLAGRANT VIOLA
TION OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE
UNITED STATES !
Having brought the act admitting California
into the Union, to the tests of the Constitution,
and traced its aggressions and influence, together
I with those organizing the Territories of Utah
MACON, SATURDAY AFTERNOON, OCTOBER 12, ISSO.
and New Mexico, upon the rights and interest
of the Southern States to their consequences*—
I pass to a rapid review of the other measures of
that baleful and ominous Compromise, and next
in order is,
THE TEXAS BOUNDARY RIEL.
Few subjects have ever been the sources of
more impertinent and inconsequential debate,
than this. What had Congress to do with so
antiquarian a problem,as the Eastern and South
ern boundary line of i\ew Mexico, a century
and an half ago ? She came to us unorganized
—and the Treaty gave her inhabitants no voice
in the Territorial limits to be assigned them by
this Government ; and as to Texas, —her boun
dary title to the RioGrande,from its mouth to its
source, had no higher antiquity than the rout at
Sin Jacinto, —and her Treaty with Santa Anna
which followed it. The validity of the Texan
t'ule to these Western limits, embraced the only
qnes i in of right hi the whole controversy.—
All else, inv dved questions of expediency onlv,
—lint nevertheless, —questions in the South of
tile gravest import,—and full ofdangers. Thro’
all the strile, ton thousand Southern minds were
mooting the questions . If Texas had the right
to tiie boundary she claims, then all of New |
Mexico eas. * >l the Rio Grande, was slare Ter- |
rilnrv, —and why should she part with it,—and i
doom it to the hostile and aggressive dominion !
nl Frce.Soilism, — and upon her own borders?— j
i Stranger Mill was the question: why should
I exits part wi h, besides, so large a portion of
j ber own unelisputcel lerritorv, and consign ii. to
! the same perilous des iualimi? Wiih yet pro
| founder emotions, did they ask tln-uiselvcs,
1 whether the South would have ever struggled for
f even consented to the admission of Texas into
the Union, but lor an implication as solemn and
as binding as n compact could have made it,—
that she would yield no countenance or help to
the plan ing and establishing of Free States nut
es her own slave Territory, South of the line of
36 deg, 30 min?—And, "Ncrer! Never!”
were Ihe s orm and vehement respi uses which
burs, spontaneous fmm even Somhiii. hint! !
As tn all the dramatic dainnr (hut was gniteti
up to alarm the country , Cm] bless your unso
phisticated simplicity !—all it In tokened to a
keen observer was, that the clashing and mili
tant into'ests between the ] ex in hood holders
and the Northern Free Soilers, had her n dexter
ously compromised, by de.xli rous transfers here
and dex crons dinneis there, and dexterous vo
ting thither; ending, as all territorial enutrover {
sies between the sec ions have ever ended, in
despoiling the South of her territory , and plun
dering her Exchequer to pay for it ! But n
tiuee with the topic,—lest I trench upon Hi j
province of the shrewd observer, it mid, is]
preparing a detailed account of Ii 1 1. , i>an.- j, r.
ed in and out of the 1 loose <f • . , entativ* s,
during the memorable lime days?'; ,-ggle on the
Texan Bill, which are likely io become as fa- j
mous, though hardly as glorious, as ihe “Three
Day sot France ’ which witnessed a monarch's
flight and a popular revolution ! But I par,
with ihe subject with the single it mark, that if
the historian shall faithfully perforin what he
professes to aim at, lie will merit, at the hands
of the American people, “as rich a wreath of
laurels as ever graced the brows of the bravest of
the knights of Malta ’’
But, if the right is in Texas, why should this
Government wish to divest her of it ? Why
sieze it with the strong hand at id Indd it hv force,
and brandish the sword and menace her with
war, hut to force her to sell it ? Then again, if
the right he in Texas, (as will he presently de
monstrated,) why should this Government, with
more territory than she cun manage, wish to buy
it for her? And if is not, why should it pay for
*t? But if the Government must buy it, why
offer a price so disproportionate to its worth ?
Ten millions of dollars! Why, when General
Jackson, in 1829, was so anxious to acquire
Texas from Mexico, fre million es dollars, wore
the utmost farthing he would offer for the whole
of it. For less than half a million, the entire
strip of New Mexico, lying east oft lie Rio Grande
could at any time have been find of Mexico:—
and less than half that money would now buy
every tillable acre of the useful domain it con
tains; — But the Freesoilers of Congress would
not have voted a tylhe of the money for that
No, no, it was the eminent domain they wanted,
til a jurisdiction, the sovereignty, the extinction
ill embryo of two slave States, and the creation
in embryo of two Free Slates in their s cad, thro’
the junction of a heavy slice carved out of the
undisputed territory of Texas, and make the
South contribute six and a-lialf of the ten mil
lions, towards the accomplishment of her own
territorial spoliation! That was what was want
ed ! That was the scheme of the Free soilers
whicli President Fillmore lent himself! It was
to ensure tiiis triumph through Hus spoliation,
to his Freesoil confederates, that he brandished
the Federal sword and menaced an Executive
war against a sovereign Suite, w ithout the sanc
tion ofCongrcss! And for what? Because
she resolves to suppress an open lehellion with
in her own borders, to which service, the Presi.
dent himself was hound by his oath and the
Constitution, to have sent to her aid, the very
troops with which he menaced her, had Texas
railed on this Government for military assist
ance ?
Mind you, however! the amount of the ap
propriation is the least of my objections mil. It
is the unlawful intermeddling—the unconstitu
tional agency of Congress, in appropriating the
public money to the purchasing poLtical dolriin
ion front one of the great sections of the coun
try to bestow upon the other; to devote the
powers and means of the Government, to the
impairment and suppression of one speeies of
domestic institutions, for the establishment and
advancement of another in its place; to extort
from the South, the money-cost of her own
dtsn.ombeniteni, and make her tEostuStkiod ac.
complice of her own undoing—it is these as the
end* and aims of Government, that 1 denounce
as unconstitutional, and reprobate as iniquitous!
To Texas, the South would not have begrudged
a dollar of the amount, had it been paid her in
lien of her lien upon her customs,which had been
pledged to her creditors,prior to her annexation,
and which had passed to this Government unre.
lievedof the pledge; or though she had ceded
a portion of her public domain, provided she held
retained her jurisdiction and sovereignty over the
erea in which it should be situute, unaffected by
the cession and wholly unimpaired. But to sell
her Jurisdiction ! To part with her Sovereignty!
To belt the South around by a cordon of Free
Stales, avowedly hostile to her institutions, with
asylums for fugitives strewn broadest upon her
borders, with all facilities for the plotters of
sanguinary risings and indiscriminate massa
cres; all l lie counsels of wisdom, all the prompt
ings of interests, every impulse of safely declare
i: should never have been acceded to! Much
might he said for Texas, borne down with the
pressure of iier irredeemable war debt, with a
bankrupted exchequer—stinted of all the nctivc
revenues from h> r customs, which this Govern
merit had clutched in ils miserly grasp, and
witlilield froin the creditors to whom they were
pledged; and the .South should have struggled
with the Government, until it came to ber relief
and redeemed ils obligations to tier, bus tn have
consented to ihe spoilation of her jurisdiction
and sovereignty— Nerer ! No, Fellow Citizens
of the South— Never !— Never!
But it will he said, that this extraordinary *a.
orifice was needed from the South, as “the only
means of preserving the peace of the country !’’
That w.-,s the imposing delusion which secured
the votes ofa number of Southerners, and carried
the bill. Without that they never
wou and have voted for it, and without their
votes it never could have passed! “ The only
means of preserving the peace of the country !"'—
Well: admit that ‘the peace of the country " was
in jeopardy ! Who but the North, by menacing
Texas with the Federal strong-band and military
violence, to despoil ber of her own, bad pot it in
jeopaiy ? But route the jeopardy whence it mav
—are no oilier sacrifices but Southern sacrifices
e'er to be heaped up,as offerings upon the altar
of peace ? Is the North witbout an interest in
all the lauded blessings of Union anil Pence,
that she never yields an inch or a doit—a prejir
dice or a caprice, to save either? Thirty years
ago. the North demanded that tlm South be driv
en and excluded from fourfifthaof the Stare Ter
ritory of Louisiana. For a season, the South
resolutely resisted this monstrous injustice ; but
artful a: J treacherous appeals to her, to “proserv t
the peace of the country and save the Union,"
prevailed over her good sense—the lino of the
Missouri Compromise wtis stretched across ber
•erritory—and from that hour, was her politics'
inferiority in the Union, a destiny and a fate!
Within a year thereafter, the most important por
tion of the S?«re Territory of Oregon was ac
quired through Ihe Florida Treaty; and,ssisv s
the N< rtli to the South, Remember our Compete(
of Partition, on the line of 36, 30, it is so
“nominated in the bond.” And the South did
remember it,and faithfuly adhered to it ever after
and so the “pnntid of flesh” was yielded and the
line again run Just five years ago, the interest*
of all concerned, suggested that with her
vast area of Slave territory, should bo annexed
tn the Union. Again speaks the North to the
South: Remember our Compact of Partition on
the line ofSG, 30. And it was remembered
and, faithfully adhering to ft,again did the South
consent to the stretching of the Missouri Com.
promise across the Slave Territory of Texas.—
Very well: A little more than two years ago
the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, ceding Cali
fornia, New Mrxico, &.C., to the United States,
was up for ratification in the Senate. M r. Bald win
of Connecticut, moved the Wilmot Proviso, en
tirely excluding the South from every portion
oftlte ceded Territories, as ail amendment to the
treaty: Upon that, spake the South to the
North substantially thus:—Senators of the Free
States! If that’s your game we of the South
want to know it. We have the power to ratify
or reject this Treaty, (it requires Jds to ratify,)
and we shall reject it, unles this amendment is
put down by a decided vote, and with a perfect
limb-standing that Ihe rights and shares of the
North and South, as to migration and settlement
in the ceded terri tin ics,— with or without siaves,
shall be indiscriminately mutual and scrupulous,
ly equal. With that understanding, down coine
the Senates’ vote, und the Wilmot Proviio fel|
crushed under the weight of the overwhelming
odds, of but fifteen in ils favor, in a Senate of
sixty! No form of words, no solemnization in
writing, could Ituvo added an iota tothe binding
force of such an understanding, whether ex'
pressed or implied, when passed upon at such a
Forum. Mark you! The Senate had met,
disassociated Irotn all ils Legislative functions-
The sovereign States had assembled, to hold
council with each other through their Senatorial
Plenipotentiaries upon their Foreign Relations,
involving the issues of Peace and War and an
enlargement of boundaries and National domin
ion. The Wilmot Proviso is proposed. A por
tion of the States umple in power and resolute
of purpose, declare that they will reject the
Treaty, if it be not rejected, and it is voted down f
and in the proportion of three-fourths of both
'plenipotentiaries and Stales to one-fourth, and
of the fifteen Free States nine of them were di
vided and neuttalized and but six of them unan
imous ! That much at least is in writing.
Well the Treaty is ratified, and the negotiation
ends Then, Congress, tho Federative Agent
oflhcse very States, takes it upon itslf to reverse
their decision rejecting the Wilmot Proviso by
such crushing odds, plucks it out of the sewer
wlicto it lies lifeless and despised, breathes into
it anew the breath of life, and puts it in full
force and operation throughout California, just
NUMBER 40.
as if the decision of the States in Senate had been
the the other way ! Mind you! It is the Con
gress of the States, and not the Contention of
California (which was powerless in the premises
that done this, as I think I made most obviouslv
sure in my last number. Now take an illustra
tion: England, France, Russia, and the United
States, appointing two Ministers each, assemble
in Convention, to ne gotitatea Quadruple Treaty
between them. At a Conference, England pro
posesa mutual right ofsearch between the high
contracting parties, in lime of pence. After de.
liberation, Frame, Russia and the United States
are unanimous against it, and the English Minis
ters (like the Senators from the Free States) are
divided, and the proposition is rejected frani the
Treaty. Well, England chooses to act upon the
proposition just as if it had been adopted, and
on forces the right of search against the com
merce of other Powers in time of Peace ! Why
the whole civilized world would brand such an
aggression as infamous and piratical, and she
would be outlawed as an Ishrneiel throughout the
world's thnroiighfa es: with Iter hands against
very man, and every man’s itand against her!
Tell me then, whatthere be, if there be, any
thing in conscience, morals or bonorjess decep
tions, iniquitous and heinous, in the one case,
than in the other ! The South announced ex
plicitlv to the Nor It, the only terms upon \vl■ icj,
she would consent to the acquisition of the ter
ritory ceded by the Treaty, and those terms were,
a perfect mutuality and equali y of rights aid
privileges, between the Free and the Slave
Slates, in their occupancy and enjoyment. The
North knew that tho territory could be acquired
upon no other terms, and in joining in the ae
quisition,she acceded to the terms. True, they
were not put in writing in the Senate, but where
was the necessity ? The terms tcere already in
writing. Where, think ye ? In the Union of
the United States, which had guaranteed
TO F.VF.KV STATE AN ENTIRE MUTUALITY AND
MUTUALITY OF RIGHT AND PRIVILEGES WITH HER
CO.STATES, IN USE AND ENJOYMENT, OF ALL, AND
WHATEVER MIGHT BE, TUT, COMMON PROPERTY
of the union! These were fundamental con
ditions of its adoption and ratification,and though
no longer enforced, are as obligatory upon the
oaths and consciences of Congressmen, as they
ever were !
Such being the understanding, sucli the obli
gations, such the Constitution; let us see now,
how the North kept her faith and did her duty,
and reduce all that Congress has been saying
for these ten months past, to a rapid colloquy
between tho Sections, with the points mooted
and the way tiicy were disposed of:
Hit South. —We are about organizing the ter
ritories acquired from Mexico,and as the Sontli
contributed two-thirds of the men, threu.fouitlis
of the money, and, (however it is to be account
ed for,) five-sixths of the graves, she will
expect and insist upon an equal participation in
their occupancy and enjoyment.
The North. — Your facts arc all true ; you did
most to acquire it, but you acquired it lor us !
We canno consent to the further extension of
slavery, for even Mr. Clay reprobates that,
though it would have looked better, if lie had first
manumitted bis own staves and fled the pesti
lence ! We think with t lie world, that slavery
is a crime, and we cannot spread the existing
blot upon our escutcheon ; so let us not quarrel
and endanger the harmony of our gloroius U uion:
The Union forever, Hurrah !
The South. —Away with your fanaticism !
Did you not plight your sacred honor and your
public faith, that if we would consent to the
acquisition, wc should equally enjoy it with you?
You did : yet you promised no n ore, than that
which your oaths and the Constitution, had
obliged you to perfoim. We would not give to
the value of n pinch of snuff for the Union with
out the Constitution of which it was born and
can never survive.
The J\orth —True again: But honor and
good faith are of but little worth, when plighted
to the extention and duration of a crime' Besides
there is a “higher law” than the Constitution;
and as to our oaths; we kept our souls cleuused
and untainted of all perjury at the swearings,
through the mental reservations, witli which we
plighted our truth upon the Gospels of God !
So urge us no more ! Ours is the power, and
dominion and property, but its appurtenant
attributes: Minorities tnay raise questions, but
it is majorities which must decide them; and
wc will never consent to tho extention of slavery.
So yield ye to your destinies: Don’t disturb
the public peace! Remember the struggles of
our Fathers to Turin ibis glorious L r nion ! The
Union forever! Hurrah!
The South.— Ay! do vve remember your Fa.
thers, and we remember their honor und un*
swerving faith ! Where either were once plight
ed, they would have seen havoc and the flames
desolating the Country, or earthquakes engtilph
it, rather than that one jot or title of either,
should fall to tho ground ! To every honest
mind,“mental reservations” in public swearings
are deliberate perjuries in mental contempla
tions. In man's relations toman in this Feder
ative Brotherhood of ours, we know of but one
“higher law” than the Constitution, and that is
The Law of Self Preservation, to be executed
through the exercise of The Right of Secession
from a Union, oppressively perverted frW * ls
original objects, and made the cover of its odi
ous discriminations and of sectional spoliations.
Still: we do love the Union, and rather than
secede from it, we nre ready to proffer you the
the greatest of sacrifices, and release you at once
from your oaths and your duty to acknowledge
our rights throughout the Territories, and so vve
will accept of the line of 36 deg. 30 min., and
surrender ail our rights of settlement North of
it! This is the basis of adjustment whicli you
cannot reject, for that :s the line of territorial'
partition which you yourselves devised and im
jir s-fl on tho South, and for thirty years and in
BOOK AND JOB PRINTING
Will he executed in the neatest style,
and upon the mostfavor alle
terms, af the Office es the
SCTJTEZniT TP.IB'JITZa
-BY—
WM. B. HARRISON.
memorable instances, and at your demand, ha*
it been a Compact lint between
the North and the^routh.
The Notth. —Yes, but we can reject it and we
do : That was a very good line to run through
slave Territory, but it don't suit us at all to have
it applied to free Territory; and not a man of
o*in Congress have voted for it, nor will we!
Neither will we run any line at all, and having
the power we shall appropriate it all to ourselves'
nor allow you a single foot of it. It is needless
to be angry. You dare not rupture our glorious
Union. So forget your wrongs and shout with
us. The Union forever. Hurrah!
The South. —Very well : Suppose the South
submits to this, yon surely do not expect us to
surrender up every thing and pay for it too.—
Eh?
The Jiorth But we Jo, though ! From not »
red cent of the $100,0c0,000 of War debt which
the territory cost us, will we release you. We
will take pity on you so far, that we will pay
$25,000,000, but you shall pay out of your
slave labor, every dollar of the residue ! It is
the first duty of majorities to look to their in
terests; it is their highest privilege, to do ne
they please. Minorities must content them
selves with whatever is vouchsafed them. Im
plicit submission is the price of their protection,
and passive obedience is the law of their con
dition ! On all the Earth there is sot a Govern
ment, which showers down so many blessings
upon those who hold its sceptro of authority.—
Do you think we will consent to its total dis
ruption? Never! Hurrah for the Union ! The
Union forever! Hurrah!.
The South. —Then hive it to yourselves ; the
North shall be yours ; and the South shall bn
ours. Down with the Union, if we must be
slaves ! Then be secession the watchword ;
severance the doom; partition the settlement;
equality its principle ; or, our Rights be opr
Booty ! Will you drive us to the alternative ?
To be stives in the Union, or freemen out of it *
Then a blight for the Union, and freemen be
we! Independence, Freedom, and the South !
Under such a blasting alternative, God will have
joined them together, and palsied bo the hand
and appalling the doom of whomsoever would
»‘put them asunder!" Be such the result, if
such the alternative ! Speak but the one, and
secession's the other ! The South with her
Rights; or, alone forever! Hurrah! For,
ever and ever ! Hurrah ! Hurrah !
But avast ! and a truce to a quarrel so rapidly
leading to a severance of sections, or a passage
at arms ; nor must we lose sight of that pungent
interrogative, that if the public peace be in jen.
pardy, why should not the North as well as
the South, contribute something towards it*
preservation ? If Eastern New Mexico doe*
not belong to Texas, then must it belong in tnoi
lie* tothe Free and the Slave States. They had
but to surrender it to Texas, and io ! there was
Peace! with a natural arrondisement beside?,to
her western boundaries ! That was by far an
easier and cheaper mode of settling tho matter,
than paying Texas $10,000,000 from the Treas
ury, for what the Free Soilers declare was not
tiers! In that adjustment the South would
have sacrificed, if there was any sacrifice, (mind
you that!) quite as much as the North would
have sacrificed ; but that was nut the thing. Tho
North did not mean to sacrifice any thing at ull;
but on the contrary, to reap all the sacrifices tha
South should make, and belt Iter borders, be
sides with Free States. Hence the $10,000,000!
Hence the dismemberment of Texas! And
hence the glenming of the Federal Sabre over
ait unarmed State, to force out of her necessities
an acceptance of the terms, and extort from tho
South 75 per centum of the money cost to pay
the property cost of her own dismemberment !
That was it, and that wa* every thing !
I have said, that the surrender of Eastern New
Mexico, would have been the easiest and cheap
est way of putting an end to the whole contro
versy, and it is most obvious that this would
have been so, had Texas had no title whatever
to that territory. But Texas bad a title to it :
the best title : all the title and tha only title.
As 1 do not mean to leave the shadow ofa doubt
resting upon this title, I shall at once strip the
argument of all the elaborate nothings, cumber
ing our path to truth, and leavo every thing
touching so profitless and stale a quarrel as the
ancient boundaries of New Mexico, to the del
ving antiquuries of the Senate Chamber. There
is not a tittle of it, which possesses tho shadow
of a shade of pertinency, upon the issue of title
between Texas and the United States. Every
thing touching the question that’s worth the
knowing, is comprised in the bargaining which
preceded the compact of annexation. Tea thou
sand memories will attest, that in the rapid col
loquy which follows, I have preserved all the
pith of all that was said which induced and
bound the bargain between the partie, upon the
boundary title.
The United States.— England and France are
seeking relations with you, which would be far
from agreeable to us ; it would be much more to
your interests to form relations with us, by en
tering into the Union ; will yon do this ?
Texas I will, if my Western limits are guar
antoed, as bordering on the Rio Grande from the
mouth to its source; and no obstacle* toil*
maintenance are interposed.
The United States —But there i* an adverse
possession in Eastern New Mexico, and you ne
ver carried your conquests that far, nor have
had possession of it. Upon whgt ground do you
claim title thither ?
Texas. —Through the total overthrow of tha
Mexican Army at San Jacinto, and the Treaty
with Santa Anna, the President of Mexico.
(Concluded on Second Page j