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SOUTHERN TRIBUNE.
W.H. B. HARRISON, Y
and \ Editors.
WM. P. lIARRISO.\, 3
[FOR THE SOUTHERN TRIBUNE ]
Written on the last leaf of a Booh of MSS.
B T DUPRE FOSTELL.
Here let me pause ; and let me contemplate :
Come Mem’ry, spread tby pinions once again,
And try thy flight far back to years gone by ;
Snatch from forgetfulness those early scenes,
That shone around my childhood ; and the tho’ts
That play’d within my laughing boyhood’s heart:
Recall those moments when my youthful mind
First knew the light of reason ; and the time
When my young breast did pant to feel that (lame
Which burns artd glows within the gou sos men,
Bring back again the light of vanish'd years,
When I did sigh in longing to possets
That prouil unyielding spirit which I thought
Was man’s—was man’s alone ; alas, the dreant!
Boyhood was a bright season ; oh ! the hopes,
The lovely hopes that lit my bosom then ;
Boyhood—l could e'en think of it and weep;—
It was so innocent ; —but now—'tis lost :
Why need I weep ?—oceans of falling tears,
May nut remove transgression a wretched stain ;
Virtue must clothe me in her robe of snow ;
The Spirit to my spirit whisper—peace !
Days, months and years have vanish'd far away:
Boyhood hath past, —and I am now a man :
True, time hath not yet traced upon my brow
Its furrowed sign ; nor has my head grown grey;
Nor bending is my form ;—but what of this !
My soul now turns with wonder to the past.
And dwelling on those moments fled, exclaims,
Oh ! what a wilderness of wasted time !
In the young rosy morning of my life,
When earth was one wide garden of delight,—
When every dream was radiant with bliss, —
When nought but songs of joy was on my lip,
A spark was lit within tny breast ; ’twas faint,
’ I’tvas peaceful then ; —hut soon it burnt a flame!
A flume which will not be extinguished now I
This—this was love—impassioned love; and here
It still remains; perchance more fervent far !
For it will grow, and rise unto the last,
Let worlds on worlds combine to crush it down!
And hath it been a source of joy, or pain ;
Hath it illumin’d, or consumed my heart ?
Let signs reveal the truth I would not speak !
In silent meditation I have dwelt
Upon my being, and my duties here ;
And I have thought of immortality ;
Os that far world where souls must ever live ;
And in my mind bright pictures have I drawn
Os those eternal fields of bliss, that bloom
In everlasting spring ; of those pure streams
Which flow from living fountains, to delight
Those spotless spirits that upon their banks,
Unceasing sing their songs, of seraph notes,
And often—e’en polluted as I am
Ive dared to wish a home, a portion there !
Vain hope ! how can it he when this dark earth
Enslaves my very deepest, fondest thought ?
At times, there is a stirring voieo within,
\\ hich comes like melancholy music there,
Like the faint murmur of the passing wind,
Upon the water stealing ; and it says,
Thy safety is afar, e'en in the skies,
The upper skies, where life immortal beams
It may not stay on earth, yet ain I chained !
And now, I would survey this volume through;
Each page preceding would I careful turn,
And study all upon them marked—for there
Have i inscribed my restless thougnts ;
In humble wonts—the language of mv mind :
Have these reflections been on Virtue turn’d;
And has imagination, higher than the world,
Than this unsteady world, e’er been convey’d,
Hath the heart ever loved to dream of things
Superior, and above the joys of Time?
The balance proves that all is turned to nought
Alas ! my labor, hath, I fear, been vain !
Oon. Quitman's Resignation.
TO THE PEOPLE OP MISSISSIPPI.
In November, 1549, I was elected by
your free suffrages, Governer of this Slate.
My term of office commenced with my in.
auguration on the 10th of January, ISSO.
By the provisions of the Constitution, it
will expire on the 10th January, 1552
In the middle of my term of office, and in
tho active discharge of its duties, I am to
day arrested by the United States Marshal
of the Southern District of Mississippi, by
virtue of process, originating out of charg
es exhibited against me in the District
Court of the United States for the Eastern
District of Louisiana, for an alleged viola
tion of the neutrality law of 1818, by be
ginning, setting on foot and furnishing the
means for a military expedition against the
Island of Cuba.
Under these charges, the Marshal is di
rected to arrest me, and remove my per
son to the city of New Orleans, there to be
tried for these alledged offences.
Unconscious of having, in any respect,
violated the laws of the country : ready at
all times to meet any charge that might
be exhibited against me, l have only been
anxious, in this extraordinary emergency,
to follow the path of duty. Asa citizen
it was plain and clear, I must yield to the
law, however, oppressive or unjust in my
case: but as Chief Magistrate of a sover
eign State, I had also in charge her digni
ty, her honor, and her sovereignty, which
I could not permit to be violated in my
person' Resistance by the organized force
of the State, while the Federal adminis
tration is in the hands of men who appear
to seek some occasion to test the strength
of that Government, would result in vio
lent contests, much to be dreaded in the
present critical condition of the country.
Ihe whole South, patient as she is un
der encroachment, might look with some
jealousy upon the employment of military
force to remove a Southern Governor from
the jurisdiction of his State, when it had
been withheld from her citizens seeking
to reclaim the fugitive slave in Massachu
setts.
On the other hand, the arrest and forci
ble removal from the State, of their Chief
Executive .Magistrate, for an indefinite pe
riod of t itne, would not only be a degrada
tion of her 6oveteignty, but must occasion
incalculable injury and disaster to the in.
terests of the State, by the entire suspen
sion of the Executive functions of her gov
ernment. Tlie Constitution has not con
templated such an event as the forcible ab
duction of the Governor. It has not pro
vided for the performance of his duties by
another officer, except in tiie case of a
vacancy. Such vacancy cannot happen
while there is a Governor, though he be a
prisoner to a foreign power. Although he
may he absent, and incapable of perform
ing his duties, he is still Governor, and no
olhei'peison can execute Ins office.
It follows, therefore, tfiat in such case,
the State would practically suffer some of
e ils of anarchy. The pardoning power
would be lost. Officers could not be com
missioned or qualified; tlie Great Seal of
the State could not be used ; vacancies in
office could not be filled ; fugitives from
justice could not be reclaimed or surrend
ered ; the public works, the operations of
the Penitentiary, and all repairs of public
buildings must stop for want of legal re
quisitions to defray the expenses thereof.
The sale of State lands, and the loca
tion of recent grants must bo suspended.
The Convention of the people, called at
the last session of the Legislature, could
not assemble for want of writs of election.
In case of the death or resignation of the
admistartive officers of the Slate govern
rnent, including the treasury, would be
lelt without the superintendence or care
of any authorised person. In fine, the
whole Government of the State would be
in confusion and great inconvenience, and
perhaps irreparable injury flow from such
a slate of things. I'or all these evils there
is but one remedy. That remedy is my re-
signation.
I therefore, fellow citizens, now re
sign the high trust confided to my hands
with no feeling of personal regret, except
that I could not serve better; with no feel
ing of shame, for 1 am innocent ofthe caus
es which have induced the necessity of
this step. Oy the contrary, although per
sonally 1 fear no investigation and shun
no scrutiny, I have spared no efforts con
sistent with self-respect toavert this result,
So soon as I learned that attempts would
be made, under an act of Congress ofthe
last session, to remove me from this State-
I fin to ally offered to the proper au
thorities of the United States, any pledge
or securiiy to appear in New Orleans, and
meet the charges against me, so soon as
my term of office should expire : and I re
monstrated against the indignity thus about
to he offered, not to myself, but to the
State, in dragging away from his duties,
her Chief Magistrate.
My proposition was not accepted, and
my remonstrance not heeded.
It is not for me to complain. You are
the aggrieved party. My course in this
matter meets the approvial of some of the
most patriotic citizens near me. I sincere
ly hope, as it was dictated alone by my
sense of duty to the State, it may meetthe
approbation of my felllovv citizens.
In thus parting from my generous con
stituents, it would be proper to give them
an account of my stewarship during the
short but interesting period that L have ac
ted as their public servant, but the official
connection between us has been so sum
marily and unexpectedly severed, that 1
must defer the grateful task to a future
day.
I have hut to add that during my short
but exciting period of service, I have in
all things striven to be faithful and true to
the rights, the interests, and tho honor of
the State. For this, I have been abused
and calumiated by the enemies of the
South. Treachery and faithlessness wonld
have secured favor and praise from the
same sources.
Fellow-citizens, I now take my leave of
you with gratitude for the generous sup
port you have extended to me, and with
cheering confidence that your honor and
your interests may he safely confided to
hands of the faithful and able son of Mis
sissippi, who, as President ofthe Senate,
succeeds to iny place.
J. A. QUITMAN.
Executive Chamber, Jackson,
Monday Evening, Feb. 3, 1851. 1
From the Southern Press
New York, Jan. 30, 1851.
The plot begins to thicken ; the cloud
is becoming more portentous; and the
deep laid, widely extended conspiracy of
the British Gove; nment and the American
Abolitionists, against the repose, and in*
1 deed, existence of this Union is gradually
j developing itself in all its magnitude. It
i is not alone the Government of the United
Stales that is arrayed against the rights of
the Soutl), and that of England and F ranee;
the question of slavery is, it seems, about
to be incorporated with the law of nations,
and to become subject of negotiation be
tween America and Europe. The local
laws and regulations adopted by the South-
ern States for their security against incen
diaries, and disturbers of their domestic
peace,are about to be assailed from abroad,
as well as at home, on the ground of be
ing not only violations of the law of na
tions, but as incompatible with treaty stip
ulations ; and the period is approaching,
when tiie holders of slaves in the United
States will in all probability be called up
on to defend their rights, not only against
their countrymen, but the world.
The proofs of this are daily developing
themselves in the uniform tone of Euro
pean literature, and the universal language
of the public press, most especially in
England and France, which, however it
may differ on other subjects, unites in the
most bitter denunciation of slavery, and
resorts to any species of falsehood and ex
aggeraiion to invest it with imaginary hor
rors. This unanimity bespeaks a settled
purpose, an organised plan; and that its
object is the United States, and they alone,
is apparent from their being singled out
from the rest of the world, as the peculiar
objects of calumny and denunciation.—
ihe crusade of philanthropy, thus oigan
tsed in Europe, is not against slavery, but
liberty ; and if the former were to be a
bolished to morrow, the tide of obloquy
would still continue to flow with the same
force against the character, the govern
ment and institutions of our country. Some
other pretext would be found for calumny,
simply because it is necessary for the
while slaves of Europe to be made to be
lieve that there are in the United States
millions of people in a far worse condition
than themselves. Thus the freedom of
the white men is contrasted with the
slavety of the blacks, invested with imag
inary horrors, and the white slave of Eu
rope becomes in some measure reconciled
to bis own condition by contemplating the
phantom which has been conjured up to
frighten him into submission to liis own
bondage, or reconcile him into its contin
uance.
1 have been let] into these reflections,
by seeing the proceedings of Ibe French
National Assembly, as quoted in the South
ern Press of the Ist of January, which
pretty distinctly foreshadows what is com
ing. It will only be necessary to two or
three passages, one indicating the utter
ignorance of the speaker, M. Schwelcher,
of the nature of this Government ; the
other to show to what 1 have previously
referred. M. Schwelcher said, “he was
fully aware that the various States of the
American Union had the power of enact
ing whatever laws they deemed most ad
vantageous for their private interests ; but
also that Congress had the privilege if
watching over suck laws, and in certain ea
ses, of obtaining their modification, if that
course would seem fitting." This is cer
tainly a very clear exposition of the con
stitutional powers of the States and the
General Government. But let that pass;
there is probably not a man in the United
Sta'es, whether he can lead or not, but
knows more of the governments and in
stitutions of England and France, than
their statesmen do of those of the United
States. r l heir ignorance is really laugh
able ; and their geographical knowledge
ot this continent is about equal to that of
the Duke of Newcastle, Prime Minister
to George the Third, who is said to have
expressed to llis Majesty his delight at
havingjust discovered that Cape Breton
was an island.
Monsieur Schelcher concludes bis expo
sition ot the elective powers and func
tions of the Slate and General Govern
ment by moving that “ The National As
sembly call the attention of the Government
to the present legislation of the United
States, relative to negroes, and men of co
lor in general, f lie was followed by
the Minister of Marine, M. Ronair Des*
soses, who said, “Hr could assure the
honorable gentleman who had just spoken,
and the Assembly, that as to persons of co
lor in the. French feet, the French Govern
ment were fully determined to have them
treated with respect in every part of the
globe.” General De Lahitte, Minister of
Foreign Affairs, said, “ The French Gov
ernment had done all it could with the Fed
eral Congress to surmount the ill effects of
the laics complained of, and which were in
fad nothing less than barbarous andsavage.
Both Rngland and France had been unre
mitting in their efforts for that purpose, but
hitherto without effect. lie could, however,
declaie that they would not cease their exer
tions to lead to the abrogation of enactments
contrary to every law of nations .”
Thus we see that the local and munici
pal regulations which any State—provided
it is a slaveholding State—may deem ne
cessary for tho preservation of internal
tranquillity and order ane the safety of its
citizens, are to come under the law of na
tions, and be modified to suit the delicate
sensiblities of England and France. These
internal regulations have existed for many
years, but it is only sinee the late grand
ebuliion of abolition, that they have be
come identified with the national honor
and interests of England and France.—
Tbe finger of abolition is in this; and we
here plainly see the fails of that treasona
hie union consummated between Ameti
can fanaties and British politicians at the
meeting of “The World’s Convention,”
in London, where the two extremes of
parties united, and Sir Robert Peel figur
ed side by side with Daniel O’Connell
and VV m. Lloyd Garrison. That this at
tempt to overawe the local legislation of the
Southern States, is the suggestion of some
deep designing American Abolitionists, I
have not the slightest doubt. It bears the
impress of Yankee cunning, and has only
adopted the proceedinsgs of the pettifog
gers of Boston in the case of Crafts, to the
affairs of nations. It is the entering wedge
to a system of interference in our local af
fairs, and if tlie attempt is successful, will
be another step to the accomplishment of
what is now one of the great ob-
jects of British policy, namely : an adap
tation of the law of nations to her own ag
grandizement, and at the same time the in
jury and debasement, not only of the Uni
ted States, but of every State on this con
tinent. Under the mask of philanthropy,
which next to religion is the best cloak
in the world for political ambition, Eng
land is aiming at undermining some
of the most important principles which
have heretofore regulated the intercourse
ofeivillized nations. Such is the course
she is now pusuing in ContralAmerica.for
the purpose of subjugating that region,
and th us obstructing the great communi
cation between the Atlantic and Pacific
oceans. Under pretence of protecting the
rights of savage hordes, who have never
before been brought within the pale of
civilization, or considered as parties to na
'ional laws, which they violate at pleasure,
England has interfered with a tiea!y be
tween the independent Government of
the United States, and the equally inde
pendent Government of Nicaraugua, and
thus prolonged to an indefinite peiind the
completion of a work in which the whole
world, and most especially the United
Slates, are most deeply interested. In a
word, philanthropy is now her most pow
erful instrument in establishing not only a
now system of morals, but anew code of
international law.
Somewhat more than a century ago,
Philip tiie Fifth of Spain, made a contract
with tbe King of France, by which the
latter had the monopoly of supplying the
Spanish American colonies with African
slaves, certain stipulated prices, not neces
sary to specify. This was the famous As
si info contract. By the treaty ofUtrech,
this contract was assigned to England, ac
cording to the historian,* “as an indcce
ment that might prevail with Queen Anne
to conclude a peace, which France and
Spain desired with equal ardor.” Thus
die inducement for ceasing to shed the
blood of white men, was the privilege of
supplying the Spanish American colonies
with with Aftican slaves, by tbe philan
thropic government ofEngland, at an im
mense profit. Will that philanthropic gov
ernment, or its sister philanthropist, lle
publtcan ! France, refund a portion of the
vast sums derived from the Assiento con
tract, to redeem the posterity of those they
thus sold to slavery ? Or will England do
the like with the posterity of those Afii
can slaves whose introduction into Virgin
ia and South Carolina she refused to pro
hibit, by her King vetoing colonial laws
passed for that purpose? This would be
oometbing like tepentance. It would not
only be repentance, but atonement, with
out which repentance is only a device of
hypocrisy, or an impulse of abject fear.—
Until these two pinks of the moral and re
ligious world whose glories are represent
ed by Paris and London, where, according
to official authorities, at least one half the
children are bastards—until they do some
thing at their own expense, rather than
that of theirdefenceless colonies, the world
will fie very apt to consider their philan
thropy as an artifice of State, and their pi
ety as a very profitable article of trade.
But the most important question connec
ted with the subject, is whether these
philanthropic governments will eventually
succeed in persuading, or bullying our ru
lers into “the abrogation of these enact
ments contrary to every law of nations,”
as that great civilian General De Lahitte
terms the local regulations subsisting in the
Southern States with regard to the intro
duction of free negroes. In any other
state of things, or in any other crisis, 1
should say at once, that the thing is absurd
and imposible. But I am by no means
prepared to say so now. With an aboli
tion Congress, an abolition President, an
sbolitioti Secretary of State, notorious for
his affinities with England,and his hostility
to the rights of the States: and most espe
cially with a great majority of the people
of the United States ready and willing,
nay, anxious to extirpate slavery, and zeal
ous in behalf of every means for that
purpose—with this combination to back
the influence of England and France, I
see no reason to doubt that the thing may
be accomplished, and the new principle of
international law established, which will
form a precedent for every other species of
interference with our domestic and inter
nal policy. The governments of France
and England might, with just as touch
reason and right, pretend that our quaran
tine regulations were outrages on the laws
of nations, because they equally affect ships
of war as well as merchantmen, and their
violation is fenced by fiines and forfeitures.
But absurd as the pretension is, the South
had best be on her guard. At this mo
ment negotiations may be in progress, as
we have a light to believe from the disclo
sure of Sir La Hitte—to accomplish the
object. It will be only another triumph
of philanthropy has been of late accustom
ed to greater triumphs than this. For my
part, I am free to declare my belief that if
a treaty—wliicli oeingthe supreme la.v of i
the land, would of course supersede all !
other-carrying with it the abrogation of
these Slate provisions, were to come be- 1
fore the Senate of the United States, it
would be approved by a majority. Abolition
now overrides every everything, State
rights, State laws, and Federal Constitu
tion. A storm will follow the present de
ceitful calm, which will scatter the ele
ments of society in the South to the winds,
if not arrested in time.
1 have lived almost forscore years; I
have passed through every grade of life,
from that of a poor buy, self-educated and
self-dependent, to a station among the
highest of the land, which I attained with
out the sacrifice of my principles or my
independence. During the whole of this
long pilgrimage, 1 have been from habit
and inclination conversant with books, and
have thus added to the experience of a life,
the lessons of the past: and from the ex
perience, and those lessons, 1 am inevita
bly brought to the conviction that the peo
ple of the South have now nothing to de
pend on for their future safety but united
action in self defence. By this they will
preserve themselves and the Union. All
other hopes are idle; all other expedients
but daggers turned against their own be
soms. 1 hey must assert their own rights,
and protect themselves, for they have no
other protectors. The brand of fanaticism
is applied to the homes of the people,
and must be quenched now or never.
1 ime was time is —but tunc will soon be
no more.
A Northern Man, and
A Friend to the Union.
“See Robertson’s History of America. See
also, Anderson’s History of Commerce, fora
more detailed account of the Assiento.
M A CO N , GA •
SATURDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 15.
Our Principles.
Ist. The Confederacy of the United State
was formed by the individual consent of each
party concerned.
v!d. Each State, by the formation of a Fede
ral Government, delegated certain rights to it,
which were defined by the Constitution, and
related to tlie legislation of the country as a
whole , and for the benefit of alt.
3d. Each State, by placing a limit to Federal
authority, reserved to itself the control of its
own institutions and government, as directed by
its sovereign people.
4th, The Constitution was established as a
safeguard for every member of the Union.
sth. The Constitution did not condemn the
institution of slavery, which existed at the time
of its adoption, therefore it promised to protec l
and defend it against the interference of the
non-slaveholding States, and of tlie Federal
Government.
Gth. Any legislation on the part of Congress,
which tends to prohibit, weaken, or destroy Af.
rican slavery, is an attack upon the rights of
the slaveholding States, and therefore uncon
stitutional.
7th. The District of Columbia is the common
property of all the States in the Union.
Bth. Congress cannct, therefore, abolish sla.
very in said District, without violating the Con
stitution.
9th. The slaveholding States can make no
compromise with the Free States, or the Fede
ral Government, by which African slavery will
be limited, confined, or abolished, without vi
olating the Constitution, and planning destruc
tion for themselves.
1 Oth The passage of any law or laws, by
Congress, creating or encouraging emancipation
by Federal authority, would be a violation of
the Constitution, and an abrogation of the Fed
eral compact.
11th. The majority passing such law or laws,
can only be considered as the Representatives
of a people desiring and acting dis-union.
12th. The South, in that juncture, in forming
a Government of her own, will he righteously
defending herself, and operating as the only
faithful party to the original compact.
Clairvoyance. —The non-arrival of the
steamship Atlantic, has set to work all the ’cute
“guessers” of Yankeedom, without eliciting a
sufficient explanation. They have finally re.
sorted to the scientific hunt buggery of clairvoy
ance, in order to ascertain the fate of the miss
ing vessel. A clairvoyant in Newark ventures
the following statement for the credulous, as a
special guaranty of his own omniscience and
the certainty of the destruction of the steamer :
“On the evening of the sth day from Liverpool
a heavy gale arose, carrying away all her rig
ging. Large fires were built, to raise an extra
quantity of steam, when by some means un
known, the vessel took fire, and burned to the
water’s edge. There were three persons afloat
at the time of the receipt of this communica
tion, one of whom vvriteß the account and de
posits it in a bottle. Me says : We hope to be
picked up; if not, I sign myself dead. The
clairvoyant also states that a steam vessel is
discovered sailing very slowly in a crippled
state, and will be in, in a few days.”
New Boat. —The Chattanooga Gazette of the
7th inst. says :“We learn that the Messrs. Wil
liams, of Knoxville, have another new steam
boat below the shoals, to be placed in tho Ten
nessee river trade. Their new boat is to be
called the “Lady of Augusta,” to take the
place of the “Kate Fleming,” which was des
troyed by fire before reaching its destination.—
The Kate Fleming was a beautiful boat, and
the compliment offered in the name selected
was every way deserving. Mrs. Kate Fleming
of Knoxville, now a citizen of Augusta, the la'
dy of Tlios. W. Fleming, of that place, is every
way worthy of the compliment, and the new
steamer “Lady of Augusta,” doubtless receives
its name from the samo source, and we hopo
will soon be up, and show herself worthy of
the title she has assumed.”
Missouri, —The complete census of Missouri
mukes the population 581,547, of which 87,617
are slaves. In 1840 the population was 383,702;
of which 58,240 were slaves.
Governor Quitman.
\Ve are gratified in being able to preaent this
morning tbe letter of resignation, of Gen. Qu, T .
man to the people of Mississippi. Having been
arrested by the authority of the Federal Gov.
ernment, there was no alternative but for the
Governor to resign or become the occasion for
a collision between the General and State Gov
ernments. Ihe vague suspicion of connivance
in the recent Cuban expedition, entertained
against this brave General by the Adminis
tration, would have been just as valid five year,
hence as at the present time. But Mr. Fill*
more and bis advisers, doubtless wished tiie
Executive of Mississippi to retain his official po
silion, in order to operate upon the “Union’’
sympathies of the people, and to build up the
power of the Federal Government. The wires
were all fixed .- arrest the Governor, in whom
the Slate bus her sovereignty represented, and
whose person is as sacred as the independence
ol the Republic, so long as be fills the office
force him to leave tbe State-degrade tbe com
monwealth of Mississippi by leading her high
list functionary as a criminal to the bar of justice
—and thus ring the death-knell of State sov
ereignty and Southern Rights. But alas for the
President’s foresight and political acumen' -
Gun. Quitman nobly resigns hiaoffice, becomes
a private individual, and leaves the outraged
people of Mississippi to resent the indignity as
they may see proper.
This whole transaction is another evidence of
the disposition upon the part of the Federal
Government to weaken the power, and abase
the sovereignty of the States. Consolidation is
the object, and affected regard for national trea
ties the pretence under which the real design is
veiled. Citizens of Georgia may be defrauded
of their property by the purposed inactivity of
Government agents, and the open action of tho
people of Massachusetts, and Mr. Fillmore
contents himself with figuring out a valiant res
pect for the laws, etc., in a letter to tho own
ers of tbe slaves, whilst tho fugitives are em
barking for a foreign country. Has the Presi
dent moved a linger to recover these negroes >
Not lie. But Massachusetts and the North arc
the nation. 'They can do as they please— we
must please the President and the North. YVe
have no rights to infringe, but Abolitionism
has. YY hat if the South does lose Thirty Mil
lions of dollars annually by the rascality of ne
gro thieves? Ihe President and his friends
only admire the sagacity of the banditti who
entice them awey, and appear to he very much
tickled at their cunning avoidance of a specific
law. But when a Southern Executive of a
Slate is barely suspicioned of aiding an effort to
rid a suffering people from an onerous govern
ment, lie must be arrested and carried before
the legal tribunal of tbecounlry.
So far as the investigation into the Cuba ex
pedition is concerned, we have no sort of
that it will injure any of the parties charged. It
is, in fact, a hollow-hearted, deceptive, con
temptible farce. The Spanish Government is
very much mistaken if it indulges the hope that
the trial at New Orleans will tend to repress
the desire of tho Cubans for liberty, or to wean
!rom them the sympathy and aid of the Ameri
can people. Much less may Mr. Fillmore ex
pect to make capital out of it, by which lie can
subject the Southern country to the encroach
ments of Federal powor.
Ohio.— We have a private letter from Colum
bus, dated the 31 st ult.—the day after the at.
tempt to elect a U. S. Seuator. No approach
was made to an election. Indeed, neither Mr.
Griswold nor Mr. Paine obtained the full vole
of his own parly except on a single ballot. It is
considered morally certain that neither of the
original candidates can be elected, and proba
ble that no one will be at this Session. A'o
chance far any bat a decided and opponent of
Slavery Extension, note or ever. — A’ew lork
Tribune.
Alluding to the above, the Savannah Gear,
giun remarks : “Sure enough the Legislature
has adjourned without electing a Senator. The
reason of the failure to choose is, that though
the candidates of the two parties were doubtless
anti-slavery men they were not sufficiently tho
rough going in their abolition purposes. So it
will be seen that the Empire State of the North
and the Empire State of the West stand side by
side in support of Free Soil principles, while the
Empire State of the South is- what is she doing,
We would rather not be called on to answer.”
State vs George J. Bulloch. — The trial
of this case, says the Savannah Georgian, of
the 10th inst., which we have already mention,
ed as being in progress, has resulted in convic
tion. A verdict of guilty was rendered on Sat
urday last about one o'clock, the jury having
been out from Friday evening. The penalty is
from two to seven years imprisonment in the pen,
itentiary, at the discretion of the Judge. Sen
tence has not yet been passed. We learn that
a motion in arrest of judgment will be made by
the prisoner’s counsel.
From Bermuda. —By the Royal mail steamer
Merlin, Capt Samspson, we have Bermuda pa.
pers to the 22d of January :
The transport ship Sir Robert Lippings, from
London, arrived at Ireland Island on the 19th of
January with 280 convicts, and a detachment of
the 3d Royal Islanders, under the command of
Lieutenants Fraser and McLeod.
Some fears were entertained, for the growing
crops, on account of a long continued spell of
dry weather. At the latest dates, however, there
had been several light showers, which it was
hoped would have n beneficial tendency.
A large shark was caught by a book and lino
between Magazine and Ireland Islands, on tho
lGtli January, which measured ns follows
From the tip of nose to th end of taifi H sett
six inches; circumference of body, 7 feet si*
inches; extreme strcch of jaws, 18 feet feet by »
The jaws had six rows o! teeth. Iho c
tents of the stomach were :— -A sheep, two
tie, about eight or ten pounds each ; three pi
ces of salt beef; one piece salt pork; one p
of suet ; some pieces offish of different kinds
.V. F. Com. Adt. 3 d inst.