Newspaper Page Text
THEx SENA'lhed weekly by 'OMSM.
Senator V*" PUBUSING .
I doubt very\^ HITEHAbL 8 any cor-I
poration or any nIL» - -ht to hire
janizaries or persons,* _ care how
good their object may 31, “vith a view
to fight, to carry arms in defense of any
private quarrel or public controversy.
In the State of Ohio we do not allow a
constable to serve unless he is elected by
the township in which he livts. The
sheriff is elected by the community in
which he lives, and all officers who are
expected to enforce the laws are elected
by the locality. It seems to be a neces
sary safeguard to republican institutions .
that we will not trust anybody to enforce
the laws except a person kindred to and
a part of the community in which he
lives
Senator Palmer, of Illinois:
My knowledge of them commenced
in 1869, when an attempt was made to
create a corporation in the State of
Illinois with certain police powers, but
the ostensible purpose was to furnish
private watchmen for private property
and the recovery of stolen property. At
that time the governor of the State o£
Illinois declined to approve the bill look
ing to thxt end. He insisted that the
people must depend upon officers created
by their own laws and appointed under
their own laws These agencies are not
only semi-military, but they are semi
political. They take part in the political
controversies in the States, and are the
efficient agents by which men obnoxious
to them are pursued and hunted down ;
and they are not only at the service of
financial corporations, but I undertake
to say they are at the service of political
organizations when the interests of those
organizations and the interests of these
detective associations are in harmony.
Senator Vest, of Missouri:
The citizens of Missouri have had some
experience with the Pinkerton detec
tives of an appalling character, and I
speak with some feeling in regard to
this matter. Some years ago when
Missouri was unfortunately afflicted
with lawless people who committed as
saulted upon railroad trains and banks,
men who were the debris of a border
warfare, which was deprecated by all
good citizens in the State of Missouri
and elsewhere, a large reward was of
sered for the James brothers, and a train
was chartered upon the Hannibal and
St. Joseph Railroad to convey from
Chicago to a depot in Clay county, Mo.,
some of Pinkerton’s men, and at mid
night a private dwelling in that county
was surrounded by this gang of marau
ders. A battle occurred in the darkness
between these people who mistook each
other for the men they had come to
capture. In the most cowardly and
cruel way they threw hand grenades in
to that home where there was a sleeping
family of women and children. One of
them exploded in the sleeping room
of the mother of the James boys, killed
a little child in the cradle and tore off
that mother's arm, and she is now an
old, decrepit, mutilated woman. These
people were not punished for this crime.
They escaped in the night, carrying off
their wounded, for they had fired upon
each other. I had occasion at the time
as an attorney to examine into the facts.
It was impossible to make the Hannibal
and St. Joseph Railroad Company re
sponsible because they disclaimed any
knowledge of the purpose or to whom
they had chartered this train of cars; it
was impossible in the city or Chicago,
with all the adverse interests and cir
cumstances which prevailed there, to
—that author
iced that forage and raid into a peace
able community, and it has gone with
out redress. Time and again these men,
Raid to have been Mr Pinkorton’e de
tectives, have come into the State of
Missouri without consultation with the
State authorities, and ignoring the laws
and authority of the State government,
have undertaken for their own purposes
to make arrests. The basis of defense
made by Mr. Pinkerton is that his or
ganization is used to protect private
property. It is not true. In all this un
fortunate affair at Homestead his de
tective< were there without authority of
law, and what• ver may be said about the
conduct of the working people, there is
no sort of defense for the Pinkertons
when we consider the absolute truth of
ttie statement that they went there
not as deputy sheriffs, not clothed with
any legal authority, but simply em
ployed for acts of violence by a corpora
tion.
Senator Quay, of Pennsylvania :
As to the Homestead difficulty, as the
Senate know?, the armed forces of
Pennsylvania are now in the occupancy
of Homestead for the preservation of
the peace and the support of the civil
authority, and the solution of the ques
tien at issue between labor and capital
there Is now being arrived at under the
laws of Pensylvaoia. The workingmen
there will be very glad to have a com
mittee visit them if that committee can
influence the adjustment of the dispute
as to the amount of their wages. If a
committee of that sort cannot be sent,
they are not anxious for any, as they
believe it will do no good. The con
dition as to Homestead is simply that
the workingmen do not desire your com
mittee, and that the proprietary interests
do not desite your committee, and the
people and authorities of Pennsylvania
are not asking for it.
Senator Call of Florida :
It is plain—and there can be no es
cape from the proposition—that the
words “no State shall * * * keep
troops or ships of war in time of peace”
do not refer to the militia, because the
militia is provided for in the Constitu
tion. It also plain that in the power
given to Congress to “raise and sup
port armies” there is an exclusive pow
er which does not belong to either in
dividual or State. What is an army
has been decided by the Supreme Court
of the United States —a decision which
unquestionably is not binding as law
upon the conscience and judgment of
the Senate, but is of high persuasive
authority—in the case of Aaron Burr,
that thirty men without arms levied
and employed for the purposes of sub
stituting force for the lawful and
peaceful exercise of the authority of
the United States is treason, is an
army, and is levying war. How could
it be otherwise if an individual should
raise and maintain an armed force and
discipline them? What are they but
troops, and how will you distinguish
between the militia and a troop in the
sense of the law and in common sense
and reason, otherwise than an organ
ized body, maintained, armed, discip
lined, and prepared for offensive and
violent action for war! But all these
things have received their judicial in
terpretation in the case of Aaron Burr,
and there is no question about that.
Why do we not demand that the law
shall be enforced against the individ
ual who employed those troops? What
ever offense citizens of the United
States may have committed as an or
ganized body of workmen associated
for certain purposes, whether they
were right or wrong, does not concern
the question that no citizen or private
individual or foreign subject or power
of any kind in this country, under our
form of government, has authority to
levy, maintain, support, or use a trained
and disciplined body of armed men.
The Constitution itself defines the dif
ference between a combination to re
sist the execution of the law and a com
bination or riot or assembly of disor
derly persons, and the maintenance of
a troop, an organized force, or a ship
of war, because these are the instru
ments of an assertion by force of a will
and purpose of some other than the
lawful authority. What plainer usur
pation can there be than that a man
employs an armed force, whether it be
organized by an individual or by a
State? The Constitution says “treason
against the United States shall cnnsist
in levying war against them, or in ad
hering to their enemies, * * * proven
by two witnesses to the same overt
act.” An individual shall be the sub
ject of the crime of treason if he shall
usurp the authority and power of the
United States to organize a troop, to
provide a navy or ship of war —it need
not be commissioned a ship of war for
hostile purposes—that that is assum
ing jurisdiction and power, and the
exclusive function of the United States,
Chief-Justice Marshall decided, leav
ing us no excuse upon that subject, in
an exhaustive examination, the reason
ing of which can not be disputed. In
the case of Aaron Burr he decided that
thirty men, levied here and there and
assembled upon Blennerhasset Island,
within the jurisdiction of a State, as
here, was treason, because it was pro
posed by Aaron Burr to usurp the au
thority and power of the United States
and forcibly execute his own will and
purpose in another and a different
State. Where, then, is the difference?
It can not be found by the most acute
reason. The full protection of the
p and order of society and of prop
erty rests in the execution of this
scheme of Government, that he who
proposes, by a standing army, or a
troop, or a ship of war to carry out his
own purposes, be they right or wrong,
shall be held amenable to the sovereign
power of the Government.
Senator Morgan of Alabama:
The plan by which this new force has
been brought into effective operation
frequently in the United States is vio
lative of all the theory of our Govern
ment. It is that the private citizen has
the right to enforce the law’ in his own
way and by his own agents, employed
where he pleases, and introduced into
a State or into a community at his own
expense and armed according to his
own wishes. The theory of the Govern
ment of the United States in all of its
parts, in the District of Columbia, in
the Territories, and in every State of
the Union, is that the people govern
themselves, and when the laws of the
United States or of any State are brok
en or are threatened to be violated,
there is in the first instance a necessa
ry and logical appeal to the people of
the community for the maintenance of
those laws. Whenever we commence
by employing the police organization,
the Pinkerton organization, and the
militia forces, and wind up by employ
ing the United States forces, to enforce
cne laws of a State or of the United
States, having omitted entirely an ap
peal to the body of the people, we com
mence upon wrong principles and at
the wrong end, and disaster is certain
to result. This is not only a Govern
ment of laws, Mr. President, but is a
Government whose laws rest for their
execution ultimately and primarily
upon the posse comitatus, the body of
the people. Whatever the difficulties
may have been at Homestead, what
ever may have been the reasons which
originated the very serious troubles at
Homestead, there is one thing obvious,
tffiat exacerbation of the trouble, its
cl.mn, arose from the fact that foreign
men, men from other States, who came,
as was alleged, from the slums of the
different large cities of the Union,
toughs and vagabonds, were hired at
$5 a day to go there, and supplied with
ammunition, to take possession of
works where the Homestead people
contended that they had a right to be.
Whether their contention-was right or
wrong makes no difference; the trou
ble came from the fact of the importa
tion into that community of strangers
and foreigners armed for the purpose
of enforcing the law. If the people of
Homestead under the laws of Pennsyl
vania had been as completely and
thoroughly organized as a posse comi
tatus, as it would have been entirely
possible and practicable to do, that dif
ficulty at Homestead would never have
occurred. It would have been pre
vented by the weight and influence of
law within the body of that communi
ty. The men at Homestead are a good
set of men. They are intelligent above
the ordinary' people of the country
compared with the number who
are assembled there. They have
been faithful and diligent in busi
ness, economical and frugal. They
have been maintaining all of the
civil institutions of the country,
including the churches, Sunday
schools, libraries, and all manner of
benevolent institutions. In fact it was
rather a model community. But they
conceived an idea that they had a right
to fix with their employers, upon a cer
tain basis, the wages for their further
employment after the lapse of a cer
tain scale of prices which they had
hitherto agreed upon, and in the event
their employers decided they should
not come to their terms, or would re
fuse an arbitration, or would refuse to
recognize the Amalgamated Associa
tion as the the mouthpiece of the
Homestead operatives, they concluded
that they would hold possession of the
property as against all comers, all non
union men, and stay there in posses
sion of that property, taking care of it,
preserving it, until they could force
by this strike the owners of the prop
erty to come to terms. That was the
situation.
Persecutioß.
Rational Watchman.
Democratic imbecility and vicious
ness was never more pronounced
than m the attempt that is now be
ing made to persecute Hon.
Thomas E. Watson, of Georgia.
Having at the beginning of the ses
sion squarely declared his inde
pendence of old party rule, and
since then established a reputation
for fairness, integrity, and sincerity,
Mr. Watson has become the special
target for Democratic hatred. His
personal record was searched and
found consistent and honorable, and
his course in the Houte as a member
was like an open book, with the lines
plain and legible. Mr. Watson has
been a square fighter upon all ques
tions, and never shirked or evaded a
responsibility. In vain have the
Democracy looked for a weak spot
in his armor. In vain have they laid
plans to entrap him. He has stood
“four square to every wind that
blew,” and escaped without an in
jury. The aid adage, “Oh, that
mine enemy might write a book,”
came as an aid to their designs. Mr.
Watson wrote a book, in which is
found this paragraph:
This Ccngress now sitting is one illus
tration. Pledged to reform, they have
not reformed. Pledged to legislate, they
have not legislated. Extravagance has
been the order of the day. Absenteeism
was never so pronounced. Lack of pur
pose was never so clear. Lack of com
mon business prudence never more glar
ing. Drunken members have reeled
about the aisles, a disgrace to the Repub
lic. Drunken speakers have debated
grave issues, and in the midst of mauld
lin ramblings have been heard to ask,
“Mr. Speaker, where was lat ?” Useless
employes crowd every corridor. Ue
less expenditures pervade every depart
ment.
This book has been on sale for a
month, and this particular passage
must have been known from the first.
It was to the “cowardly majority”
what straws are said to be to drown
ing men, and they prepared to make
the most of it, without doubt.
To call Mr. Watson before an in
vestigating committee then might
give time for a reaction before ad
journment. The matter was post
poned until it was thought the last
day of the session was at hand, and
then, under a thin disguise of a mis
undertanding with Mr. Wheeler, a
committee was appointed at 2 o’clock
p. m., and Mr. Watson summoned
for trial at 8, within six hours. There
the matter stands, at the time of go
ing to press. Let no one fear for
Mr. Watson’s ability to defend him
self. He stood before them all and
courageously made the declaration
that he wnuld stand by what he had
written and prove its truthfulness.
This he will do to the satisfaction of
all fair-minded persons. This at
tempt to persecute him is a collossal
Democratic mistake, and will lose
them thousands
ple of this country like fair play, and
will never consent to see gallant
Tom Watson made a victim of
Democratic hate. He is the “winter
of their discontent,” the one above
all others they would like to destroy.
The main fight in Georgia will be
over his re-election, and if money,
fraud, lies, or misrepresentation can
defeat him, it will surely be done.
Nothing will be omitted by this relic
of the past that malice can invent or
fear conceive to kill politically this
rude disturber of its rest and peace.
Lift the Cartaink
BY W. J. PIRKLE, CUMMING, GA.
Lift the curtain just a little and
take but a gAmce at the future Con
dition of the wealth-producers of
this country.
If the present policy of this gov
ernment is continued, a full gaze at
the future condition would almost
rend the strongest heart.
The mills of the gods grind slowly,
but surely.
Consider a nation made up of mil
lionaires and pasupers, where every
laborer is reduced to serfdom and
slavery, worse than any African
slavery ever known in America, with
a standing army so large that upon
her statute books stands a law which
puts every young man of the labor
ing class into the army as soon as he
is of age, and keeps him there some
twelve to sixteen years—and, if he
should survive so long a term of the
hardships and exposures of camp
life, he is then released from camps
and returns, not to his home, for he
has none, but to his servitude, to
weary out the remainder of his life
toiling for others. This is putting
the treatment of your sons in the
mildest form; and, perhaps, the treat
ment of your daughters tenfold
worse.
It is a hard task for the father
and mother to give up one son, but
much harder to give up every one,
not for three or four years, but until
the prime of life is past—and for
your daughters in servitude to heart
less plutocrats draw your own
picture.
The laws which will bring about
the above state of affairs are already
on the statute books of this govern
ment, and their repeal is not favored
by either of the old parties.
The men who are so favored by
the financial legislation of this gov
ernment as to be to-day receiving
about all the profits of »1 the labor
performed by the toiling millions of
this country can now sit down and,
from the statistics, make a calcula
tion and tell when, at the present
rate of legalized robbery, the labor
ing class will be placed in the above
lamentable condition. For it is an
evident fact that the present con
tracted condition of the-currency is
having the effect for which it was
intended, in making millionaires of
one class and paupers of another.
And when the poor farmer com
plains of the scarcity of money, the
retort comes from his Democratic
friend that there is plenty of money
if he had anything to buy it with.
The farmer replies, “I have been
raising cotton, corn and other pro
duce, and it does not bring enough
to pay for raising it, and leaves me
without money.” He is then told
that he must work harder and make
more and let politics alone.
In conclusion, let me say that I
have ever been a Democrat after
the plan of Washington, Jefferson
and Jackson, and all others who ad
vocate equal rights to all citizens of
every class, and a pure republican
form of government, by the people
and for the people—and cannot,
therefore, endorse nor support a par
ty under the name ot Democracy
which is under the control of Wall
street and against the interest of a
large majority of the people, in di
rect opposition to the principles of
Democracy.
The Atlanta Constitution, in com
menting upon the defeat of the silver
bill, said Wall street has played her
game too boldly this time. Men who
claim to be Democrats are trimming
their sails to suit the winds of Wall
street.
Under the disguise of the name
“Democracy” the people may be in
duced to the suicidal course of en
slaving themselves, but not with my
assistance.
The Conflict.
The Silver State, Winnemucca, Nevada.
The Silver party convention held
at Reno was the largest convention
ever held in this State, and composed
of representative men, chosen by
and representing a constituency of
seventy-five per cent, of the whole
people of the State. It originated
in the silver league movement, which
had its origin in Colorado and was
spontaneously developed in Nevada
and several other States. The crime
of 1873 in demonetizing silver, by a
trick and | a fraud, in the interest of
the money powers of Europe and
America, and the consequent par
alysis of all the industries of the
country, had been rankling in the
bosom of the people for years, and
the persistent refusal of the two old
parties to give relief impelled the
independent and non-ofiice-seeking
element of these parties to unite un
der a solemn obligation to vote for
no man for president or vice presi
dent of the United States unless he
shall be unqualifiedly in favor of free
coinage and shall stand on a free
coinage platform. The leagues re
sowed that Nevada shall no longer
stultify herself by advocating the
unlimited mintage of the silver dol
lar every day in the year, and at
every presidential ejection go to the
polls and vote for inveterate enemies
of free coinage.
, The silver leagues and the several
newspapers, which stood for them
and by them, invited all men in this
State, who were willing to take the
pledge, to join the membership, to
participate in all their proceedings
and to help to form a State organi
zation and t*o shape its action and
pofley. The whole movement was
ridiculed and hooted at by the ma
chines and office-seekers of the two
old parties, and most of them took
pride in declaring themselves in favor
of Harrison or Cleveland, in defiance
of the public sentiment and to the
shame and disgrace of the State.
Notwithstanding all this, the silver
party bore the insult with Christian
forbearance, and simply nominated
an electoral ticket, and said to the
two parties, through its presiding of
ficer, in substance and effect:
“The Silver party has but one
great object to accomplish in this
campaign ; that is, to carry the elec
tion in this State against Harrison
and Cleveland, the inveterate foes of
silver money, and for a free ooinage
candidate. The Silver party does
not intend to interfere m the election
of your candidates for Congress or
Justice of the Supreme Court, we
are not here for the office but for
principle, each member of the Silver
party will vote for these candidates
within the old party lines, if he sees
fit, and not lose his standing in the
new party. We expect you in turn
to keep hands off the Silver electoral
ticket, so far as to any opposition ; if
you don’t we have the power to
punish you.”
From that day to this the leading
spirite of the two machines have
combined to devise means to defeat
the Silver party. It is now proposed
by the Republicans, in order to ac
complish this end, to either make a
straight up Harrison and Reid elec-
toral ticket upon the Helena plan of
bringing either Harrison or Cleveland
into violating his pledge to his party,
to denounce its national platform
and turn traitor to its principles.
There is a time in human affairs
when forbearance ceases to be a
virtue. That time will arive in this
case, in our opinion, when the Re
publican party adopts either of the
contemplated courses, or any course
by which there shall be organized
opposition to the Silver party’s elec
toral ticket. In the event of such
contingency arising, self-respect and
the dignity and honor of the State,
which the Silver party represents,
may impel it not to confine its votes
to the Silver electoral ticket, but to
nominate a Congressman and sweep
the State. If the Silver party has to
enter into a fight to carry Nevada
for free coinage on the electoral
ticket, it had better take in the whole
works and expose the duplicity of
the professed friends of silver in the
old brigades. There is no man or
set of men in or out of the State so
big in person or purse as to put Na
vada in the gold-bug column for
president. If the two old parties
combined or singly see fit to precipi
tate such a contest, the Silver State
says let it come.
We opine that the Silver party
will cheerfully accept the gage of
battles as a happy relief from the
monotony, otherwise, of a campaign
without practical opposition. This
and the other silver papers of the
State will be fully armed and equip
ped for the conflict all along the
line, “and damned be he who first
cries hold, enough.” In this war for
free coinage of silver, those who
give aid and comfort to the enemy,
from whatever source, will be re
garded as mercenary traitors to the
cause, and treated accordingly by
every true friend of the white metal.
SILVER COINAGE.
The Demonetization of Silver in 1873
Was a Deal With Bismarck.
Jacksonville, Fla., July 30, ’92.
To Editor of the Tiaes-Union.
As I am constantly taken to task by
members of both the great political
parties because I believe that silver
should be coined into money on the
demand of every American miner,
and as the question can be best dis
cussed in writing, and a lack of leis
ure forbids oral discussion, I beg
leave to submit a few ideas upon the
proposition that silver ought to be
restored to its normal and long es
tablished place as money.
It is entitled to its position as
coin because it was removed by a
trick unworthy of the name ot legis
lation. Place it where it was from
the foundation of the republic until
1873, and then, if further legislation
is required, open the subject to full,
fair and free discussion, and then if,
upon a Call of the yeas and nays upon
the passage of a bill congress should
knowingly demonetize silver, and
the president should approve, the
people would be able to decide by
their votes whether the legislation
was acceptable to them. Fraud vi
tiates everything it attempts to ac
complish, and therefore the demone*
tization of 1873 ought to be instantly
and absolutely repealed.
The action of other nations and of
great corporations and capitalists
prave conclusively that the demone
tization of silver in 1873 was only
one a-ct of a gigantic and destructive
conspiracy. Bismarck was the arch
conspirator. Germany had demand
ed and was enforcing an indemnity
from France of $1,U0Q,000,000 and
to hi# amazement and discomfiture
France was paying it. To render
payment impossible except by the
cession of more of the Rhenish pro
vinces, Germany not only demone
tized silver but dumped all of her
surplus of silver upon the market.
She openly boasted that she would
have at least $500,000,000, but all her
sales only reached $141,785,000. She
broke her own back. Silver fell from
pence to about 50 pence per
ounce, and gold did not come to Ger
many any faster than it went to
France.
If at that juncture, or at any time
after the Franco-Germany war, and
during this struggle for financial su
premacy by increasing the debt of
France, the United, States had been
appealed to by Germany for help in
the form of advancing the value of
the legal tender in which this debt
must be paid by demonetizing silver,
we would in no uncertain tone have
answered that the land of La Fayette
deserves better treatment from us,
and if we must help either we will
help France.
But our bonds were then held in
large quantities by France, Germany
and England. The holders of these
bonds at home as well as abroad,
were given to understand (and did
and do understand) that, if they
would make the payment of principal
and interest in gold, and then advance
the value of gold, their holdings
would advance in value equally with
g° ld -
The ruling passion with Bismarck
was to cripple and impovish
France, and he obtained the
assistance of the United States in
doing it without our knowledge. In
the light of subsequent events, the
humiliation of the iron chancellor
seems to be a just retribution. But in
that same light the acquiesence of
the American people in the payment
of their enormous public debts, as
well as private ones, in gold only,
and consenting to the advance in the
value of gold by the demonetization
of silver, are acts of inexcusable stu
pidity. To educate them to a knowl
edge of their rights, and to effect the
assertion and maintenance of those
rights, is a sufficient incentive to
speak, write and act.
James R. Challen.
Drunkenness in Congress.
New York Voice.
The present Congress may be ex
cused for being unusually sensative
about allusions to the drink habits of
its members. First the Voice ex
pose of the saloons in the basement
of the capitol and the patronage
given them by members of the two
houses. Then came Senator Vest’s
cutting allusion to the World’s Fair
appropriation, which allusion we pub
lished July 21. But Congressman
Tom Watson, of Georgia, leader of
the People’s Party in the House of
Representatives, last week contrived
to kick up the biggest muss yet with
his plain, direct, unflinching charges
hurled into the teeth of an angry,
hissing House.
The circus was started by Con
gressman Wheeler, on Friday of last
week, who, on a question of privi
lege, sent to the clerk, to be read, a
marked passage in “The People’s
Party Campaign Book, 1892,” com
piled by Mr. Watson. The passage
was as follows:
“The Congress now sitting is one illus
tration. * * * Drunken members
have reeled about the aisles —a disgrace
to the Republic. Drunken speakers have
debated grave issues on the floor, and in
the midst of maudlin ramblings have
been heard to ask, *Mr. Speaker, where
was I at ?’ ”
The reading created bedlam, but
Watson was the coolest man in the
House. When he secured a hearing
he said:
“I stand here to defend every line in
the book, and will do it against all
comers, whether from the North or
South. [Hisses.] I say that every word
in that book is literally true, and all
men who have been here, keeping their *
eyes open and wanting to admit the
facts, will admit that these facts are
fairly stated.”
Later on, after a stormy discussion,
he continued:
“The only crime charged in that para
graph which a Democrat takes offense
at is that he got drunk at the barroom
this Congress allows to be run in this
basement; and the Record shows that
members came up here on a previous
day of the session and admitted that
they were drinkers at it. You have
planted the tree; why should you won
der at its fruit ? You allow the con
tagion ; why should you y».--
oiclcnGws?”
The reference here is the scene in
the House a few weeks ago when
Funston, of Kansas, brought down
the hisses of the House on himself
by his attack on the Voice for its ex
pose of the drinking at the capitol
saloons. The result of Watson’s
charges was an investigation last
Saturday. In confirmation of Wat
son’s Otis of
Miss Dwyer, Halvorsen of Minne
sota, Butler of lowa, Davis of Kan
sas, and Kem of Nebraska, testified
to various scenes of drunkenness
among the members of Congress on
the floor. When Watson wished to
prove the existence of the capitol
barroom, Boatner, chairman of the
investigating committee, refused, say -
ing that that was «a matter of public
notoriety.”
This is a fitting close to the' ses
sion of our nation’s lawmakers.
And, yet, many testified that this
Congress was no wor.se than pre
vious Congresses—rather better, in
fact. But wjhat can be expected of
any Congress that legislates on the
principle that whisky is a good
creature of God, and violates the
laws in order to place a bar in each
wing of the capitol?
Our congnatulations to Tom Wat
son and our assurances of admira
tion for his exhibition of nerve. He
ought to be a Prohibitionist.
Newspaper for Sale.
An established newspaper now in
second volume is offered for sale
cheap. Has good subscription list;
an active worker can double it in
a few weeks. Only paper advocating
People’s Party cause in the Congres
sional district. Good reasons for sell
ing. A bargain. Address at once,
“Ned,”
Care People’s Party Paper,
Atlanta, Ga.
Hear From The North.—Down With
Sectionalism !
The P ( ogress Farmer, National Organ
of the F. M. B. A., the Farm Organiza
tion next in strength to the F. A. & I. U.,
will be sent on trial three months for ten
cents. Make up a club of five or ten and
send for it it. It is a large 8 page weekly
and tells all about the reform niovment
and Peoples party in the North. Away
with party hate, and down with section
alism ?
THE PROGRESSIVE BARMER,
Cor. Main and Cateey Sts., Mt. Vernon, li|,