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SOUTHERN TRIBUNE.
edited end fcblishld weekly, by
\V DC. B . HARRISON.
torrciipoudi'uce.
Ch xri.f.ston, Oct. 23J, 1850.
Gentlemen —l l will not be in my power
to accept the invitation of the people of St.
Helena Parish to tiie dinner in compli
merit of Messrs. Barnwoll and Colcock.
These distinguished public servants are
worthy of all the marks of esteem and
confidence that tbe people can bestow upon
them; and 1 regret that 1 cannot be asso
ciated with you, in doing honor to their
high deserts. The times ure dark and
threatening ; treachery atid cowardice dis
tract too much the counsels of the South ;
and it becomes every people alive to their
interests and their honor to appreciate the
faithful services of their Representatives,
and by publicly manifesting that apprecia
tion to reanimate and cheer the firm and
true in every quarter.
Von have my entire sympathy.
Yours, gentlemen, most sincerely,
11. BARNWELL RHETT.
Jos. Daniel Pope, Wm. Henry Trescot,
Daniel Jenkins, Wm. 11. C'uthbert,
John G. Barnwell, esqrs.
Committee of lacitat on, St. Helena
Parish, S. C.
. ATHENS, Nov. sth, 1850.
Thomas F. Jones, Esq. and o’hers.
Gentlemen —On my return home on Satur
day evening I found yours of 21st ult. at my
office, inviting tno to address the people
of Newton, on to morrow, the 6th inst., on
the exciting topics ofthe day. 1 regret to
say that I cannot comply w ith your request.
I have been suffering for the last two
weeks sorely from an affection of the
throat,accompanied by a distressing cough,
I am still thus suft'e ing, and it would be
madness—foolish madness for me to at
tempt to make any thing like a peecli, and
if I were well and able to speak, my
liiends bad made an appointment for me
atWatkinsville on the slh,before l return
ed home from the circuit. I have not
t;mo or inclination to make any extended
remarks on the topics of the day. 1 will,
however, say that I am no disunionist, 1
am not for secession or any measures tend
ing or looking that way. This Union shall
never be dissolved isl can help it. 1 will
not calculate its value, and if it is everdis
aolvolcd, or its value calculated, the North
ern men should do both if I could control
tho South. 1 know that one Slate can do
nothing sigle handed, i have no doubt,
that if the Southern Atlantic States were
united, justice would be done us, and ibis
glorious Union made perpetual. 1 am,
therefore, in favor of such measures as will
ot.tile the South. I know that what hat
been done cannot be undone. I know that
the territories are lost to the South. And
I would say to our Northern brethren,
take them and be content. We wili again
sacrifice at the altar of our Union, but
you must now be content; you must cease
the warfare you have for years waged a.
gainst our property and institutions; you
must stand to what is so miscalled a com.
promise; you must not repeal or modify
the fugitive slave bill ; you must not
touch slavery in the District ; you must
put down those societies and associations
gotten up and kept up within your limits
for the express pnrpose of destroying our
property, to induce our negroes to runa
way, to excite them to rebellion, violence
and insurrection. These things wc would
not permit foreign nati- ns to do, and you
as oup co-Stutes, ought not to do these
things.
If we meet in Convention and do noth
ing, or approve of vvliat C ongress has donei
which is the came tiling as doing nothing*
1 fear it will be but an invitation to further
aggressions on our rights. I believer that
the only way to preserve this, our Union,
is to maintain out rights under the Con
stitution, and its compromises. Tyranny
and aggression was never stayed by sub
mission; as all histry deary shows, opposi
tion and resistance on the part of the as
sailed,are the only means of causing the op
pressor to pause and stay his progress. It
is time the North and South understood
each other on this subject. It is time there
was an end to this agitation; all good men
tleoire reposo and peace to reign in country
The South has again made concessions and
compromises. She may make more, if so
let her say so; on the other hand, let the
North act candidly, and whether she is sat
isfied— whether 6lie will now dtesist from
further insults and aggression. If yes—
all will be well; if nay—then let the South
take her position. In my judgment she has
remedies within the constitution, and 6ucli
as will prove effectual, ifsbe can unite on
them. I nave not the lime to speak of
them. Please make my kind acknowledg
ments to the friends who signed the let
ter to me, for this manifestation of their
confidence, and make known to them my
i egret and excuses for not being able to
meet them.
1 am yours, most respectfully,
(Signed) C. DOUGHERTY.
Atlanta, Nov. 10, 1850.
Dear Sir —On my ai rival here to day 1
had the honor to receive your communica
tion as Chairman of the Union Southern
Rights Party, of Chatham, announcing to
me my nomination by that portion of my
fellow-citizens, as a candidate to represent
the County of Chatham in the approaching
Convention, and seize the earliest moment
to offer to them, through you, my respect
ful acknowledgments for this manifestation
of their confidence. I beg you my dear
sir, to make these acknowledgements ac
ceptable to your associates, and to add to
them the assurances, that with opinions
and feelings unchanged,with an unfaltei ing
conviction of our wrongs, which reflection
only serves to confirm, and a lively ap
prehension of further aggression, which
each day’s intelligence but tends to streng
then. 1 would willingly have shared in the
labors of the Convention, if such had been
the desire of my fellow cititzens of Chat
ham, but for the reasons which I will
proceed to state.
Before 1 left Washington, in a com
munication from a highly valued friend, it
was suggested to me that 1 ought to be a
member of that Convention. The subject
having been thus presented to me, the
deep interest which 1 feel in the result of
its deliberations,induced me to reflect seri
ously on the propriety of accepting a nom
ination, if it should be tendered to me.—
And first it seemed to me that as the acts
of the last Congress will constitute an im
portant portion of the subjects on which
Convention wiil deliberate, it would be
more appropriate for the members of that
Congress, to leave to othersthe judgment
to be pronounced on their conduct. This,
however, is a consideration of mere per
sonal feeling, involving no question of
right, and no conflict of duty, and which
therefore might be overcome, but there is
a difficulty which I presume must have
been ovetlooked in noinating me, which
cannot be so easily surmounted.
My official duty will require me to be
at Washington during the sitting of the
Convention. This is a duty which 1 owe to
the whole people of Georgia, and the daily
intelligence which we receive of the agi
tation in the non-slaveholding States, and
especially ofthe disposition wnich theyc
vince to evade,or if that be impracticable,
to resist the enforcement of the Fugitive
Slave Law, seems to me to render it pro
per that Southern Representatives should
be early and steadily in their seats, in the
approaching session of Congress.
It is true that it is not usual in that body
to transact much business before Christmas,
but this is a peculiar crisis,in which it would:
no' be quite prudent to judge ofcoming events
by the recollection of past usage and the rule
some time since adopted, by which the un
finished business of one session is continued
to the next session of the. same Congress,
may furnish a motive for proeeding at once
t > its consideration,us soon as the committees
arc appointed.
If any measure hostile to the interests of
Georgia, should be before the Senate,
while 1 was absent from my sent by any act
of my own, I would f cl that I had, neglect
ed a duty which 1 oteed to the whole people
of Georgia. 1 have already declined to
allow my name to be presented for nomina
tion in one county, and have refused a worn
ination actually made in another; —and my
sincere belief is that I tctll best fulfil the ob
ligation which I owe to mijfel'ocn citizens
of Chatham, ly dee ming the nomination
which they also have honored me, and by
repairing to my post in the Senate of the
United States. lash you to make known
to them this determination, which excluding,
every consideration personal to myself a
regard to their own interests has induced
me to adopt. In assigning these reasons
for declining this nomination, I desire not
to be undtrsti mas expressing any opinion
of the propiety of a contrary course, if any
of my colleagues, taking a different view of
the subject should think proper to pursue it.
They are simply stated as the motive of my
own conduct.
I have the honor to he.
Very respectfully, your fellow citizen.
jno. McPherson berrien.
To Dr. James P. Screven, Chairman
Union Southern Rights Party, Chat
ham County.
Important Resolution. — Just before
the adjournment of the. Convention of Vir
ginia, Mr. Floyd, of Wythe, introduced the
fd.l owing Resolution, which will be acted on
when the Convention reaesembles in Janua
ry :
Discrimination against goods of Non-slave
holding States.
"Mr. Floyd offered a resolution to the ef
fect that the power should be Conferred on
the Legislature, to pass a law discrimina
ting against all goods manufactured in non
slaveholding States — or, in other words,
that a law should be passed prohibiting, by
refusal to grunt license, the sale of all goods
from non-slaveholding States, within the
Commonwealth, either at wholesale or re
tail.
"Mr. Floyd gave notice of his intention
to urge this resolution un the Convention at
its re-aseemblage.
Actual Resistance. —At Cardoti, O
hio, fifty of the most respectable, influen.
tial and wealthy citizens, have formed
themselves into a military company to re
sist, by force of arms, the fugitive slave
law in that vicinity.
From De Bow's Review.
FUGITIVE SLAVES.
Several of the Southern States are a
bout enlivening in solemn form, to defib.
erate upon the proper course to be pur
sued by them in reference to the late ac
tion of Congress on the various phases of
the slave question. We have no doubt
that these assemblies will be guided by a
high and lofty devotion to the principles
which have sustained us in every period
of peril; and that their wisdom will not
be of that kind which looks only to the
day or the hour, hut will have reference
to the remotest times to come after us.—
The rights of the South, and the full and
utilimited rights of the South under the
Constitution, without compromise of any
sort, must be preserved, or the Union will
become a snare rather than a blessing.—
We are not children to be frightened by
“painted devils,” nor madmen to provoke
or invite a danger, which may with honor
be avoided; but we are men cognizant
with our rights and duties, and brave e
nough to defend the one and just enough
to observe the other. In our fellow citi
zens, we have an abiding trust, that they
will, instigated by no passion norexeite
ment, take a full and impartial viev of the
whole subject of our slave relations which
are to us country, fife, deatli—evet'diing;
and if there be found safely under he late
adjustments, safety present and fiture to
the South, they will accede to theseadjust
ments, and rejoice over them. Bit if, on
the contrary, danger still lowers in lie hor
izon, and the cry of “peace, peace,” be
heard, “where there is no peace,” <ve be
lieve that our countrymen will act is patri
ots ever should act, doing and dar'ng, and
leaving the consequences to God. We a.
wait the judgement of the people cn issues
so momentous, and when that is gben, are
prepared to stand by it at every luzard.
God grant that the verdict be peace,and
that some measure shall be devise! for the
preservation of this glorious Unon, in a
manner that may cause no sectior of it to
blush. The South has done too nuch for
tho Union not to regard it fondly, as the
artist who has just elaborated some stupen
dous piece of mechanism. Yet io son of
hers, however moderate in his views, con
ciliatory and meek beyond all oiVver men
upon the ftce of the earth, can hes.tate to
believe, that the progress of Freesoilism
—Agrarianism and abolitionism, are crea
ting fearful breakers for us and our insti
tutions ahead, if we have not our eyes
wide about us; and that if we sleep for a
moment, the hand of the madman, ever
brandishing his torch, will spring the
magazine which shall destroy not us only,
hut whelm friends and foes alike in one
wide ruin. It is not time yet, watchman,
to cry “all’s well" upon the wall.
r l he late Fugitive Slave Law—one of
tho measures of adjustment—and which
the South had to purchase at much ex
pense, though it never should iiave been
necessary at all, contradicts, as is evident
enough now, the whole public sentiment
of the North. Though one arrest that we
know of has been made under it, no one
is blind to the fact, that that arrest was
made without much publicity. From cir
cumstances since transpired, there is rea
son to believe, had the affair been gener
ally known, there would have been resis
tance, and without doubt rescue. If the
intelligent people of the North be willing
to carry out the law in good faith, there
are ignorant or bad men enough to defeat
its action, if they will. Already have
meetings been held, not of fugitive slaves
and free negroes only, but of white men,
in many places, who have solemnly pledg
ed themselves the runaway shall be protec
ted at every hazard. It will be found
practically impossible for a Southerner, we
apprehend, even with this law, to reclaim
his fugitive slave, as public sentiment will
compel the Commisaioner, it is said, to
resign, if rowdyism does not peril the
master's life in the attempt. There is no
other country under Heaven where a man
cannot regain his property when out of his'
possession, by braving dangers,far beyond
those that exist in a state of nature, when
each man with his sword or his rifle, is a
law unto himself! We have no faith in
this Fugitive Slave Bill, though we shall
be rejoiced, if time prove us in error. If
efficient, it cannot be concealed that the
great State of New York has practically
approved the course of the man who has
alrdhdy proclaimed its repeal.
And now that we are upon this subject
of free negroes and fugitive slaves, let us
give some facts and figures, that will be
very interesting to our readers.
We have before us a pamblet, publish
ed within the last few months at Washing
ton, with the signature of Randolph of
Roanoke, which examines critically, many
of the questions involved between the
North and the South. The author lays
lown nine principles, all of which we br
ieve to be sound.
1. That the natural increase of South
ern slaves exceeds that of any other con
dition of men on this continent.
2. That the general census cannot show
the fact, because it adds to the natural in
crease ofihe white race here, the vast an
nual accession from foreign immigration ;
|nd on the other hand it allows nothing at
all f. r these vast deductions from the slave '
tiumbers, which are made through private
emancipation, and escape and enfranchise
ment at the North ; and hence, the census
gives the white race the precedence in na
tural increase.
3. I his being so, atid such the cause,
{hat the white population of the United
Sta'es about doubles itself in every period
of two and a half decennial cycles, or
twenty-five years.
4. That the Slave States more than dou
bles itself in every peiiod ofthe decennial
Cycles, or thirty years, from the natural in
crease alone.
5. That thefree negroes ofthe Southern
Sutes doublq. in about every three and
a lalf decennial cycles, or thirty-five years,
from the natural increase alone.
6. That the free negroes in the Northern
and Western States double in about every
period of four decennial cycles, or forty
years, from the annual increase alone.
7. That the free negroes of the South
ern States are the most stable and least
migratory of any class of the population
of the United Stales
8. That considerably more of the free
negroes migrate from the free States to
the slave Ststes, than from the slave States
to the free States.
9. That forty-nine fiftieths of all the
native negroes ofthe slave States who are
found in the free States, are or were fugi
tive slaves when they left the slave States.
Census of Free JVegroes in t he JVcic England
States from 1810 to 1840.
1810 1820 1830 1840
N. E. States 19,437 20,736 21,181 22,625
Increase in 30 years, 3 1-6 per cent. Increase
per annum, 1 10 of 1 per cent.
Census of Free JVegrees in the six original Slave
States, from 1810 to 1840.
1810 1820 1830 1840
Or. slave States,B4,2s4 112,578 145,091 158,356
Increase in 30 years, 60 per cent. Increase
per annum, 2 per cent.
Free A'ejrnrs in the Middle and Free States
from 1810 to 1840.
Mid FroeStates,lßlo 1 820 1 830 1 840
New York, 25,333 39,279 44,870 50,027
New Jersey, 7,843 12,460 18,303 21,044
Penney I vania22,492 30,203 37,970 48,954
Ohio, 1,899 4,723 9,538 17,342
Indiana, 373 1,230 3,629 7,165
Illinois, 613 457 1,637 3,598
Michigan, 120 174 261 707
Total, 59,673 78,545 116,217 149,204
Increase in 30 years. Increase per ann
New York, 95| per cent. 3 5-6 per cent.
New Jersey, 168$ “ 5£ “
Pennsylvania,
Ohio, 813 “ 27 “
Indiana, 1,874-1 “ 6 “
Illinois, 487 “ 6! “
Michigan. 500 11 I6§ “
Total Mid Sta!es2so “ 8j “
He now goes intoa calculation of the ac
tual number of fugitive slaves who have
been, or are still protected and sustained at
the Not th, and arrives at results, we confess
which were never appreheded in the tenth
part by us. We will give those results,
and the course of argumentation which
produced them.
The author takes the New England
States as least affected by runaway slaves
from their position, and rinding the rate of
increase of the free blacks there, compares
it with the rate of increase of the same
population in the six original slave States
from the ttvo he f this a mean, which is
taken as about the natural rate of increase.
This will give a higher ra'e than the reali
ty, from the fact that someslaves doescape
to New England, and many are manumit
ted at the South. However, adopting this
mean, and contrasting it with the increase
of fee blacks in the middle or border line
States, the excess of such increase will
measure the actual loss which Southern
slavery has sustained. From this, Rand
olph makes a deduction of the slaves man
untitled at the North since 1810, but whe.
ther be takes a figure high enough, it is
impossible, with our limited information,
here tosay. This deduction is one-fifth of
the whole increase above the natural rate,
which would seem to be sufficient when it
is reflected bow large a portion of North
ern emancipated slaves were shipped off
to the South before their freedom could
take effect.
The following are the figures and facts
of the calculation.
"The increase of population in the Uni
ted Stales is unexmpled in all the world.
Even dating its accession from foreign
emigration, and it is still without a rival.—
As it is, and as I have said, it doubles
i’self in every twenty-five years.
The rate of increase, therefore, is four per
cent, per annum. Now turn to the free
negroes of New England. Thcv have
dwindled and dwindled, until they have
almost reached a stand still. Their annu
al increase amounts to but one tenth ofone
percent! They could not double them
selves, at that rate, short of four bundled
years! The South’s fugitive slaves, not
compensating their owners, (independent
ly of the large numbers she aids in escaping
to Canada,) more than accounts for her
entire annual increase, and consequent
ly shows her native negro population grad
ually wearing out and wasting away.
“Even the free negroes of the six ori
ginal slave States of Delaware, Maryland
Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina,
and Georgia, only show an annual increase
■ f two per cent, but the deficiency is fol
ly accounted for in the migrations of fiee
negoes from the old to the new slave
States.
But turning from these common-place
details, and casting our eyes upon the col
umns portraying the progress of free ne
groism, in those of the free States which
border on,or are almost equally accessible
to the slave States, and lo ! what wonders
and contrasts strike and admonish us!
The very minimum of increase in the sev
en middle free States, reaches to 3| per
cent, per annum, while Massachusetts,
with her great free negro thoroughfare of
Boston, reaches no higher than to seven
eighths of one per cent, per annum ! Why
at the rate of 3J percent, per annum,they
would double every twenty-seven years
and it is but one quarter of one per cent,
per annum less than the rate of increase of
the white population of the United States,
and fulls but that much short, therefore, of
doubling itself in every twenty-five t ears.
So much for the miuimum ofincrease.
• But what are we to say of the maximum
of increase in these States, of this the most
sluggish and uuthrifty class of people with
in our borders ? On turning to the rolls
for Illinois and Michigan, I found these
States had been absorbed and deeply in
tent upon the manufacturing of free ne
groes, and increasing their store at the a
inazing rate of upwards of sixteen per ct.
per annum, each, and as no community of
livitig mothers ever gave births in quadru
ples, it was plain that these fabled pro
creations were but the spoils of felonious
plunder, and under the morals of the Free
Soilers, that numbers give law, and thefts
give title, numerous and valuable slaves
are enticed from their owners ; and, in
association with the vilest and worthliest
that shame the earth, they are hidden a
way in the chrysalis as fugitives from labor
but soon to emerge and take wing as fugi
tives from justice ? Only to think of an
increase of sixteen per cent, per annum,
the quadruple of that ofthe United States,
and which would double the free negro
population of those States every six and a
quarter years ! But why should I
on these cases when there stands Ohio
augmenting her free negroes out of the
South’s fugitive slaves, until her rate of
increase per annum has actually attained
to twenty-seven per cent, which would
nearly double them seven times in twenty
five years, or more than double them every
four years ; and even such a marvel is lost
in the wonder that here stands Indiana by
her side, conspicuous over all, in the un
exampled augmentation of her free ne
groes up to 62| per cent, per annum ! At
this rate of increase, instead of doubling,
like the population of the United Sta'es,
once in twenty-five years, the free negro
population of Indiana doubles, and has
doubled itself in that time, fifteen times,
and in a word, doubles itself every other
year, with \2k per cent, per annum of in
crease to spare 1
I find the excessive augmentation of
free negores (fugitive slaves) beyond the
natural and usual means,in the Slates now
to be named, to be as follows:
Fugitive Slaves.
New York 3 5-16 per cent.
excess over 2.4 per ct. 5,734
New Jersey 5£ percent.
excess over 2$ per ct. 7,221
Pennsylvania 3$ percent.
excess over 2£ percent. 9,602
Ohio 27 per cent, excess
over 2$ per cent. 11,033
Indiana 62£ per cent, ex
cess over 2$ per cent. 6,620
Illinois per cent, ex
cess over 2.j per cent. 2,535
Michigan 16$ percent.
excess over 2£ per ct. 479
Total fugitive slaves in
above estimates, 46.224 in 30 yrs.
Add the estimated num
ber of fugitive slaves
from 1840 to 1850,
upon the ratio shown
between 1830 and
1840, 15,400 in 10 yrs.
Total Fugitive Slaves
from 1810 to ISSO, 61,624 in 40 yrs.
Number of Fugitive
Slaves escaping to the
States annually, 1,540
To 61 624 Slaves, valued
at §450 each, : : §27,730,800
To the loss annually of 1,540
Fugitive Slaves, at $450 each,5693,000 j
I shall now strike one fifth, or 20 per
centum from the estimates of both the ng
gregate and annual losses, reducing the
former to $22,184 640, and tho latter to
$553,400; and (for good measure) casting
into the account New England’s share of
liability to the South during the same p«-j
nod, lor the like aggressions, and not less
than five hundred sl—es, (valued at $225,-
000) whom tL„ INorth assists annually to
escape io Canada.
Who are liable fir the payment? Thosa
who took the property ; those who receiv
ed it; those who kept it ; those who gave
it protection ; and those who evaded or
resisted its reclamation : The citizens of
the free States are liable—the Govern,
ments of those States are liable—or in one
comprehensive word the North is liable.
There is not a legal forum in Christendom,
whete such a claim, for such a cause, with
equal proofs between man and man, or
nation and nation, would not be recogniz
ed and enforced.
From the Floridian Journal.
Direct Trade with Europe.
It may not be generally known thatsome
of the merchants of Charlestont, weaay of
pouring profits, into the pockets of Northern
abolitionists, have lately engaged in import
ing goods directly from Liverpood. Os
this enterpjise the Charleston News says :
“The ball put in motion continues to
roll on. Some, of our meachants have
this year imported directly, and they in
form us that they are astonished at the
result. They obtain a large profit and af
ford to to sell imported good at a surpris
ingly low price. To merchants and cus
tomers, we say,now is the moment to show
your patriotism. Encouragea direettrade,
and the South will be strengthened against
all her foes—rendered impregnable. This
measure does not depend on any political
or associated action. It rests on the in
dividual resolve of each person. Let each
man feel that it is his ability to do the State
extraordinary service, [by buying and
selling nothing from the abolitionists.—
The South possesses, with this resalution,
a 1 the elements of prosperity.”
Here is a matter that surely should com
mend itself totheconsideiation ofall South
ern cities and Southern merchants gener
ally. What conceivable reason is there
why vessels carrying cotton from NewOr
leaus, Mobile, Apalachicola and Savannah,
to Liverpool, should tint bring back car
goes of goods for the supply of thosecities
and the country merchants ? In other
wotds,why should the foreign goods yearly
consumed by the South, be first landed
at New \ ork and Boston, tbus profitting
out enemies instead of being entered in
Charleston, Savannah and Mobile, to the
advantage of our friends ] Further, why
should not all the foreign goods which are
sold in MiddleFlorida.and the lowet coun
ties of Georgia, be brought directly to St.
Marks and Tallahessee from the European
ports ? Can any one answer us ? All that
that is wanted is energy', enterprise anti
capital on the part of our merchants. A
friend has suggested a joint stock company
with two or three general, (under our gen
eral act of incorporation,) as a feasible
means of carryingout such a scheme. Wo
sincerely hope that something of the kind
may be attempted. It is likely that no
individual merchant in our midst could
afford the time and capital for the under
taking. But certainly by concert of action
between merchants and planters, the plan
might be realized.
But in the absence of any attempt of this
sort, we would suggest to some oue or more
of our merchants the policy and propriety
of laying in their futuie supplies in
Charleston, from those merchants whose
stocks are made up entirely of goods
directly imported. We believe that any
merchant who should do this, and have it
distinctly understood that he bought nothing
from Yankecdom, would find himself most
amply remunerated by the favor of com
munity. We mistake the patriotism of
onr people if they would not be willing to
pay even higher for goods purchased in*
Charlestion, and brought there directly
from abroad, than for similar articles which
had been the means ofem idling those who
are plotting our ruin. There are some
thorough Southern rights men among
our Tallahassee merchants, to whom we
would especially commend this subject—-
Let them think of it, and when the time
comes for buying spring goods, then act
upon it. They will find men, not a few,
who will sustain any patriotic movement
of this kind.
The New York Election.—WAsm* 9TO!r
Hunt, the Whig candidate has been elected
Governor of New York thus endorsing the
doctrines of Sf.ward. Hoar what Mr. Gerard
said on introducing the Union humbug Resolu
tions in the city of New York, just before the
election:
"As to Free Soil we are all for free soil; there
is not a man north of Mason and Dixons me
who ever wishes to see slavery extended beyotu
the area now prescribed by the law. R ul 1
God of nature has, by his works, by the ru SS'
mountains, and rocky deserts, by the soil an
climate of our free territories, created a prom l *
against the further extension of shivery, 8lro ®»
er than ten thousand Wilmots could draw
to slavery in the abstract, I do not believe
there is a man North of Mason and Dixon * ‘"j
who would not rejoice if to-morrow s sun
rise upon the black population of the S° ul ' f
stitutionnlly free. For our black brother,
bond or be he free, springs with us ‘ |om |)r
same mother earth, bound wilh usintoone
inon grave, and heir with us of a com , . non
mortality. My services in procuring his*
tutional emancipation, are ever ready. I
I am a much better abolitionist than those
mislead the colored race to their rli 1 be
laws to rcciaim runnway slaves must ant
strictly guarded and watched in their exe .^
I will,with all my heart,and without fee, r« .
give to any alleged slave, who may 9 o() pis
under the acts, my service as a _ o »vef
behalf. I will defend him with all »
nnd eloquence I am master of; but t .
full hearing, tho Commissioner on
pronounces against him, ho nnd I mu* „nil
the law Rut, even then, that a deser |
meritorious slave shall not be wit i° al] i
will then »'t about buying his ec m 3 ** 0
will contribute my first fees thereat ( j |S t
him a free and regenerated man, a
sense I am an Abolitionist.
