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CLEVELAND A MONOPOLIST
BIS RECORD DOES NOT HARMONIZE
WITH HIS PARTY’S PLATFORM.
The Standard Oil, a Railroad Trust
and a English Syndicate
Cleveland’s Backers.
New York Press.
Grovei Cleveland, -in the hands of
representatives of the greatest trust
in this country, the Standard Oil
Company —its existence as a trust
having been declared a violation of
the law of land—in the hands of ac
credited representatives of the great
est surface railroad monopoly in the
world and in the hands of powerful
Wall street interests and other vast
corporate influences, has been made
the nominee of the party of Jeffer
sonian and Jacksonian simplicity,
upon a platform condemning trusts
and monopolies.
furthermore, Mr. Cleveland’s most
pronounced and dogged adherent in
this State is the head and front of a
great English syndicate whose capi
tal is confessedly some <£60,000,000
($300,000,000), and probably really
amounts to nearer £100,000,000
($500,000,000).
Such as the outlines of the situa
tion as regards Grover Cleveland in
his relations to the forces which have
again made him the nominee of the
Democratic party.
MR. CLEVELAND AND MR. WHITNEY.
For the first time since William
Collins Whitney began to enact the
role of the Warwick of the Demo
cratic party —a role for which he has
preference above all others—he has
come boldly and, for him, courageous
ly to the front to pull the wires os
tensibly in the sight of his fellow
men. Hitherto it has been his habit
to follow [instincts or secretiveness
such as he developed while Corpora
tion Counsel of this city for three
terms.
During the campaign of 1884 Mr.
Whitney kept out of sight. But he
kept all the more busily at work.
The contributions of the Payne-Whit
ney interests to the campaign fund
are generally credited with having
assured to Mr. Whitney the position
of Secretary of the Navy under Mr.
Cleveland. In that campaign Mr.
Whitney is said to have displayed
great astuteness. Through the whole
campaign it was well understood that
the most powerful wing of the Stand
ard Oil Trust supported Mr. Whitney
in his requirements for campaign pur
poses.
In Washington, from March 4,
1885, until March 4, 1889, itjwas Mr.
Whitney’s influence which was para
mount over others in the administra
tion. It is Mr. Whitney who bears
the credit of having projected the
famous Red Top real estate specula
tion, in the line of which Mr. Cleve
land selected a spot for his country
residence, toward which all District
of Columbia street improvements
made their way. When Mr. Cleveland
land out, before leaving Washington,
it is generally reported that he clear
ed some $150,000 on his judicious in
vestment in the direction taken by
these improvements.
MR. WHITNRY AND MR. GRACE.
To what extent Mr. Whitney and
Mr. William R. Grace were in touch
during the years 1885-89 no one
seems to know. Through some means
Mr. Grace was made happy in having
his man Roberts made Minister to
Peru, a land in which the great Grace-
English syndidate was operating and
working to secure a mortgage of that
republic.
When the Whitney-Clsveland anti
monopolists came to this city early in
March, 1889, a place for Mr. Cleve
land had been provided by Mr.
W hitney, through ths kind offices of
Francis Lynde Stetson, one of Mr.
Whitney’s legal advisers, a member
of the firm of Bangs, Stetson, Tracy
& MacVeagh. It was given out, ap
parently by inspiration, that Mr.
Cleveland would have a salary of
$50,000, a full solace, financially, for
his involuntary relinquishment of the
Presidential public trust.
The firm of Bangs, Stetson, etc.,
having had its offices sufficiently long
at No. 45 William street—the num
ber made historic by Mr. Cleveland’s
presence—finally removed a year or
more ago to No. 15 Broad street, the
building in which Mr. Whitney, Col
onel Oliver Payne and Colonel Dan
iel S. Lamont, president of Whitney,
Elkins and Widener surface railroad
syndicate, had their offices, and there
have since abided, with Mr. Cleve
lend still close under the Whitney
wing.
MR. CLEVELAND AS A REFEREE.
Mr. W hitney has kept an eye upon
Mr. Cleveland’s welfare in
His real estate adviser, John |D.
Crimmins, who was one of the few
Tammany Cleveland shouters at Chi
cago, was instrumental in finding Mr,
Cleveland a fine residence in Madi
son avenue. Mr. Cleveland was
made a referee in several cases
through Mr. Whitney’s kindly offices,
among them being the position of
referee in famous Landon water front
appraisals. The Tammany Hali city
officials desired to have the apprais
als made at a very low figure in order
to enable them to seize the property
for the city—so-called—and Mr.
Cleveland found away to gratify
them by making the appraisal SIOO
a foot. In so doing he refused to
admit testimony as to the value of
contiguous property, and for this the
Court of Appeals upset his finding.
In his second report Mr. Cleveland
placed the valuation at S6OO a foot.
It is by such little surface indica
tions as these that one is enabled to
see the cordial relations, financial as
well as social, which continued to ex
ist between the anti-monopolist
claimant and his monopolistic spon
sor.
Mr. Whitney put into operation his
plan to secure Mr. Cleveland’s nomi
nation in 1892 as soon as he had
taken his summer vacation in 1889.
For that matter the plan was laid out
before he left Washington. It began
to be developed as soon as Colonel
Lamont was made president of the
one horse avenue C. road. That
choice of the brilliant aid de camp of
Grover Cleveland puzzled the public
for a time; but when the great Broad
way Railroad was leased to the one
horse road andjthe latter’sbapital stock
was increased from $3,250,000 to
$5,000,000 on the value of that lease,
the public was no longer puzzled.
Then it was that Mr. Whitney’s fine
work was made manifest, for he had
then secured the cabling privilege
for the Broadway Railroad Company
by merely giving W. Bourke Coch
ran a free lunch.
THE WAGE EARNER’S FRIEND, INDEED.
The Whitney-Philadelphia syndi
cate unites politics and business
wherever it goes, whether in Phila
delphia, Boston, Chicago, New York
or Minneapolis. And all this influ
ence in these various large centers
has been thrown according to Mr.
Whitney’s desires. But for the de
claration of the Chicago platform
against trusts and monopolies no man
in the country, judged on the basis
of apparent facts, would be a more
vivid illustration of the power of
trusts und monopolies in politics than
Mr. Whitney’s man Cleveland, who
keeps away from public view of Mr.
Whitney just enough to enable him
to pose as the wage earner’s peren
nial friend.
As disclosed in The Press a year
ago, Calvin S. Brice was made chair
man of the National Democratic
Committee in active compliance with
Standard Oil interests in Ohio and
New York combined. Mr. Bnce has
played his part judiciously. The
vast railroad Jan djtru st interests of Mr.
Brice are, however, in active sym
pathy with the other monopolies and
corporations surrounding the candi
date on the anti-monopoly platform
of Jeffersonian credulity.
Mr. Whitney played a very shrewd
hand in the anti-snapper movement,
yet there is the best authority upon
earth for the statement that one of
his legal advisers contributed $20,000
to the campaign fund. And that
gentleman is Mr. Cleveland’s law
partner.
MR. CLEVELAND AND WALL STREET.
It was Henry Villard’s $30,000
private car which took ex-Mayor
William R. Grace, ex-Secretary of the
Treasury Charles S. Fairchild and E.
Ellery Anderson from this city to
Chicago to get as nearly as possible
into the Democratic National Con
vention. The Press has already pub
lished full accounts of this phase of
the Grace-Cleveland movement and
of the campaign against trusts and
monopolies. The fact that Mr. Vil
lard offered to contribute SIO,OOO to
help the endeavors of Mr. Grace, ex-
Office Holders Fairchild, Whitney,
Canda and Anderson of the Cleve
land Administration, to secure the
nomination of their chief, has also
been chronicled.
All the gentlemen are prominent
Wall street men, and directly or in
directly interested in trust companies
or railroad corporations or other in
terests centered in Wall street. Mr.
Fairchild is prosident of the New
Y ork Trust Company, at No. 44 Wall
street, just across the way from No.
35, the Wall street wing of the big
building in which Mr. Cleveland, Mr.
Whitney and Mr. Villard have their
offices.
Mr. Anderson’s office is at No. 10
Wall street. He is attorney and
counsel for corporations. Through
Mr. Whitney’s influence Mr. Ander
son was appointed a United States
Railroad Commissioner by Mr. Cleve
land during his administration. Mr.
Cleveland’s own firm is devoted
wholly to corporation practice, and
the $50,000 salary paid Mr. Cleveland
stands as a tribute to the quality and
quantity of the firm’s business.
RAILROAD END OF THE REFORMERS.
Ihe railroad end of the Cleveland
anti-monopoly and anti-trust combin
ation is made most prominent, of
course, through Henry Villard and
Calvin S. Brice. Both these gentle
men are the heaviest plungers m the
railroad marljet. Mr. Brice, as is well
known, got his financial start in the
world by plunging in Wall street and
then getting up the Nickel Plate
Railroad scheme, through which he
made some millions of dollars by un
loading the road on William H. Van
derbilt, who bough it in order to save
the New York Central from disas
trous competition.
Mr. Villard is even more promi
nently known as the getter up of
foreign and domestic syndicates to
float his Northern Pucific Railroad
schemes. That both these gentle
men are in active sympathy with Mr.
Cleveland goes without saying. One
form of this activity may be seen in
the fact that Mr. Villard is now cred
ited with being.the controlling power
in the leading evening Mugwump
newspapers in this city. The influ
ence, if not actual control, of the
Grace syndicate in the leading morn
ing Mugwump newspaper is, inci
dentally, a subject of mention.
It will be recalled that the Western
National Bank was organized to af
ford a Wall street scene of action for
the ex-Cleveland administration, or a
goodly part of it. Daniel Manning
was made president of it. Then, on
his death, Charles J. Canda of the
Whitney-Grace reform and anti
monopoly combination, was chosen
to the place. He did not prove sat
isfactory, and so Drayton S. Ives was
made president of the bank. Mr.
Ives is an old time financial ally of
Mr. Whitney, having embarked with
him as far back at least as the days of
the incorporation of the Broadway
Railroad Company some ten years
ago. In all this shuffling of Wall
street interests, a Whiney man as a
Cleveland annex is sure to turn up.
mr. Cleveland’s anti monopoly
FRIENDS.
At Chicago two men turned up
among the Tammany braves who
were for Cleveland all the time.
These were John D. Crimmins, the
Whitney contractor, and Thomas F.
Ryan, the treasurer of the Whitney-
Philadelphia surface railroad syndi
cate. Mr. Crimmins has the contract
for laying the cable in Broadway.
After Tammany persecution had
compelled William Wharton, of
Philadelphia, to throw up his con
tract for laying the cable in Third
avenue it was Mr. Crimmins who got
the job, and now all is lovely. The
Whitney syndicate is trying to get
hold of the Third avenue railroad on
the same line of track as on the
Sixth avenue railroad. When Henry
Hart dies they may succeed.
As for Thomas F. Ryan, it was he
who, according to testimony before
the Fassett investigating committee,
met Richard Croker in Baltimore
and swept the deck for action _£or
the coming Cockran free lunch with
Mr. Whitney. Mr. Cockran has al
ways been a Whitney man, at least
ever since Mr. Whitney became Sec
retary of the Navy, and although he
may talk for Hill he is for Whitney
every time. It has been only fear of
Mr. Grace which has kept Tammany
from following Mr. Whitney into
the Cleveland Camp.
THEY ARE ALL WALL STREET MEN.
In all these combinations, whether
the name be Crimmins, Ryan, Fair
child, Villard or Grace, they all
lead to Wall street. Mr. Ryan is a
member of the Stock Exchange and
bears the reputation of being Mr.
Whitney’s broker.
If there be a member or an out
post of the whole Whitney-Cleve
land element m the city, from Vil
lard and Brice down to Crimmins
and Wagstaff, which does not begin
in, flourish in and end in Wall street,
the fact has not yet been discovered.
THE GRACE-ENGLISH SYNDICATE.
For years, as a matter of history
and record, William R. Grace and
Michael P. Grace, his brother, have
been engaged in an endeavor of al
most fabulous proportions, and that
is to secure control of the undevel
oped mineral and fertilizing wealth
of Peru. Upon the death of Henry
Meigs his great railroad contracts in
Peru were secured by the Grace
brothers. Among these the richest
has always been esteemed the Oroya
Railroad grant, since that road, when
completed over a mountainous re
gion hard of access, would lead into
the heart of the Oroya silver mines,
where tens of millions upon tens of
millions of mineral wealth are con
cealed.
In order to execute the vast un
dertaking of completing the Meigs
railroad contracts, it became neces
sary to form a syndicate. The
Messrs. Grace looked to English
capital for the purpose. The house
of Grace <fc Co., in Lima, Callao and
\ alparaiso had been always re
garded as an English house. The
managers or partners of these houses
to-day are Englishmen.
In 1887 Michael P. Grace opened
the house of Grace Co. in Lon
don for the purpose of floating there
this colossal Peruvian scheme. Os
the result of Mr. Grace’s syndicate
efforts the New York Herald’s cor
respondent, under date of May 16,
1888, sent here a cablegram, the pur
port of which was as follows :
“WANTED TO OWN PERU BODILY.
“In 1887 an English syndicate had
been formed through the efforts of
the Messrs. Grace, not onlv to exe
cute the railroad contracts is Peru I
but also to take up the Peruvian
debt, in return for which the Grace-
English syndicate was to have the
revenues of Peru for a certain num
ber of years. What was known as
the Peruvian Corporation, composed
of the members of the syndicate,
was formed, and a committee repre
senting the bond-holders was ap
pointed to secure the necessary leg
islation in Peru to make the whole
scheme valid. Os this phase of the
matter, Gerald Augustus Ollard,
legal adviser to the bond-holders,
said : ‘Last year a contract was en
tered into between the committee
and Peruvian Government for the
settlement of the Peruvian liability
as to the extended debt. That con
tract was called the Grace contract
on account of the part he took in
bringing it about. You will see by
a copy of the contract, which I now
hand you, that it provides for work
ing a number of railways and for
opening Peru generally. That con
tract, however, was not submitted to
the last Peruvian Congress owing to
certain objections made by the Chil
ian Government. Fortunately for
all concerned the objections have
now been overcome through the ex
ertion of the English Government,
so that the contract is to be brought
before the Peruvian Congress in its
existing form when it meets in July
next.’ ”
“But you will vrant a lot of money
to carry this out.’'
“Very likely; but I believe the
necessary financial arrangements are
substantially completed m London.
A syndicate of commercial gentle
men, composed of bankers and mer
chants, are ready to back us with
any amount. We have only to get
the sanction of the Peruvian Gov
ernment.”
A WIDE-REACHING CONTRACT.
The committee of bond-holders
consisted of Sir Henry Tyler, George
11. Hopkinson, bankers; Fredick
Santiago Hammack, forerly Chilian
Consul; Colonel Sir Alfred Kirby,
Colonel J. T. North, John Proctor
and Earl Donoughmore. The Peru
vian debt then amounted to £55,-
000,000. The Grace contract, ex
hibited by Mr. Ollard, showed that
Peru assigned “to the Grace syndi
cate its rights to work its silver,
coal, cinnabar and other mineral
mines and all guano, with participa
tion in the profits.”
The syndicate was also authorized
“to construct special quays or
wharves, highways in all depart
ments of the Peruvian Republic, to
further commerce in cocoa, coffee,
wheat, maize, alcohol, bark, wool,
cotton and timber, and to work all
the mines.” The government gives
the committee 1,800,000 hectares of
land for colonization purposes, and in
various departments the right to ex
port guano, the right to a certain
percentage in certain house dues
and the right to establish a bank at
Lima.
The necessary legislation to vali
date the Grace contract w r as secured
from the Peruvian Congress. But
bitter opposit ion was roused in Peru,
the matter was taken into the courts,
and, according to Peruvian advices
to-day, the courts have declared the
transfer of the Grace contracts to
the syndicate invalid, and have set
them aside.
This being the case, it becomes of
the utmost importance that all pos
sible influence should be brought to
bear upon Peru and her courts in
order to execute his colossal scheme
involving possibly £100,000,000,
WAS IT A LINK IN A CHAIN?
Whether it be a link in a chain or
not, as a matter of fact William R.
Grace succeeded in having his man
Roberts appointed Minister to Peru
by President Cleveland.
In the recent anti-snapper move
ment it is well known that William
R. Grace took the leading part,
raised the funds to carry on the
Cleveland movement, and declared
his willingness to raise almost any
amount to secure the end in view.
Between the influence of the Eng
lish Government, exerted as Mr.
Ollard confessed, and the influence
of the United States Government, as
now hoped for, Peru might be forced
into a position to place her fabulous
resources in the hands of an English
syndicate of enormous proportions.
Syndicates and monopolies are re
volving around Grover Cleveland in
a most remarkable way.
People’s Party Mass Convention.
All voters .of Habersham county
who are favorable to the People’s
Party reform movement are request
ed to meet in mass convention at the
court house at Clarksville, Monday,
July 18, 1892, at 10 o’clock a. m., to
elect delegates to the State and Con
gressional district conventions of the
People’s Party. Able speakers will
address the convention.
J. B. King, Chm’n Ex. Com.
L. F. Maxwell, Sec’y.
If you meet a hob-gobblin float
ing around, don’t get scared. It is
nothing but the Force Bill made by
Harrison and dressed up by the
Democrats. It is a very harmless
“critter.”
ECHOES FROM OMAHA.
Two Notable Speeches at the People’s
Party Convention.
On Monday, July 4th, the closing
day of the Omaha Convention, after
the adoption of the platform, in re
sponse to calls from the convention,
Hon. J. 11. Davis, of Texas, spoke
as follows:
While I appreciate the compliment
you have extended ; while I appreci
ate the great honor you have done
me to-day, I have sought since I have
been at this convention to perform my
service as a service of work and not
of speech-making. But the people
here have a right to command me and
I am at your command to-day, and
what I may say if it will be of service
I gladly dedicate my efforts to the
cause of reform, to the cause of lost
and desolate homes of this land
(cheers), to the cause of the down
trodden millions of my country and
to the posterity that is to follow this
generation. (Cheers.)
But, gentlemen and fellow-citizens,
don’t feel disappointed if I fall short
of your expections; you cannot expect
too much of one reared in the un
bounded wilds of the f.4r West, the
music of whose civilization was the
hoot of the owls and the howls of the
wolf, whose cradle song was the low
ing of the herds. While the birds of
the air sang me to sleep at night and
the canopy of heaven was my cover,
I learned to love freedom.
I looked at the wild descanting
plains, I looked over the beautiful un
dulating surface of my country. I
looked back over the annals of history
and I found that man started from
the garden of Eden about six thou
sand years ago with the injunction to
eat his bread under the sweat of his
brow. Man started west. The first
form of government was tribes and
chiefs; the next form of government
was kings and kingdoms, the next
emperors and empires, and it was left
to the grandest and most glorious
form of government to be established
in this beautiful land of ours, the
greatest civilation arising in the light
of governmental freedom. It was
left for this government to be estab
lished and dedicated to the cause of
freedom. For six thousand years
mankind has traveled west, west has
been the star of empire. Until to-day,
my countrymen, the humble and op
pressed of foreign nations fleeing
from their monarchs, have come w r est
to better their condition, leaving
millions behind, but to-day we can
flee no further. What then shall we
do ? The downtrodden of every
country always would flee from the
oppression and move west, but to-day
no further west can you go, you have
got to turn back, purify and correct
and set up anew the declaration of
independence.
To-day, my countrymen, I see in
my mind’s eye a sad and humiliating
spectacle. I see the stars and stripes
that were dedicated to freedom, no
longer the emblem of liberty. I see
millions of landless people in a home
less land. The toiling millions are
wresting from the earth wealth un
told, but it is not theirs. And I see
their widows and orphans m poverty
and want.
Gentlemen, and fellow citizens, this
is a sad and miserable spectacle.
How did it come about ? Did it come
by any efforts in the cause of free
dom ? No. It came through the
machinations and the political in
trigues oi unscrupulous men. To
day we have sixty-three millions of
people in the United States and the
three great problems for civil gov
ernment are before us to solve, name
ly : land, transportation and money.
. Let me tell you today, that out of
those 63,000,000 we have nearly 30,-
000,000 of people without land. On
the other hand we have land enough
in our broad descanting realm to
make comfortable homes for three
fifths of the peop’e of the radh,
and not to be more densely populated
than Holland or Germany. On the
other hand we find 4,575,000 mort
gages on the homes of this land. My
countrymen, it is a sad reflection to
those who love homes, a sad reflec
tion those who love freedom. We
find that the corporations, the indi
viduals that were never created by
God Almighty, but created upon the
statute books, these men in law’, with
no inalienable rights rights vested in
them nor designated in our constitu
tion, owa land enough to make the
twenty-six lesser states in the Amer
ican Union. How did they get it ?
Surrounded as we are by the over
reaching spires of architecture and
the huge piles of stone in magnificent
buildings, we see the great industrial
army of this country without com
fortable shelter. How’ came it there ?
Was it because they made too much ?
That is w r hat the politicians tell us
dowm in Texas. Now look over this
land, see the condition that it is in
today, and I tell you you have got to
meet the conditions just as they are;
we have got to take the conditions of
the American country into considera
tion. It must be saved, because, as
my predecessor says if this effort
fails, if this movement is dismember
ed, we would lie in the hands of the
monopolistic power, and according to
the tendency in this country you
would never be able to organize
again.
To-day you know these men in
law, fhese corporate men, that live
not by inalienable rights, but live by
mathematical and legal strictures
and governmental process. They to
day are already sending out over the-
United States orders declaring that
these corporations will not employ
men who belong to labor organ
zations. What does that mean ?’
It means you have got to renounce
the capacity to organize for self-pro
tection and become manual slaves—
become the pliant tool, reduce your
self to the humble action of the
machine, or you cannot get employ
ment by these people. What does
that portend? That foreshadows the
condition of the peon, pf serfs-
W hen our forefathers created this
government they declared against
the laws of entail, they declared
against monopoly, they declared
against perpetuity. They had seen
by the laws of Great Britain that the
wealth aggregating in any place and
never dismembered and distributed
became a menace to the great masses
of mankind; they could see their
purpose and tendency in derogation
of the rights of the people. Under
that system in England they have
within two hundred and sixty years,
in that country, founded a series of
vast estates that belong to the dukes
and lords of that country, and under
the laws of entail and perpetuity re
main undivided and a taunt and a
menace to the people. But in
America, where we have no laws of
entail, excepting a chartered system
in open violation of the spirit of our
constitution, and under the laws of
perpetuity in this country, we to-dav
have sixty men in America that can
buy out the richest lord or duke in
Europe and pay cash for ail he has.
And our American lords or dukes
have made their wealth in the last
twenty-five years. How did they
get it? (Man in gallery): “They
stole itMy friend over there says
they stole it—and what is worse, they
stole it by law.
Robbery by law is the most terri
ble robbery ever known to any age-
When I meet a man on the highway,,
knock him down and rob him., I am
under the condemnation of the whole
civilized world. But if I manipulate
the Legislature or Congress of the
United States, to pass a Jaw to hold
him still and another one to get mv
hand in his pocket,, and get what is
his, I am considered a first-class bus
iness man. They make me president
of a bank, elect me manager .of a
traffic association, the big daity pa
pers insist that 1 am a genius, and the
first thing I know they will run me
for Congress. You have heard it
said that a little over thirty years ago
the agricultural people represented
something over 60 per cent, but to
day you represent less than twenty
per cent of the wealth of this nation..
Has it been because you are lazy ?
Has it been because you are trifling?'
Has it been because you have lived
too extravagantly? No; you have
better machinery to work with, you
produced moire and got less from year
to year. If thirty years will take you
from sixty per cent to twenty per
cent, how many years will it take to
get the remaining twenty per cent?
You can figure yourself out a bank
rupt in the morning before breakfast.
On the other hand, while you have
been going down hill, look at these
men in law. These corporations,,
that were created by law, not by
God, never had any inalienable rights
in this country, none except the rights
granted by the granter and vaster.
They have the taxing power, in open
violation of the sacred principles of
the constitution and, you can’t help
yourself. In my State they pay the
governor four thousand dollars a
year; because we govern that State
we say how much he shall get, but
the governor of a railroad company in
my State gets eleven thousand dol
lars a year. How does that happen ?
Because he sets his own salary with
out our consent, although his corpo
ration is but the creature of the peo
ple of Texas and could not live five
minutes without our consent. And
when we gave our consent we never
wanted him to be a bigger man. than
our governor of Texas. Yet he is
drawing as much in one year as our
governor draws in three, out of the
pockets of our people, and we can’t
help ourselves because the Democrat
ic party says it is undemocratic to
bother him. It is the same wav in
every State. In 1860 the great' ag
ricultural interests represented sixty
per cent of the wealth of the nation..
today less than twenty per cent.
Business in that day was prosperous,
while today the great middle class is
left at the mercy of the banking and
transportation monopolies. Way out
in the West, and in the South.'how
does the money get out ? It starts
through a big corporation, the bi<r
banks furnish it to the little banks
the little banks to business aw::, bus
iness men put it in commerce and
distribute it among the people. The
big bankers squeeze the little ones,
the little bankers squeeze the busi
ness men, the business men squeezes