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PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER.
PUBLISHED WEEKLY BY THE
PEOPLE’S PAPER PUBUSING COMPANY.
117 1-2 Whitehall St.
THOS. E. WATSON, - - President.
C. C. POST, - - - Vice-President.
D. N. SANDERS, - - Sec. & Treas.
R. F. GRAY, - Business Manager.
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PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER.
FRIDAY, AUGUST 12, 1892.
Modestly let it be said that never
in the history of Georgia has such a
reception been tendered any Con
gressman returning to his home as
was received by Mr. Watson at
Thomson, Tuesday. This is worthy
of mention, for it has been repeated
from end to end of the State that Mr.
Watson would be defeated for re
election. Os this feather are all the
boasts of the daily papers of the
State in relation to the People’s
Party.
The people of the country look to
Alabama and wonder.
Perhaps the boodle depended on
to beat Watson in the tenth is not all
Georgia boodle. Plutocracy, from
Lombard to Wall streets, is in it.
The Republican State nominating
convention metThurday and decided
not to make nominations. This
leaves the fight between Peek and
Northen, and simplifies the situation
wonderfully.
A prominent Republican is indig
nant that the Constitution should
have reported that the State Central
Committee of that party voted to put
out a State ticket. The resolution
adopted by a majority of sixty to
five was to put out no state ticket.
The People’s Party Paper is
often ordered by friends to the ad
dresses of persons who themselves
know nothing of this fact. No
names are entered on credit, and
therefore no one need hesitate to
take the copy addressed to him from
his post-office.
Hon. S. M. Taliaferro, whose
countenance ornaments the eighth
-page, is an able and fearless advocate
of the people’s cause. He has friends
in all parts of the district, l
. nil o
>ast. He will make a canvass
ui tlie district, and will make it hot.
The Atlanta Journal had a short
dispatch from Thomson, Tuesday,
estimating the assemblage to meet
Mr. Watson at 4000 Wednesday it
wiped out 3100 of its previous figures.
The contrast with the State rally of
“organized Democracy” was too
great for a tender party stomach.
The truth is, that more than 6000
friends met Mr. Watson.
The Atlanta Constitution evidently
thinks the farmers can still be fooled
with the statement that the Demo
cratic measure proposing to admit
raw 'wool free of duty while re
taining the tariff on yarns and
clothes is for the benefit of the
farmer. This measure was proposed
at the suggestion of the manu
facturers, and is devised by them to
better enable them to form a trust
controlling the price of both wool
and its manufactures.
When Mr. Cleveland accepted the
nomination at the great surprise party
in New York, among other things he
said:
“We see the fanner listening to a de
lusive story that fills his mind with
visions of advantage, while his pocket is
robbed by the stealthy band of high pro
tection ”
To the average farmer, who has
been examining into Mr. Cleveland’s
record on the measures that tend to
relieve agriculture, this is more re
pulsive than simple bosh ; it is an
insult to ordinary intelligence. The
Democrats and Republicans differ
only in degree, and a very slight de
gree at that, in their triff theories.
The People’s Party alone proposes
to remove the tai iff by substituting
for that anomaly a fair tax on the
wealth of the country instead of on
its labor.
FOLLOWING THE NEW YORK TRI
BUNE.
The Constitution makes haste to
quote approvingly a statement of
that ultra-plutocratic sheet the New
Xork Tribune to the effect that there
are only 4,047 millionaires in the
United States instead of 35,000 as
has been asserted by the reformers
for several years past without dis
pute. “The Tribune’s list,” says the
Constitution, “is nearer the mark
than the third party estimates and
assuming the position taken by
Whitelaw Reid’s paper, the Atlanta
paper continues : “The country is
big enough to stand 4,047 million
aires. A few more would be a real
benefit. * * * A plutocrat is a
curse to the people, but the average
millionaire is not a bad fellow.”
Then does the Constitution mean
to assert that the possessor of one
million does not belong to the class
which is denominated plutocratic?
It is not many months since the
Constitution was full of warning talk
about the dangers which threaten
the republic because of the concen
tration of the wealth of the country
into a few hands, and it repeatedly
urged an income tax as a means of
impeding the growth of great fortunes
and cutting them down.
We would remind the Constitu
tion, and more especially the alliance
men and reformers in general, that
Whitelaw Reid is the Republican
candidate for vice president; that he
is the chief owner and editor in chief
of the New York Tribune, which is
at this time more than ever, a strickly
partisan republican paper and we
would ask, what is it that moves the
Constitution at this juncture to turn
to the leadin repub'ican journal of
the union for council and support
against the farmers and working-men
of Georgia.
Alas, and alas, plutocracy is not
confined to the Norlh and East, nor
are all the plutocratic newspapers
published in that section. The
recent sneering and sarcastic tone of
the Constitution is not being over
looked, nor will the people fail to re
member its efforts to blacken and
crush, the people’s party leader of
the tenth district.
Returning to the statistics of con
centrated wealth, we have to say
that the statement that there are 35,-
000 millionaires, and that 250,000
families own more than half of the
wealth of the country, U from the pen
of Thomas G. w ~ n
New York
<-. r ~ 41 xVlr.
Shearman, is recogrized by the coun
try at large as a non-partisan in
vestigator — a disinterested reformer
having at heart not the success of
any party, but the welfare of the
masses and their posterity. If it
suits the Constitution to prefer the
statement of Whitelaw Raid’s organ
in the midst of a campaign, where he
and his party are vitally interested,
it is welcome to its choice. We con
tent ourselves with calling the at
tention of the people to its position.
PLEDGED TO ECONOMIZE I
The Democrats of the House were
loud in their protestations early in
the session that they considered the
political land-slide, by which they
became possessed of a two-thirds
majority, a rebuke to the extrava
gance of the billion dollar Congress.
To emphasize their claim to confi
dence, a resolution was passed
pledging the majority to rigid econ
omy, and promising that there
should be no more billion dollar
Congresses, under the new order of
things, which they felt assured had
come to stay. And the people real
ly intended that the new order
should stay, did the Democratic
party keep its pledges and deserve
the power placed in its hands.
But how has that majority kept
its pledges? A short comparison of
the expenditures authorized during
the first sessions each of the Fifty
first and Fifty-second Congresses
will most effectively answer the
question.
The total of regular appropria
tions by the first session of the Bil
lion Dollar Congress was $361,770,-
057.
The total of regular appropria
tions by the Pledged-to-Economize
Congress was $385,837,500.
Thus the regular appropriations
have been increased $24,067,443
over the first year of the Billion
Dollar Congress.
The grand total of appropria
tions by the first session of the Bil
lion Dollar Congress was $463,398,-
510.
The grand total of appropriations
by the first session of the Pledged
to-Economize Congress was $507,-
701,380
The total expenditures author
ized by the House over which
Statesman Crisp presided, exceeded
those authorized by the House over
which Czar Reed presided by $44,
322,870.
This excess, at 6 cents per pound,
the full average price when the ap
propriations were made, would cov
er 1,440,717 bales of cotton, or one
sixth of a full normal crop.
What will the second session do?
THE DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION.
That the Democratic convention
should have renominated the entire
list of State officers was expected
by everybody familiar with the tac
tics of political rings. It is almost
impossible to free a party from a
coterie of officeholders monopolizing
the patronage of a State or great
city, when no division mars the
symmetry of the slate they fix up.
It is a case in which co-operation is
usually perfect, and an outsider
seeking to supplant one of the
coterie in a nominating convention
finds his individual efforts combated
by each and all the ins. Therefore
the renomination of the full State is
by no means indicative that the
present officials are the most popular
or the most capable members of their
party, but rather that they combined
together to bring about the result.
For the People’s Party, the con
vention of last Wednesday is an
object lesson. The body lacked the
enthusiasm and earnestness of that
which nominated Peek and other
People’s candidates, and was com
posed of a different element of citi
zens of the commonwealth. Where
as we had an assembled body of
producers of wealth, the Democra
cy was represented almost exclusive
ly hy professional men and traders
of the towns, principally by law
yers. It was reasonable to expect
that the proceedings would be more
regular and the speeches more im
pressive than at the People’s con
vention. Such expectation, how
ever, w- . iot realized. / The plain
pie were able to exercise
jrc in ousiness than the
Democrats, qiid the speeches
by the farmers were incomparably
more earnest and convincing than
were those of the bar-bred advocates
of Wall street.
Ushering in the convention on
Tuesday night, the grand ratification
meeting was a disappointment.
Though the speakers who delivered
addresses were of State reputation,
not a notable idea was developed or
a word uttered that would carry
conviction to the inquiring mind.
Music and cheers left a far greater
impression on the listener than any
thing said. If the singular and
reprehensible appeal made by Sena
tor Gordon to sectional animosity
be excepted, there was scarcely an
utterance by any speaker that would
impress itself upon even the ardent
convictions of the young men who
compose the Atlanta Democratic
club.
General Gordon seems impressed
w’ith the idea that if the people of
Georgia vote a ticket upon which
occur the names of a brevet briga
dier of the Federal volunteer army
and a maimed veteran of the Con
federacy, dishonor will be done to
the memory of the fallen braves of
the South. He sees no inconsisten
cy, however, in voting for a ticket
the head of which died by proxy in
a hospital of the Federal army, while
the second place is filled by an avow
ed enemy whose courage or interest
was not sufficient to spur him to
battle for his side in the sanguinary
contest of thirty years ago. The
most absurd claim is set forth that
the South can retain her honor and
self-respect while accepting political
affiliaticn with the East, rich with
the spoils of the war and the misrule
it made | ossible, but would be dis
graced wa-e she to join with the
West in an effort to so change con-
ditions as to make it possible to en
joy a prosperity unvexed by peon
age to the capitalists of the East.
For the most part, the speeches
were devoted to instruction how to
win back to the Democracy the long
deceived and outraged people who
have declared themselves indepen
dent, and may be defined as advice
as to the best manner of applying
salt to a workingman’s tail.
There were perhaps 2,000 people
out to hear the big guns of Democra
cy Tuesday night, the larger part
residents of other towns who had
taken advantage of the cheap rail
road fares. The every-day business
men and workers of Atlanta were in
it to a very small degree.
The People now know who is on
the opposition ticket, and they know
that it has the support of the little
political and official rings in the coun
ties. They know enough to make
duty plain. That is all they want
to know.
The Republicans of Georgia are to
be congratulated on their good sense.
“White supremacy” is not a possible
issue in the State.
The Atlanta Constitution tells its
readers that “the confidence and the
campaign fund of the Democrats in
the tenth has shaken Mr. Watson’s
belief in his own strength in his dis
trict.” This virtual admission gives
force to the report that a large cor
ruption fund has been raised in the
tenth. It is notice that boodle
is to be the main argument opposed
to Mr. Watson. It is notice to the
voters of the district that a new ele
ment is to be introduced, which
if successful, will secure elections
hereafter without consulting the
preferences of the people. It is also
notice that the voters of the tenth
are considered as salable, and that
the majority have their price. It is
a dark hint, and its sinister intent
should be comprehended fully by
every man who believes in fair play
and honest elections.
People need not think, because a
brass band will not fill a hall, that
the people of Georgia will not come
out to hear an account rendered by
a faithful servant.
Peek is making things howl—that
is, Democratic things.
In the last few weeks there is a
disposition on the part of the Wall
street element to use a qualifying
-
That adjective is “organized.”
Jones’ election in Alabama is
u. vibtory for “organized Democracy,”
and in various connections the peo
ple are reminded that they are not
in it, so far as the party is concerned,
unless they join the clubs and take
pledges to sacrifice their independent
manhood upon the altar of Plutoc
racy.
Well did Peek say, “When a law
oppresses a white Georgia farmer,
the colored Georgia farmer just be
hind him suffers also.”
B. M. Gross Has Something to Say.
Editor People’s Paper:
In the Gibson Enterprise of July
15 K. J. Hawkins, its editor, takes
occasion to denounce me in a column
of abuse boiled down to its essence.
This article of the little “Flopper”
seems to complain:
1. That I am spoiling for the
judgeship of the Augusta circuit.
2. That I said in a speech in
Willis county that the little “Flopper”
was a rampant People’s party man
till his ride down the narrow gauge
railroad with Northen, Gordon et al.
and that he came back a red hot
democrat, and paid a nine months
past-due board bill.
3. That when he, [the little
“Flopper”] met me in Atlanta I
took it all back. As to his first
charge I have never been a candi
date for the office, and am not now
such a candidate. I was requested
to make the race for the office by
Alliancemen, before the Alliance
legislature in 1890, but declined so
to do. The little “Flopper” cannot
produce a single witness to say that I
ever asked any man’s support for
the office of judge of the superior
court of the Augusta circuit. On
this count in his indictment he has
lied out of whole cloth.
As to the second count in his in
dictmen I submit the following affi
davit which is sworn to by Geo. C.
Kelly, as good a man for veracity as
there is in Glasscock county:
COPY OF AFFIDAVIT.
GEORGIA, Glasscock County—
Personally comes Geo. C. Kelly who
under oath says that two or three days
after Kindrick Hawkins, editor of the
Gibson Enterprise, took his trip down
the narrow gauge road with Northen,
Gordon et al., he, [Hawkins,] came
into the postofiice at Mitchell, pulled
out a roll of money and paid defendent
a board bill that had been due for
twelve months. Defendent was sur
prised to receive this bill as he had
tried to collect it on several occasions
before from said Hawkins. Defend
ent further says that since his “Flop’’
Editor Hawkins dresses much better
than before, and seems to be unusu
ally flush.
Sworn to and
subscribed before Geo. C. Kelly.
me July 271892.
C. H. Kitchens,
Ex. Off. J. P.
I leave this count in the indict
ment to the people of Glasscock to
say who is right, Mr. Kelly, the man
who swears to the above facts, or
the little “Flopper,” who complains
that somebody has lied when they
charge that his board bill had run
only nine months when, in fact, it
had run twelve months.
3. I will now introduce the testi
mony of Mr. G. W. Usry, who was
present in Atlanta when the noted
denial took place, and was the only
witness to the same except the
parties:
I, G. W. Usry, certify that I was
present when K. J. Hawkins met B. M.
Gross in Atlanta, recently when they
had a conversation in refrence to a
speech Glass had made in Willis
county, in which it was said “That
Hawkins was a People’s party man till
his ride down the narrow gauge road
with Northen, Gordon et al., that he
came back a Democrat, and paid a past
due board bill, that Gross did not
vouch for the truth of the report, but
gave it as founded on reports from
Glasscock county.”
Gross did not back down from any
thing he had said, I was in ten feet of
the parties, and heard nothing indi
cating a back down. Both parties
parted apparently satisfied.
G. AV. Usry.
This July 27, 1892.
I have other testimonies on the
little “Flopper,” showinghis poverty
before his “Hop” and his flush con
dition after, but this is enough for
the present. I have shown by the
above testimony that the little
“Flopper” has deliberately, and
maliciously lied in all three of his
complaints. I pity him, but self
respect compels me to hand him
over to the contempt of the public,
that he so justly deserves.
B. M. Gross.
August 1,1892.
Third Congressional District.
The People’s Party Congressional
Convention was held in the opera
house at Americus, August the 2d.
All the counties of the Third dis
trict were well represented.
At 10 o’clock the convention was
called to order by W. T. Chris
topher, Chairman of the Executive
Committee of the Third Congress
ional district.
The convention proceeded by
electing G. 11. Seig, of Sumpter,
Chairman and C. A. Thompson,
Secretary . After a short? talk by
the Chairman he pronounced the
pronounced the convention ready
for business.
The following is the committee on
credentials chosen: J. T. Collins,
of Schley ; James Hollis, of Taylor ;
B. F. Mathews, of Sumpter.
The committee on platform chosen
consisted of one delegate from each
county.
While waiting for the committees
to report, Messrs. F. D. Wimberly
and W. T. Christopher made very
forcible addresses to the convention.
Chairman Isaiah Williams, of the
platform committee, made his report.
The platform was remarkably brief.
It reads as follows:
We, the following committee on
platform, endorse the National plat
form adopted at Omaha, July 4,
1892; also the State platform recent
ly adopted in Atlanta.
We endorse and will support Gen.
James B. Weaver for President and
James G. Fields for Vice-President
of the United States ; also Hon. W.
L. Peek for Governor of Georgia,
and also the candidates for State
house offices as nominated by the
People’s Party. We heartily en
dorse the course of Georgia’s noble
son, the Hon. Thomas E. Watson,
in the present Congress. We re
spectfully invite all good citizens
who want to restore the government
back to the people to aid us in this
fight.
Nomination was next in order,
and Mr. James Hollis, of Taylor,
in a brief talk put in nomination the
name of lion. F. D. Wimberly, of
Pulaski, for Congressman from the
Third district. The motion was
seconded amid applause.
J. W. Souter, of Macon, put in
nomination W. T. Christopher, of
Macon county.
A resolution was passed to nomi
nate by ballot. Wimberly received
twenty-five and three-fourths and
Christopher four and one-fourth
votes. W. T. Christopher arose
and moved that the convention
make the vote unanimous for Wim
berly by a rising vote. All stood
up.
The nominee mounted the stand
amid great applause and thanked the
convention in very appropriate lan
guage. G. 11. Seig, Ch’mn.,
C. A. Thompson, Sec.
A Lie Nailed.
Harlem, Ga., Aug. Bth, ’92.
Editors Augusta Chronicle :
Allow u« space in your columns
to correct a gory and very much
exaggerated article that appeared in
your issue of the 7th inst. We
third partyites have become quite
accustomed to misrepresentation and
abuse, but we cannot afford to suffer
an article to unjust, so slanderous
and so entirely false from beginning
to end to pass unnoticed. We do
not blame your youthful and inex
perienced reporter so much as we do
the prominent Democrat who im
posed on his credulity. Here are
the facts in the case : Several weeks
since, the colored people in and
about Harlem made up a barbecue
amongst themselves for last Satur
day. It was strictly a colored affair
at its first get up. Nothing was
said about contributions from either
white third partyites or Democrats.
The originators of the “cue” are
nearly all third party men. As
made up originally there was no
politics in it. The prominent negro,
Tom Gadson, so recently a convert
to Democracy, whose antecedents
are so well known to the people of
this county and of whom your re
porter has so much to say, saw fit,
without consulting any of the oiigi
nators of the “cue,” to solicit aid
from and invite to the “cue” vari
ous white Democrats. He invited a
number of Democratic speakers,
both white and black. He also took
into his confidence that other promi
nent negro, Griff Conoly, who re
sides in a different section of the
county. This “cue,” originally a
very small affair, at which the col
ored people of the neighborhood
hoped to enjoy a quiet, pleasant and
unmolested Saturday, had, by the
political turn given it by Gadson
and his advisors, assumed propor
tions not at first contemplated, and
from which they hoped to reap
politically great things.
Now, in all fairness, do you think
this a proper way to get up a Demo
cratic rally ?
The colored people interested in
the affair did not think so, for when
they learned of Gadson’s racket, no
less than fifteen who had promised
to contribute to the “cue” refused to
do so. Others who did contribute
asked of their white third party
friends their advice in selecting
speakers, that their side might be
equally represented. We simply
met at Harlem and as requested ad
vised a division of time. Could we
have done less and retained their
confidence and respect?
We quote Messrs. Wm. E. Hatch
er, A. L. Hatcher, Newnan Hicks, J.
F. Langston, J. M. Whitaker, and A.
N. Kenille, members of the demo
cratic party as saying that they saw
no cause for feelling at all indignant
or of suspecting any desire on the
part of the third party people to in
terfere in any improper manner
whatsoever with the meeting. We
also quote the editor of the Colum
bia Senteniel, (Mr. I. V. Ballard,) as
saying that the reports as published
in Sundays issue, of the Chronicle,
was a revelation to him. Tom Gad
son also said to-day in the presence
of Messrs. A. N. Kenille and Wm.
Lansdell and others, that he heard
no threats made, nor did he feel any
uneasiness as to bodily in jury should
he have attempted to address their
meeting in the interest of the demo
cratic party.
. Let us add in conclusion that your
reporter or the prominent democrat
whom he quotes in stating that the
peoples party attempted to bulldose
intimidate or acted in such a manner
as to cause any citizen of Harlem to
feel indignent or that we threatened
either the life or the person of any
colored person stated a base and in
famous lie.
J. L. Bynum, W. W. Ramsey,
Wm. Lansdell, J. A. Ulm,
J. L. Smith, J. I. Philips,
W. L. Benton, R. A. Lansdell,
A. S. Philips, E. S. Lansdell,
P. B. Muncley, G. W. Clay,
and others.
Floyd County.
Democracy is no more. It depart
ed this life july 4, 1892. It lived to
the age of sixty-four years, and in
its later days a very fruitless and in
consistent life. It may be said of
it, as was said of a certain king, it
never said a foolish thing and never
did a wise one,” and its mourners
are few in these parts. The demo
crats have just held their primaries
in this county, and after a good deal
of riding and some cursing they
succeeded in finding two democrats
in the district that would attend the
election. They looked so lonesome
out there by themselves that some
of our boys went out to keep them
company. Our bojs are just natur
ally good hearted fellows anyhow.
The business of the day consisted in
the older one, who seemed to be the
boss, telling the other to meet him
in Rome on Tuesday following. After
that the meeting adjourned, sine die
and this too, in a county that the
papers claimed only a short while
back was solid for democracy.
Zeke Kebbs.