The Southern tribune. (Macon, Ga.) 1850-1851, October 19, 1850, Image 2

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The Southern tribune., October 19, 1850, Image 2

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Newspaper Page TextSOUTHERN TRIBUNE EDITED AND POLISHED W i.EKLY, BV w ill . u . II ABHIS O\ . ———————pw»p— ——— Nokttit-rii I'olilirt. The recent division in the Whig (arty •l the North, is thus alluded to by the Ne w Vtf4 Herald, of the ?ih ins ant—We be lieve there is really no difference in prin ciple between the two factions tvith regard to Mbolition,—the one wishing to elicit u iminedi. ntely, whilst the other is satisfied from the ele ments now nt work in tha bojy politic, “that the days of slavery in this glorious Union, nre num bered already The Herald says : “The politi cal horizon of the North is growing darlt, and portends the swallow ng up of the Whig party in the Abolition movement. The course of the majority of the Syracuse Convention Committer is generally approved of throughout the North & East, and especially in the State of New York has it been adopted as the true Whig platiform. In this city,where interest would would prompt a different course, the resolutions of that Conven. lion live hem denounced by the more consider ate ofthe party; hut, in the interior mid Western sections of the States, the principles put forth and advocated by Win. H. Seward are endorsed and republished as the only Whig creed. The press in those sections, whith two or three ex. ceptions of minor cbharacter, have taken up the cry, and thrown the anti-slavery standard to thebneze. The Albany Register and Buffalo Commercial Advertiser aro the only papers of influence or note that have taken up the gauntlet to battle against tho proceedinge ofthe Conven tion. The Albany Evening Journal was first to proclaim tho cause of Seward,and the-smaller prints in ihe interior have followed, and, with every issue, denounce all who do not endorso the purity of his principles. The late postmas ter at Aldanv, L. Benedict, has published a ror. respondence in the Evening Journal, betweon the Postmaster General and himself, and the Journal had ninde an attack upon Pcsident Fil more and his administration which cannot fail to make wider the already existing breach in the Whig party The cause ofthe publication ofthe correspondence was because Mr Benedict failed to obey the instriietions ofthe head of the Depaitmcnt, or lelt the while bu.-iiir*® of the office to the care of an assistant, wfiich r suited in his removal, and the appointment of another in jjis stead. The Democratic press are of course placed in the dilemma in which the Whig party s placed; and, should the Frotsoilers hold to the nominations made by the Democratic Conven tion, their succes is more than probable. The Whig press throughout the Eastern Sente* are favorable to tho Seward principle of action, and tile Boston Atlas strongly censures the Whig scccdors for the course pursued. With re gard to the compaomiße measures adopted by Congress, they manifest an unswerving hostili. ty,and especially to the fugitived stave law which they assert is unconstitutional, and advise the fugitives to resi.t to the last extremity. The Boston Advertiser is the only Whig paper which has tailed a conservative course, and which cont niends the utility and justice of the law. The Domoaratie press is generally quiet, and leaves tho Whig party to absorb itsself into abolition without an expression of opinion. At all of tho late States and County Conventions ofthe Whig party in toe Northern and Eastern States, the siaverv question has been the chief subject of commeut, and they have univcrsollv condemned the netion of Con-grass in tho presage of the Tex as Boundary and Fugitive Slave hills while the same body has been very strongly censured for not incorporating the slavery prohihtion in th® Now Mexico and Utah bills—w hich would have been unnecessary, as Congress decided that th e Slexican law abolishing siaverv prevails there. The .Mobile Tribune says . “We have already publish enough iosliow that tho eastern people consider the territorial act of the recent congress now thank heaven no more a Congress—a triumph offroesnilistn. No one who honestly seeks information on tho subject can fail to arrive at tho same conclusion. Y’ery few of our people, however have access to the principal party and other influential journals of tho free states and thus the forming of their opinions is at the tnerev of those men who think the highest effort of pz riotism is to aid a party or to .'author their own nest by the acquisition of an office. It is thus that public sentiment is so easily led into error. It is thus that it so often honestly differs wi h those whose principal purpose is to arrive at truth and have better means to do so. We have attempted to correct this error and we shall continue tlie work as a matter of duty as well as choice, Y he New York Sun a neutral paper of larger circulation than any other journal in tho United States and by no means inclined to do injustice to the South has the following touching the re cent acts passed by Congress. Undoubtediy there will be clamor and clatter, from the extreme and fanatic Southern tneinbres it is to bo expe.cted—but tlie final result may be written down with certainty— Their decision[i c the nets passed by congress,] will be the doom of slavery in the Unied Statei. Its final suppression, is near at hand and may be looched upon ns otic of Ihe most triumphant battles ccer fought and won yet recorded in the world's history. It will have been a victory without bloodshed—a victory of principle, over habit and association, of right over wrong. Again. The Boston Times—a neutral paper, and having a larger circulation in New England than other paper published there—writes as follows • “The bill which has passed both Houses of Congress, to facilitate the "reclamation of fugi tive slaves, has very little beyond its repulsive till® to render it obnoxious to the North, beyond the law already existing. The right of trial by jury is maintained, and the rights of a man, black or white, to liberty, is recognized, until it is proved that lie lias no such right. YVe look upon the bill a® a kind of peace offering to the South, and not as a law which will be apt to mend a single broken fetter, or bind up a single on« of theta “bleeding wounds” which the sci ><h, in the imagination of her Quixotic mem- bers of Congress, has been agonising under more or less, since “the memory of the oldest inhabitant." It is almost wrong to say that) under a government ol laws, made by the peo ple through their representatives, and impressed with all the solemnity of such sovereignty, any euactmont can be a deaf letter upon the statute book ; and yet, as every body knows there are such dead laws, and probably always will be, until human nature meets with some radical change for better or for worse ; for better, in that the people of every section may feci it a duty to adhere to salutary legal restraints,or for worse, in that they shall abrogate all law except the great scoundrelly law of the strongest.— There is a good deal of consolation, however, when we say that the slave-catching law will prove inoperative, in the reflection that its vio lation w ill be caused, not by a rascally public sentiment, but by the intrinisic wrong of the institution w hich has made such a law necessary, or expedient, or indispensible under the Con. stitutii n. The more this law is violated, or rather it is heeded, the brighter w ill the belter of human nature shine forth. Jill the Inis that hare been or can he enacted—all the codes fur catching slates that can pare the road from Mad awnsha to Copus Christi—will not induct a North rn man with northern feeling to assist in returning such fugitives to their masters unless absolutely compelled so to do by official position The whole feeling of the .Xorth is that li if a man is running for his liberty, let him run!” .hid if nerd be help him on his way.” And if there are cases where exceptions to this feeling may be found, it will always also be found that pecu niary motives are at tlie bottom ofit. How many can be bribed to become slave catchers, we can. not say, and would not willingly say it if we could; but a willing slave catcher, a disinter i sod slave catcher—a slave catcher from prin ciple—there are none at the North -; or as the blue nose recently said of his sound potatoes, not one. So much for Northern and English opinions of the Compromise to which the people of the South are conjured quietly to submit. “But,” say those who have no argument to defi nd these measures upon their own merits, and v\lio are constrained to admit their injustice to the South, “we should submit to them because they bring peace to the Country and future se curity to us.” “They Rcttle the question.”— ‘They are the best terms vve could get,” and ‘will putaetnpto the agitation of Congress.” Let us see what is said on this head in Boston. We extract first from the Boston Atlas, the most influential paper in its party in all England. Quoth the Atlas : "Tit snake is scotched, not killed. The “fugi tivc slave bill, is a monster, too hideous for the people of the free States to quietly and lovingly embrace. The territo, ial question is by no means dead. Among the people the principle of free dom is as strong as it ever was. We know that politicians in Washington can, hv their position and influence, accomplish much, and the cry of “Peace,” and oD'Unioii,’’ and of “brotherhood,” can accomplish more. But, after all, permanent peace, real union, and true brotherhood, have their basis upon the rock of justice, and receive their life and beauty from the warm gushing affections of the manly heart; and vve contend that of these peace “measures” recently passed by Congresss, a portion of them in direct oppo sition to the best sentiments and the best feelings of the vast majority of the people of the free States, [That is, they were not abolition enough in their character ] The day will come when Northern rights will ne regarded,and the North ern people make themselves felt in the counsels of tlie nation not to oppress, not assume tin delegated powers, not to interfere with the rights or tho property of Southerners, but felt in the maintenance of their proper position, and in do ing something for the glorious cause of human liberty and rightful progress in the western world.” The argument of this is that the law is allowed by the north simply as a “peace-offering to the south for sudinittiug to the omnibus bill—that it amountsto nothing inasmuch as popular opinion at the north is such that all the laws imaginable would not secure tho south in any respect better than the security given by tho old law. In short it is a dead letter—not worth the paper on which it is written. It must be recollected that this fugitive slave law is not a law for anew purpose—to restore any lost right to the south—but simply to make more efficient an old law which freesoilism has not now the power to abrogate. Divisions of Tjir. Sooth. —The following ex. tract Hum the concluding portion of the late speech of the Hon. David Hubbard, of Ala , in Congress, contains truths sensibly and forcibly expressed : Before I conclude, I w ish to speak a word to Southern members, and through them to the Southern people, upon the subject of our own misconduct; arising from our jealousies and ri vulships among one another. It is our own di vions which have enabled the Northern section of ihe Union to encroach upon the rights of our constituents. And our conduct here for the last ten years reminds me of an incident reported in history, where England was trying to reduce Scotland to submission by arms. Sir William Wallace was the patriotic leader of the Scots, and England, like our northern opposer, had sc. duced many of the Scottish leaders into her ar mies, Robert Bruce among others. In these contests, it is related that qne day, after a hard fought battle, Bruce sat down to his [meal with the English nobles, with his hands all besmeared with the blood of his own countrymen slain in the battle; upon seeing which, a haughty English earl could not conceal his disgust. “Look,”said he, “at that Scot; see how he eats his own blood.” This insulting taunt, although true, cut Bruce to the heart. He could not eat another morsel, hut quietly rose from the table without uttering a word. That night Bruce joined the standard of his countrymen; and nevor rested or sleptquietly until every hostile foot had been driven far be yond the “Scottish border." I. sir, never hear a southern man speak against li s saction of country, or read a southern paper opposed to us, but I think that some cool, calcn. lating northerner, like the English noblemen, is expressing his disgust “for the fellow who ea s his own blood.” When will every true hearted southerner, like Bruce, leave the r-nmp ofthe op pres.-or, and join the standard of his ow n country ? Until then, i ihe north will neither regard our rights nor re spect our feeling*, MACON, G A SATURDAY MORNING, OUT. 1!». (D"The 11 Southern Tribune” will hereafter be issuod on Saturday Morning instead of the Af ternoon, as vve are determined not to be antici pated in our efforts to furnish Ihe latest news to our patrons. HU* We invite the attention of our readers to proceedings ofthe late public meetings held bv both parties in Macon. No Southern man can hesitate which to support. BTWe learn that J. A. Nisbet, Esq., left this city last week fir the North, to demand the iwo fugitive slaves from Macon held there—ls they should not be surrendered we are desirous of knowing whether the “Union party" will con sider that “no wrong has been done the South” and .tamely '•'■acquiesce” or not ? We shall see [o*Wfi understand that the proposition to make tlie abolition ofshivery in tho District of Columbia, u test of resistance was erased by the Committee at the Union meeting held in Macon on the 2Slh ult. \\ ill .southern men it ucquicscc ” in this doctrine ? [Jj’Thu following gentlemen have been nom inated as candidates of the Southern Rights furtv of Muscogeo county,viz : Hon. Alfred Iverson Major John H. Howard, Martin J. Craw lord and Win. Y. Barden, Esqs. itrTllo lion. Will. Aiken bus been elected to Congress from the Charleston District, and J. E. Carew, F.«q., State Senator from St. i’liilips and St. Michael's Parish, S. C. The Southern Rights Pautv the true Friends of the Union.— Northern aggressions if not repelled and checked by the combined ac tion of tlie Southern States, will soon drive these States into a dissolution of the Union. To pro tect the rights ot the minority against Federal encroachments and preserve the Rights of the States under the Constitution, tlie Southern Rights Party arc rapidly uniting the true friends of the Union. For this purpose they have aban doned old party distinctions, and are trying to rally men of all classes for the defence of our Stateand Federal Rights. Every Georgian na tive or adopted citizen, —from the North—from independent Scotland—from ill-fated Ireland— from struggling Germany—or from Republican France, should identify himself with this party, if ho loves the Constitution and tlie Union.— Let men who think that our rights are not in danger—that the Constitution and Union are not in jeopardy—that our institutions are not in peril, from the designs of Northern fanaticism—let them submit to present wrongs and oppose tlie State Convention. Let them cry “ Union- Union,” and denounce Southern Rights candi dates as Distinionists. In tlie language of turn about Toombs, “ This cry of Union is the mashed battery from behind which the Constitution and the llights of the South are to be assailed. Let the South mark the man who is for the Union at every hazard and to the last extremity.” This cry of Union, and this denunciation of those who desire to preserve our Constitutional Union from the vandal hands of abolition, is a mere trick to catch votes—to deceive honest men—to win Northerners to tliu Submission party. By this means unsuspecting citizens, who desire to pre serve the honor and interests of the State are in duced to act with a party who sanction Southern wrongs and i uvito oppression by tame submission. Lot every friend of the South be found on the sido of Georgia—the Constitution—and the Union as our forefathers formed it. Let them give their aid to those who are honest’y endea voring to save the South from being driven into dissolution by fanatics and free soilers. Let all those who reside here show that they are not afraid to defend the interests of the State, by standing on the Southern Rights platform. Georgia expects them to stand by her rights—„ her equality and her honor—let them not forsake her arid peril the Union by supporting the Sub missiunists, who would make it a means of op pression and tyranny. Latest from Europe — The America has ar rived bringing Liverpool dates to the sth ilist.— Ihe Hibernia’s news caused a slight impulse, which subsequently became lively. Favorable news from India reached Liverpool on Friday which caused the market to assume some anima tion. The day’s sales reached 10,000 bales,— the market closing firm at the prices current when the Europa sailed. The week's sales roach 44,600 hale* of which 30,000 wore American. Speculators took 20,- 000,and Exporters 2,630 bales. A New Book. —Arthur s Home Gazette says “Anew work on Austria is announced as being in press in New York, which promises to be a valuable addition to our materials on foreign politics and history. It is from the pen of VY’m 11. Stii.f.s, late Charge of the United Status to the Court of V ienna, who has been indefatigable in his researches, during a residence of four years in that city, with regard to the history ofthe Austrian Empire. His volume embraces a com plete historical survey of the different Austrian Provinces, a general view ofthe interior policy ofthe Empire and a sketch ofthe recent Revo lutionary struggles. Mr. Stii.es was an eye witness -to many of these latter scenes, of which he will bring the narrative down to the latest date. If this publication is finished with the ability and skill which ivc have a right to expect, it cannot fail to bo an important and agreeable volume.” Important Y rkaty. —Vv e learn from tho Philadelphia North American, that the Hon- Win. B. Robinson, on tho part of the United States Government, concluded a treaty on the 9th ult., with the Chippewa Indians inhabiting the Northern shores of lake Superiorand Huron, by which the Indians have ceded all the lands from tho eastern extremity of Lake Huron to Pidgenn river, on Lake Superior, and inland to the height of land, together with tho islands of the lakes and rivers. Tho price paid was $16,- 000 in hand, and an annuity forever of $4,400 Tlius the free soil power increases. IION. A. 11. STEPHENS’ SPEECH. This gentleman ad.lres-cd a public meeting without distinction of par'.y, in t[iis city on Thursday Evening last, in w hich lie took, occa sion to reiterate ail bis former sentiments and opinions on the slavery question, “without'’ as be said, “dotting an i or crossing at; yet contenJed that no wrong bad beeu done the South, who he said, had dricen the North to ac kuow ledge her rights ! This is tlie first time that we have ever heard this doctrine advanced. Ilu said that ifCongress abolished slavery inthe District of Columbia, —or the North refused to deliver up our fugitive slaves—or if the General Government should ever commit an “ orert act” upon our person or property, then he for one would “ join to overthrow the Government”— He asserted that there has never been less cause for resistance to the Government than now, ad vancing the absurd ground that the status of Texas would prerail ocer A Vie Mexico, tolerating slavery therein ! Now it is well known that during the passage of this Territorial hill, a mo tion was made to repeal, the Mexican law (which a large majority of both Houses hold to he still in farce there,) an l it was promptly rejieted by a majority of some forty ret s in the House ! And yet he has the hardihood to assert that the Texan law would prevail over New Mexico and establish slavery there, notwithstanding tho lat ter has about three-fourths of the Territory, and has already formed a State Constitution, which Mr. Fillmore., we think, presented to Congress since the passage of the said bill, which excludes slavery therein. He said the North had let the “stringent Fugitive Slave Bill pass”- Yes we believe two Northern Senutors did rote for it ■’ But we shall not attempt to follow the speech through, in which Mr. S. took especial care to denounce South Carolina, and thought if Geor gia wanted to be a “great State she must not follow her." But we dismiss the subject by giving the following extracts from former speech es of Mr. Stephens, and leave our readers to reconcile, if they ran, bis professions then, with his practice now : “It is my object at this time to speak, upon that measure, which some gentlemen are pleased to call the ‘compromise bill,’ hut which might be more properly entitled articles of capitulation on the part of the South. So far from being a compromise, the bill proposes nothing short of an abandonment of the south, and a surrender of the just rights of her people to an equal par ticipation in the new acquisitions of territory. The surrender was coral, hut it was no less com plete and absolute.” This extract is taken from Mr. Stephens' speech against what was termed tlie Clayton Compromise, and w hich was killed by tho votes of Mr. Stephens, and seven other southern whigs. Mr. Stephens entitled that Compromise capitulation on the part of the. South. He procei d ed to show that such was the case, and said “It was no compromise in any sense of the word A Compromise is a mutual yielding of rights, for the purposed adjusting and settling the differ ences and difficulties. But in this case, there was no such mutual concession. Y’ho whole question was to be left in the last resort to the Supreme Court of the United States, upon whose decision the party was either to get ail or loose a|l. And entertaining not the slightest doubt, that under it the South was to loose all, I adopt ed the speediest and most effectual means of de. featiog it.” (Now has there been a mutual concession by tlie North and tho South, in the late settlement of the difficulties in which Mr Stephens acqui esces? And again, is not the question left hv it to the decision of the same Supreme Court of the United States !) “Then, sir, what are we of the South to gain by | ibis compromise? Nothing but what we would have even with the YVilniot Proviso. Y’hepoor privilege of carrying our slaves into a country where the first thing to be encountered is tlie certain prospect of an uncertain law suit, which may cost more than any slave is worth ; and in my opinion, with tho absolute certainty of ulii. mate defeat in the end, and with no law in tiie meantime to protect our rights of property in any way whatever ! This sir, is the substance of the Compromise, even in the most favorable view tha lean he presented! And this is the security of the South which I had the temerity to reject! YVould that the people of that sec. tion may ever have men on this floor of such temerity ! I did reject it ; and I shall continue to reject all such favors. As long as I have a scat here, 1 shall maintain the just and equal rights of my section upon this ns upon all other questions. I ask nothing more and shall take nothing less. All I demand is, common right and common justice ; these I will have in clear and express terms, or I will have nothing. I speak to the North irrespective of parties. Ire cognise no party associa ion in affiliation upon this subject.” By the recent settlement we are no bettter off' YY’e do not obtain the just and equal rights of ( he South which Mr. Stephens said he should maintain. “Nor shall Ibo awed or intimadated in the discharge of this high duty, by an) of the trembling alarms of the official organ, that the “Union is in danger,' that unless agitation on this subject is quieted, the ‘free soil movement' in the North, wi'l sweep every thing before it, and tho government itself will ho endangered Such appeals may have their effects upon the hearts of the timid. I am, myself, not quite so easily terrified into a surrendr of my rights and those of constituents.” “And no alarms about the Union, ortho ravings of brainless scribblers and heartless damagogues, who croak and prate upon subjection which they aro profoundly ig norant, shall ever cause me to shrink from tlie open and fearless maintainance ofit, even though I may stand solitary and alone.” “I repeat 1 am no enemy to the Union,and lam for its pre servation and its perpetuation, if it can bo done upon principles of equality an J justice.” “YVe have heard but little from gentlemen from that section, for eight months past, hut eulogies upon tlie Union.” “If they expoct the South to make all the sacrifices, to yield every tiling, and to permit them to carry out their sectional policy under the cry of “our glorious Union,” they will find themselves most sadly mistaken. It is time for mutual concessions.” “And no people, in my judgment, who de serve the name of freemen, w ill continue their allegiance to any government which arrays it self not only against their property, but ag-iins, their social and civil organization." “And whenever this government is brought to hostile array against me and mine, I am for disunion— openly, boldly and fearlessly for revolution. I speak plainly. Get Remnn may call this treason |if they please. Sir, epithets have no terrors for me. Y'lie charge of “traitor’ may be whispered ;■ n the ears of the timid and rruven-hearted ; it is i Ihe last appeal of tyrants.’ ( I hese remarks of Mr. Stephens are vrrv ap plicable to some who are croaking and prating about the Union at the expense of tlie right® and honor of their own sections. Some of tiiose who nre now railed ultraists and traitors mav not have received the light which Mr Stephens has, and under the influence of which he sings now n different song.) “In other words, we sav, if you cannot agree to enjoy this public domain, let us divide it.— You take a share, and let us take a share. And I again submit to an intelligent and candid world if the proposition is not fair and just? And whether its rejection does not amount to a clear expression of your fixed determination to ex clude us entirely from any participation in this public domain.” “But if you deny those terms—if you contin. uc deaf to the voice of that spirit of justice, right and equality, which shouid always cliarac. terize the deliberations of statesmen, I know of no other alternative that will be left the people of the South, but sooner or later, to ‘acquiesce in the necessity’ of holding you, as the rest of mankind, enemies in war—in peace, friends.’” YVe clo«e for the present. Mr Stephens will find it difficult to reconcile his former with his present views. Both lie and Mr. Toombs will fail to show that they have not yielded at the point, which each declared should be the timo for resistance. Y'lie North has openly and boldly excluded the South from every foot ofthe Territories, and yet these demagogues say “all is right—there has been no harm done—hurrah for this glorious Union.” New Species of Cotton —The Savannah News says “Col. Greene, whose highly culti vated plantation is on the island opposite this city, has left at our office,where they can be seen by the public, three branches taken from cotton stalks now growing on his ground. Y'lie seed from which the cotton was grown were sent, about two years since, to tlie late Captain Siv i v nEv, of this city,by whom they were given to Col. Greene, with a view to ascertain, by planting them, the qualities of the species ; Col. Greene did not learn the name of the cotton, tor from whence the seed came. This is the second growth from the seed, the first planting having given him only a few stalks, from which he saved the seed which lie planted this year- Y’lie stalks now standing measure about five feet in height. I’he limbs are from twelve to four, teen inches in length, and are covered with bolls, some of which have opened, yielding a shott staple cotton of remarkable fineness. The greatest peculiarity of the plant is the large numbir of bolls which it bears—as many as 130 having been counted on a single stalk, and ten bolls on a limb on that number of inches in length. Y’lie boll opens freely, and the cotton adheres well to tlie boll, which renders it less liable beaten out by tlie weather than ordinary cotton. Y'lie limbs from which the stein of the boll shoots, and not the joints or forks, as in other cotton, being short, tlie plant can be more closely cultivated than any other. Col. Greene thinks that four plants could be accom modated on the space ordinarily occupied by two. Tlie plant has the appearence of being very hardy, and certainly is—judging from tlie flourishing condition of those on Col Greene s plantation—well adopted to our soil. But few of the bolls on the limbs in our-possession ar. mitured, and as we did not ienrn time of piant. mg, wo are unable to speak ol the time to bring •hi s species to maturity. Cul.G , whose judg ment in such matters is better informed than our own, thinks very favorably of the species, both in regard to its quality and productiveness. Perhaps some of our planting friends have re ceived some of tho same seed, and will be able to give the public further information in regard to it. Sugar Ca.nf. —A new and ualnable specimen of!“ugnr Cane, called the Crystal ine, lias been introduced into the parish of Plaquemines, La It came from Cuba. It is a large cane, with a t tigh ring and a remarkably large and firm eye indicating its capacity to stand frost,and it seems to be very juicy, lias every appearance of a very productive cane and one that will suit the climate of New Orleans Tlie Picayune says it lias been introduced into other parts of the State, and grows abundantly and vigorously. The kinds of caue cultivated in Louisana aro five—the Bourbon the green ribbon the redribben Otaheitc and the Creole cane. Y’lie Bourbon and tlie red ribbon are the most extensively cultivated. Bulb kinds withstand a slight frost and moro so than the others As the Chrystlme cane according to the acount given ofit appears to be excellently qualified to resist frost and to be very juicy, vig orously and prolific it will doubtless begeiically welcomed by the planters. Health of Augusta. —Tlie Republic ofthe loth inst. says : “Every apprehension of dan ger' arising from the existence ofof Small Fox in our city, has now subsided. Only two cases in all have occurred and they were immediately removed to the Fest House. No new cases have been reported since our, last and in all prohabil ty, the danger is past. YY’c hazard nothing in saving that life and health arc perfectly safe in Augusta. Since the above was in type, wc have seen a letter from Prof Paul F.. Eve, w holms charge ofthe patients, to the Mayor of the c.itv which states that both of the cases referred to aro now convalescent Tho letter slso contain* the grat ifying statement that no new casts have occur red. BISHOP ANDREYY. Y'lie Columbus Sentinel ofthe 10th inst t! u , notices a recent letter of this gentleman, w | the S.ibmisiionists have sought to make rap'd,! of in their zeal to do the “glorious Union" re, " re nee. Coinciding as we do, with the , P|l| mciits expressed, we transfer them to 0 ' columns as follows: “Tins venerable divine, for whose character as a Christain gentlemen, and w hose opinion! as a theologian, we claim to enterttin i, n4l . r * passed respect, lias addresssed to tin- Souil ll rn Chrmian Advocate, a letter on the subject If Southern Independence. The Columbus Enqi,j r cr has transferred it to its columns and h.rald, to its readers as an evidence of the sympathy 0 f the great and good man whose name is annexed to it. YVe can better imagine than describe ||„ mortification which Bishop Andrew must f ec | should be know that bis opinions bad been qu„’ ted as authority for shameless submission to wrong. That he is opposed to secession, except as a dernier resort, his letter very clearly j ndi . cates, but it with equal distinctness declares his conviction of the necessity f or „j temt sort for the wrong® which have been inflict upon the South. Mark his words : ".It am, rate, let us resolve, as Souther,, men, to proceed calmly, deliberately, justly, patiently, i„ . sistance, ichat we deem the unjust aggression of our Northern brethren. Lit us exhaust trery argument , and try other means of redress before we indulge for a moment the idea of dissolvin'* the Union of these Stat, s ; and when this ra’.as trophe comes, if come it must, let ii find us alias t ditch, haring tried trery peaceable remedy, rea dy with arm and heart to DFENU OURSKI.VCS It seems that the Bishop thinks the South lon some grievances ; some cause of complaint; nud should demand some kind of redress. But what says the Enquirer? Mr Toombs thinks have no wrongs to remedy, and of course the Enquirer thinks so too. Our neighbor's author ity then proves too much for his side of the question. There arc many Southern Rights men in Georgia who agree exactly with thin view of the case. They see that the rights us the South have been outraged, and like true hearted Southerners they would demand redress As to the mode and measures of that redress, we differ, and hence the necessity fora conrt-n --of the people ; not to determine whether we shall resist at all, but to agree upon the lime,tlie manner, and the extent of that resistance. But Bishop Andrew does not stop with a barren declaration that we have been wronged and should seek redress; he goes on to point out the mode of that redress. He is for a species of non-intercourse. He li.-.s not yet spoken of coin mercial non-intercourse, but the recomiuendatii n which he makes, involves the identical principle contended for by those who favor the idua. lie advises that Southern men should keep their children at the South for tlie pmposes of edu cation ; that they employ none but Southern teachers; use Southern text books, and patron ize Southern newspapers and periodica s. And what is this but non-intercourse? YVhat is it but the first step in a scries of measures lookir g to the ultimate and coniple e alienation of the North and South ? Now, there arc some men who may fancy a Union in which the purlin have nothing to do with each other, and tlie Bishop may be one of that class, but we ronfoi that when the time comes wlien all community of sentiment and feeling and trade shall ceaio the two sections, vve are unable to see any very good reason for preserving tlie Union. YVe will not,quarrel however, vviih any of our friends about the manner in which we are to resist “lie unjust aggressions of our Northern brethren. Resistance of some kind is what we ask, and we promise to be content with any mode which the people of Georgia may adopt 1 he Enquirer goes on, however, to conned with this letter some very sage and feeling re marks about the causes which led to the sepun. lion of the Methodist church, and concludes with a few Solemunic aphorisms about the im propriety of connecting church tied Stute i’crhnps if our neighbor should enquire limn diligently into the history of that iitt'n.r, be ntigh, be stirred up to a litle honest indignation >t the course of the North. Il is to he presumed that a Christum church is ceiiieiiud by ti** more hallowed and sacred than those wbicb unite with political communities; and yet tin Methodist church was served because an attempt was made to degrade Bishop Andrew from t « Episcopacy for the sin of holding slaves. " e suppose this with our neighbor would be legat ed but a “light and transient cause,” for so gun* a step. And now iiovv does tills compare ine normity with the outrages which have been put upon the South? YY r e are aseladed from «« equal participation in the common property the Union, for the sin of holding slave*, and *• have been denied the right to carry our propel} for purposes of trade into the District ol Colum bia. Y’licse are among tho “the light Mid " a "* ient grievances’’ of which the South oomph l '"*, and Bishop Andrew has had the heart t“ and the head to know that the South with honor or safety submit silently t° I'iie State Road.— The Augusta llepid’ij says: “YVe occasionally sec articles, cm' 1 ' and otherwise, about the bail Stale Road, accident occurring upon it. it that the these same captious writars caß * find fault with other roads ? Accidents nre W penning upon other roads as well as th" ® |jl road. YY'c must say that on our trip to- Ki"f meeting,vve wcreplensedto find the roadg fn^ r ly in such good order, and vve do not ffita e to have hail a smoother or plcassanter r '^ any road than the one from Atlanta to Ki n S sonic sixty miles from tho former place- Governor Towns lias called a conTfn i | ( and Gol. Mitchell is in favor of resistance wrongs inflicted upon the South, and hence articles against the road. YY r e were P **' , learn that the income ofthe Road was J on the increase, and vve have no doubt it w immensely profitable in the future. tEJ-Gen. C ass ha* been nominated by State Conventioe in Michigan, fur th* cy in IBC2.