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SOUTHERN TRIBUNE.
EDITED AND PUBLISHED WEEKLY, BY
W 111 . U . HARRISON.
ExlracOifrom (<ov. Towns' Leltur.
The following questions were asked
Gov. Towns, by a number of gentlemen
of Cherokee, viz :
Ist. Does the Act of the last Legisla.
ture, authorizing a call of a Convention,
admit of a reasonable doubt as to your
duty upon the admission of California
alone I
2d. Did not Congress in the admission
of California, virtually enact the VVilmol
Proviso—or can Congress constitutionally
do that indirectly which it cannot do di
rectly 1
To these inquiries Gov. Towns replies
at length, and answers the first, in part, as
follows :
“In my answer, I will reverse the order
in which they are stated ; premising, how
e'er, that no doubt did exist in my own
mind, that by the act of the Legislature,
it was made my imperative duty to call a
Convention of the people, in the event of
the admission into the Union of California
with her present Constitution. 1 have be
fore remarked, that it would be my duly
to advert to some unwelcome facts illus
trative of the character of the people of
the slave and non slaveholding States,
before I entered into a reply to your last
question, and which, in my judgment
have a most important and intimate con
nection with the subject under con id
eration. In the ordinary transactions of
human affairs, as well as the investigations
which are of daily occurrence, involving
private rights, experience has shown, tha t
there are of.eti apparently remote and dis
connected circumstances, without the aid
of which, neither the truth could be attain
ed, nor justice awarded; and so, in the
present most unhappy difficulty between
the two sections of the Union, it becomes
necessary to examine into the relative con
duct of the two sections towards each
other, as sections of the same confederacy;
as also, what acts of oppression or injus
tice have been perpetrated by the people
or their Representatives in Congress by
the one against the other. This will tea"
dily occur to ycu as obviously proper, from
the consideration that the very superstruc
ture of this Federative Government
ours, this glorious Union, of which you
may have heard something of late, from
strange lips, rests solely upon public con
fidence, and the affection of the people.—
Divest it of these pillars of strength, and
the G vernment, with the Union, is like
the edifice built upon sand. You may
prop it up, by your enlisted soldiery, and
the shifting evolutions of your sliding poli
ticians, for a season, but the great and im
mutable principles of justice aud equality,
ate too deeply implanted in every true
Southern bosom, whether native or ad pi
ed, for the terror of the one, or the de
■vices of the other, or the combined power
of both, to stand long befoie the withering
indignation of an outraged people. If
this be true, let us see whether the Fede
ral Government is, at this day, adminis
tered upon the principles < f equality and
justice which entitles it to the confidence
and affection of the people, aud ifit is not,
I would feign call upon all, of every sec
ticn of this Union, and especially in the
South, to rally upon these great and fun
damental principles of Government,
e juality between all the parts, without
which there can be no good Government,
in order to preserve aud save ‘the Union;’
that glorious Union of our fathers, which
rested upon equality of privileges, equality
* ... ■ i , ""l'u u-jjf lmuli£uti,_ And
any true Georgian, that they who dally in
this conflict, and fold their arms, or shut
their eyes, when the very pillars of the
Government are undermining, are them
selves, the worst enemies to the Union.
The Union ts not a senseless word, for
party hacks, or heartless politicians to
sport with. As applied to our Govern
ment, it means that vital element, which
diffuses itself throughout the Coustitution
in the form of equality and justice. Tha l
instrument embraces the great principles
of individual rights in the associated form
of Government. Its beauty, its perfection
and its strength, consist mainly in the fact,
lh-.t the citizen is deprived, or rather res
trained in the exercise of such of his na
tural rights only, as bis own safety and
welfare demand, and no more. * * *
The office of President of the United
States, iu the hands of a bad and wicked
roan, is but another name for despotism ;
»nd the Congress of tire United Stales,
when under Providence, it is composed of
unprincipled and corrupt-politicians, is the
inoat unwieldy, dangerous and crushing
despotism. The only guard against these
dire calamities is supposed to rest in a
written Constitution, defining the power,
and sustained by the virtue, and wisdom
of the people themselves, and in the sup
position that they will hurl from power
corrupt or incompetent official agents. —
But, as I think l shall be able to show,
this is not so in one section of the Union,
and we are not likely, in my judgment, to
see the time, when any improvement, in
this respect, may be reasonably anticipa
ted, then we come to the question L desire
to propound to you, and to the people
of Georgia : Who is the Union party of
this State ? Is it composed of you and
me and such as would restore the Govern
ment to its original puri'y—those who de
sire to arrest the lawless eucroachments of
infuriated fanaticism, which have urged
on irresponsible majorities in both Houses
of Congress to the bold and undisguised
assumption of power, by which our feel
ings and equal rights have been violated 1
Or is it composed of those, who shout for
the “Union,” now and forever, right or
wrong, though it should appear that Con
gress has wilfully and corruptly passed
laws depriving them of their equal
lights in the Territory acquired from
Mexico 1
For myself I feel, and I doubt not you
all agree with me, that 1 am prepared to
make many sacrifices for the Union. Ev
erything I can surrender but my honor,
and my l ights, undeniable and clear, un
der, under trio Constitution, I am prepared
to yield. But if the dreadful alternative
is forced upon me to surrender these ines
timable privileges, without which 1 would
feel far more degraded than l would to he
a Russian serf, or a Mexican peon, I must
confess my tongue will not permit me to
falsify the feelings of my heart, and 1 am
forced to admit, as an honest man, that the
Government must protect my rights as
guarantied to me by the Constitution, or
it forfeits my allegiance—and that l will
look to other safeguards for my protection.
What say you gentlemen 1 Do you, in
your heart covet an unjust, iniquitous and
oppressive Union ? Do you so love your
Northern brethren for their many virtues
and acts of disinterested patriotism, ilia,
you are prepared to forego the t ights se.
cured to you by your revolutionary fathers,
in older to preserve a Union, not of your
fathers, but the Union of irresponsible,
corrupt and unfeeling major Con
gross V' * *
Gov. Towns next proceeds to rehearse
certain acts and designs of the North in
relation to slavery, and contrasts the vast
difference that is known to exist between
the treatment of the citizens of the North
amongst us, and those of the f?outh at the
North—and cites the fact of Northern men
being employed as teachers in our schools
and colleges, and churches, and as editors,
&c., whilst no such equality exists at the
No lb, either in feeling or practice. In
relation to rights of property, in the for
mer case, by the laws of Georgia, the
Noithern man with his property, of what
ever description, coming among us, is
equally protected with the native citizen
whereas the slave of the Georgian in the
North, is wrested from him by stealth en
force. In reviewing the actions of the
people of the non-slaveholding States. Gov.
Towns remarks ;
“Truth and candor compel me to admit,
in view of the past, from the best con-ide
ration I have been able to bestow upon
the motivesaud objects of this great North
ern mind in relation to slavery, that 1 con
sider the concessions made by Congress
to this sentiment, by the passage, at the
present session, of the series of measures
called the Compromise bills, have effectu
TmTale'accompiishmeut oi' t'ho^fcAm, u ( !i
slavery iu every slave State in this Union,
—and that too, in less than a fourth of a
century from this day, unless restrained
by the united action of the South.” * *
Gov. Towns then discusses the admis.
sion of California at length, and denounces
it as a flagrant wrong upon the slavehold
ing States ; and censures the sentiments of
Mr. Clay who said that “if a people form
a Constitution, Ido not care what sort of
people they are—of what color they arc—
what right they have to the soil, how they
came there, whether for temporary or per
manent purposes, and if Congress chooses,
vpon the presentation of the Constitution
famed hy such people, to admit them—
Congress has the power to do so.”
After examining this question at length
with great ability the Governor c loses bis
etter with the following appropriate re
marks :
* * 1 believe that Congress i by the
admission of California into the Union,
teith the If i/mot Proviso contained in her
Constitusion, under the circumstances, has,
for every practical purpose, and in truth,
principle, and reason, made the act of the
people off alifornia in adopting their Con
sittution, the act of Congress, and for xchieh
Congress is alone answerable to the country
for all the consequences that may groic out
of it. I regard this art, as more atrocious,
insulting and dangerous than a direct appli
cation of the Proviso to a Territorial Gov
ernment ; because in the case of a Territory
the art done would be avowed, open, direct
and undisguised, while in the case of Cali
fornia it is equally the act rs Congress and
equally unjust and unconstitutional, and yet
so disguised as designedly to deceive and
mislead the people. Haring given you wy
opinion that the character of the act admit
ting California, is nothing more nor Uss
than the Wilmot Proviso, in its most odious
form, 1 have in conclusion to add, that 1
entertain the same opinions now / expressed
to the people of (he State in a letter address
ed to Col. Joseph Day, and others, on the
ISfh August, 1549. 1 beg leave to refer to
the question and the answer thereto :
"In the event of the passage by Congress
of the Wtlmot Proviso, or its interference
with the subject of slavery in the District of
Columbia, what course ought to be adapted
by the South V’
My answer is—first to look io ourselves
rather than our oppressors—to tube counsel
together without distin tion of party, and
upon one a 7 tar offer up ah recollections of
minor and past differences, and resolve that
f neither remonstrance,reason, nor argument
will arrest, the brutal fanaticism that is swee
ping over the land, threatening a disruption
of our social and political union, that we as
J.aac-holders, regarding the passage of the
Wilmot Proviso as the prelude, to thea boli
tion rs slavery in the District of Columbia,
as well as evidence of a settled, policy on the
part of the fee States to continue to disre
"‘gard the Constitutional provision for protec
tion in reference to fugitive slaves, ice hence
forward look alone, to the justice of our
cause, to the pi ot.ect ion of that Providcace,
who is able to divert our footsteps in the
midst of the greatest peril, to our men union
ofall the means,physical a ltd moral to es
tablish for oursclres, our wives and children.
freedom, equality and liberty,or perish in the
attempt- Let. then the icatchword be— the
Consti utons as it is—the Union as it was—
down with all odious and unconstitutional
discriminations bituecn the citizens, or the
property ofthe citizens of the different Sta tes,
by ihe Federal Govevrnmcnt, or that every
patriot son of the South, haring first cx
'hausted all pacific and, honorable means to
redress his wrongs toil/ rally to his post, and
resolve to die or maintain his rights. These
arc my honest feelings and tile result of my
deliberate judgment as to the course the
Slave Stales s/ton'd pursue in the last
resort."
These opinions were known to the people of
this State when elected hy them to the office of
Governor. No man can therefore say in fairness,
that they have been deceived or misled hy me.
And it remains for such of the Democratic par
ty as then endorsed these sentiments hy their
votes to reconcile their consistency with their
present opposition to them.
Now as then, I would feign implore the whole
; people of the State to a calm and impartial in.
| vestigation of the subject. Now as then, 1 would
commend moderation, firmness, decision. Now
| as then, would 1 warn and caution them against
j such, if there be any, as would seek to make
party capital out of our divisions as to the pro
i per le nc-dy for existing evils, as their worst ene
mies. Now as then, would 1 have the people to
confer and counsel together, as brothers of the
| same household, with an eye single to their duty
to themselves, and their country ; and above all
would 1 invoke fraternal feelings among our
selves—remembering that it is hut the lot of nan
to err and that wo should learn to lie indu&ent
to each oilier for any difference of opini>n a
rnong ourselves. Entertaining the opnions
j I do of the character of the aggressions of the
f Smith, and foreseein", as l think
I do, tiiedanger with winch we are encompassed
jon every side, 1 have spoken freely and uine
scrvedly. It may be that my opinions as u| our
j duty, may differ from a majority of ihe. p. epic.
! ve *> however well I may regard un self fortified
by facts and reason, I never have seen the mo
ment, 1 was not prepared to defer my judgment
to that of the people. One fact is too striking
t <> escape notice; entire harmony and unanimity
do not prevail; extremes must yield something
—moderate hut firm and decided men must form
the nucleus around which all can stand, and by
which we can present to our oppressors the
force of union at home. Let the South stand to
gether, avoiding all political alliances with the
North, until they learn to regard our rights and re
spect our feelings, and the cloud that now lowers
over our heads may he dispersed, leaving a bright
sky. Let us exhaust every means that the uni
ted wisdom of the South ran devise, to save onr
honor, property and the Union, before a resort is
had to extreme measures; but let us not he un
mindful, at the same time, that our good inten
tions and ardent desire to preserve the Union,
may fail, and that as a wise people we should
prepare in time to set our household in order,
and ifafter all, the cup of bitterness is still press
ed to our lips, let us draw the sword, and with
uniicd hearts, stif* together, strike boldly,
resolved to die, or preserve our liberty and
equality.
NO. 11.
Sejaration—ils Evils lo tl»e North
.-its iilcssiugs to the South.
Hr. Editor : — I closed my first article
wih the assertion that the South had, be
sides their rights under the constitution,
niich to gain in a pecuniary point of view
frirn separation with the North. I pro
ofed now to make that assertion good to
ue letter. The South is eminently an ag
ricultural region, the North commercial
snd manufacturing. The productions of
(griculture—the first fruits of the soil,
Constitutes the basis on which rests all cum
in ercial and manufacturing prosperity.—
Indeed, there could be no manufactures
[without the raw material, for the very
term manufacturing implies the conversion
of something ftom a crude or natural state
into some other, whereby it will be better
adapted to the uses and wants of civilized
society. This raw material, at least such
as enters mostly into the consumption of
the world is ever the produce of the soil
resulting from human labor, skillfully ap
plied. Neither can commerce flourish to
any considerable extent without bo'h the
raw and manufactured articles—consisting
as it does in a mere exchange of commo
dities, without these there would be but
little to exchange. We might perhaps,
with the view of satisfying the ever varia
ble cravings of the human appetite, ex
change a cargo of Corn with lieland for
a cargo of Potatoes, or a cargo of Rice
with Newfoundland for a cargo of Fish,
but would never think of exchanging the
raw material of Cotton with Franee for
the raw material of Silk, or with Uu»ia
for the same of Hemp, because, without
the abilty to manufacture, to covert to
something useful, the one would be as
worthless as the other. Hence it is clear
that manufacturing, or the ability to manu
facture, depends solely upon the produce
of the soil, generally the result of agricul
tural labor, to operate upon, and that com
metre depends upon them both. In civil
ized countries great prosperity to all these
interests rest upon a due proportion exist
ing between them all. That is whenever
there is an active demand for the consump
tion of the manufactured articles, the pro
ducing commercial and manufacturing in
lerests are prosperous.
1 lie South, 1 have said, is eminently
agi icultural. She raises n>t only the great
staples of Cot-on, Rice, Tobacco and Su
gar in abundance, hui enough u so of the
ordinary bread stuffs foi dome-ticconsump
tion. The Ninth from the unfavorable
< haracter of hei climate, being cold, in
hospitable and unproductive, raises none
of the latterto sustain herdense population,
ltistrueshe expo;ts provisions, but 1 doubt
if tiie Rice of the South, the Coin, Wheat
and Fork of the West were excluded,
whether she would have any thing of this
kind to spare for this purpose. Conse
quently her dependence upon other sec
tions fir every other agrieulttural produc
tion is clear and unques ionabie. Admit
|ing however, that l am in error in regard
to her capacity for the production of arti
cles of human food, the South at least is
not at all dependent upon her for this, as
Virginia, Maryland, Kentucky, Tennessee
and Missouri, leaving out the mountain re
gion of the Carolinas and Georgia, will be
fedy able to §upp!y ail our wants and feed
Eirope besides.
Sugar, Rice and Tobacco may be coti
sicered as luxuries demanded by the civ
dilation or effeminacy of the age, hut cot
| tin is not. This latter with the ordinary
1 bnadstulfs, are the absolute necessaries of
I lifj (clothing being as necessary as food,)
! aril neither can be dispensed with. The
j first from its cheapness and greater adap
| lion to various fabrics, lias become and
i must ever continue to be, the chief article
: for clothing the world; and fortunately for
the Somii, I‘iovidence has ordered that it
can only be raised in its greatest perfec
i lion within a belt of 8 degrees in width,
| extending ft nil 29 deg. to d7 deg., North
latitude and from the Atlantic to the Rio
(■ ihnde river or its neighborhood.—
So great and universal has become the
consumption of this article alone, so ne
cessary to occupation and comfort of the
laboring millions of Europe and England,
thai two years ago the London Times ad
milted, that if the supply was cut off'even
fora single year, a revolution would he
the consequence, probably one overturning
theirtime honored institutions. Thesame
may be said of the North, for the same
state of things there exists, though per
haps not lo same aggravated exient. The
South has nothing of tiiis kind to fear; the
absence then of a positive evil resulting to
the North from a separation may he se
down as a gain lo the former to some ex
tent.
Os this article of Cotton alone t ho North
now consumes ,700 000 bales, worth say,
815,000,000. Alter its manufacturing, it
is supposed that it has been increased in
value ten fold, or that Northern labor and
Northern machinery has added $135,000,-
000 to the value of its first cost —hence it
is readily seen how great an item in their
prosperity this single product of our fa
vored clime must be. Upon this then,
and the other great staples of rice, tobac
co and sugar, rests mainly the shipping,
commercial and manufacturing interests of
the whole North.
If it were all cut off, as it would by the
abolition of slavery, the North would be
ruined beyond redemption in less than
five years. This however, will not be the
case, as the South will never give up her
peculiar institution without annihilation, a
thing impossible for Northern power or
valor to accomplish; consequently total
and entire ruin cannot fall upon that mis
guided end treacherous people at once
from this cause—secessiou by the South.
They must however, suffer seriously, if
not be ruined in the end. In the first
place, instead of robbing the South atinu
ally, as they now do, of about $30,000,000,
under color of law, by the actual and in
cidental protection afforded by the present
mis-named Free trade Taiiff, they would
be obliged to disgorge much of their ill
gotten wealth to support their new and
Pharisaical Government. This article of
Cotton alone would, in all probability, be
subject to a heavy impost duty, which
would necessarily increase its price, and
render them less able to compete with the
pauper labor of Europe in its manufacture,
against which thoy tovc cried out so voci
ferously for “protection” for the histthiity
years. Then again, the South, at present
their chief customer, would be lost, as we
would then throw aside our swaddling
clothes, and rely upon ourselves for the
various manufactures of this a' tide and alj
others which they now furnish, and for
which our own section is so admirably a
dapted from its cheap and abundant water
power, cheap material, cheap labor, icc.
In the event, however, that we continued
exclusively agricultural, England Europe,
our greatest and best customers, could and
would furnish us with all we wanted at a
cheaper rate,and most ieadily in exchange
fui the rew material.
All these evils would come upon the
North necessarily, from separation, under
a system of entire Free-trade on our part-
Should vve, however,be disposeed to place
restrictions upon her trade, we could plant
our foot up< n her neck,as sbe alwaysdone
upon ours, and crush her most effectually
in ten years.
A distinguished Statesman, one not apt
to over-estimate the evil, a few years ago
stated that within the last thirty years,
200,000,000 of dollars bad been drawn
from the people of South Carolina alone,
under the operation of the Tariff of Protec
tion, all of which wenteillier into the pock
ets of die protected interests or the coffers
of the Government; and most, if not all,
was disbursed by this same Government
North of Mason & Dixon’s line. Tit’s
was equivalent (for the North, under the
unjust and unequal operation of the Tariff’
laws, have always been comparatively ex
empt from taxation,) to giving that section
•100,000,000 of the bard earnings of die
industry of South Carolina. If we adopt
this estimate as collect, and average the
test of the slaveholding States proper there
by, we will have for the fourteen, (exclusive
of Delaware,) the enormous sum of 5,-
G 00,000,000 as tribute paid for inestimable
blessings of this glorious Union. Let us,
however, be certain and take only the half,
and we slid have the incredible sum of 2,-
800,000,000. No wonder, sir, the North
is rich posperous and happy, and Southern
citizens emiiagating to the far West. No
wonder, sir, that die Granite hills of New
England bloom as a garden, while the rich
and fertile plains of the sunny South are
stricken in some places, as it were, with
barrenness in comparison. And yet, sir,
after all this mbbe.ry—this legalized
plunder of thirty years’ cuntinunnce, diev
turn tound and insultingly taunt us with
our povcity, as resulting from our peculiar
iustituttion. Verily has the South paid too
dear for her whistle !
These thousands of Millions cannot lie recall
ed by secesion, but they may be saved in future.
Raising, as we do in abundanee, all the great
staples of Cotton, Rice, Tobacco and Sugar,
with provisions without limit, and all the Tro
pical fruits if wo wish ; while our hills and val
leys teem with the useful and precious metals
w hat is to prevent us from becoming the mos (
rich and magnificent Government on the face
of the earth! Nothing. With a Government
purely Republican, founded on the experience
"f the past, with proper chocks and balances,
and Free Trade with all the world, what could
prevent our rapid strides to glory and greatness
us a nation? Nothing litcra'ly nothing. This
we cannot now do, because forsooth in an evij
hour we entered into a confederacy with men
claiming to he our brethren, in the hope that
we would thereby “secure the blessings of lib
erty to mirselvi« and posterity "tl rough all time
to come, but instead thereof we find oppression
as our portion, and our brethren, so-called our
oppressors. With secession will come not only
wealth and greatness to the South, but com
parative exemption from taxation in a few years,
for then we could dispense with iarge standing
Armies and extensive Navies; our great staples
of Rice, Cotton, Tobacco and Sugar standing in
iieti thereof as pacificators, and commanding for
us the respect and homage of the world. Let
this but once take place, and the North, now
hold and insolent from our submission to wrong
and injustice, will be humbled and subdued, and
will soon, Lazarus like, beg for the crumbs that
fJI from the table of our prosperity. None of
tiiese advantages we now have, norcan we have
so long as vve continue members of this pervert
ed Union.
The Northern people will have enough, I
opine, before many jears, to protect themselves
irotn that horde of Communists and Agrarians
they are now nursingin their bosoms, and which
will ere long, vulture like, prey upon their very
vitals, without attempting to subject us. Let
every one, then, attend lo the affairs ofliis own
immediate household in this particular. We
are safe, they are not. The blood-hounds
that have been set upon the South will be dri
ven back and turn and rend the huntsmen.—
Mark it!
In conclusion, 1 think, Mr. Editor, thatacalm
and dispassionate review of this whole subject,
in all iis bearings, must convince every one that
“It is time for the North, not the South, to cal
culate the value ofthis Union.” For the South,
it has but little value (value being estimated by
the benefits conferred) if indeed, it ever had.—
Instead of being as was intended, a shield for
our protection, it has almost ever been a name,
a thing whereby wrong, and injustice have been
perpetrated upon the South. Such being the
case, why should we cling to it like dolts and
madmen if reparation he denied us? Echo an
swers why. Rather, Sir, let us grasp the reali
to-’ofii liboriy pure and umleliled, and cling to
it as an inheritence, which if true to ourselces,
fudetli not away. L.
From the Augusta Republic.
Diversity of Pursuits.
One of the greatest impediments in the
way of Southern prosperity and indepen
dence, is a want of a sufficient diversity of
pursuits among her people. It is tiue that
the South is s'ill in her infancy—that her
resources are as yet undeveloped, and her
capabilities unknown, hut when we consi
der her many advantages over any other
section of the country, it is certainly as
tonishing that she does not now hold the
ascendancy and entire supremacy in this
important respect. In cotton manufac
tures especially an important item—she
ought not to have a competitor, much less
a rival. Here we have the raw material
upon the spot —the manufactory lean he
placed by the side of the cotton field, the
cost of transportation being reduced to
absolutely nothing. Labor, to be employ,
ed in the mills,can be obtained here cheap
er than at the North and equally as effi
cient. Fuel is not so expensive, and all
needful supplies of food can be produced
and furnished to the operatives for less. —
Water power is abundant. In those sec
tions where it does not exist, steam power
can supply its place with no increase of
expense. Here are all the great elements
of success. The South should be the
manufacturing portion of the world as well
as the producing portion. She has the
great lever of the commercial world in her
cotton—let her control also the manufac
turing portion in al! the products of indus
try, and especially in cotton goods. She
has the materials, ample and never failing,
to make her independent, not of the North
only, but of the Universe. She is the sec.
tion marked out by nature for the prose
cution of such enterprises in every branch
of industry. Her manifest destiny leads
her to the adoption of measures tending to
the accomplishment of this great object
she cannot fail in time to accomplish it.
Every indication of this nature in the
South should bo welcomed every enter
prise of the kind cherished, and if possible
brought to a happy and successful con
summation. A large portion of the cot
ton grown in the Southern States should
be manufactured at home. This is our
doctrine, and vve believe the day will
come, attd perhaps speedily, when the idea
will not be looked upon as chimerical nr
vain. The day will come, when not one
stream will exist throughout the extensive
region of the South, which fails to be sub
servient to the purposes of Southern in
dustry. Then the greatness, the indepen
dence the substantial and abiding glory of
the South will be will be placed upon a
firm and solid basis. Tlmao who now furnish
us with manufactured products, will then
act as our brekersand agents. Those who
now are growing rich at our expense, will
lie glad to act as our humble instruments-
God speed the day!
But this cannot be accomplished hycot
ton manufactures alone. All species «f in
dustry, which has been called “hundred
handed, ’* must be encouraged. We ° ro
now dependent upon foreign sections
almost every thing. Let us look at 1
matter one moment in this light. Wc
suppose a meeting goutl.
of Augusta or any tober city w tn°
