Newspaper Page Text
WATSON AT SPARTA.
[continued from third page.]
Because he must have his profit for
himself, and he must have something
to make up for the profit that the
banker in Augusta is going to make
out of him, and also for the profit
that the New York banker is making
out of the Augusta banker. He
would rather do business for cash.
Ihe profit would be smaller but
more satisfactory. He would not
have to sell out the poor man and
see his wife and children in rags and
tatters, and the whole trouble is that
the government lets the national
banker have a monopoly of getting
the money at one per cent; and put
you to the necessity of paying
from thirty to fifty per cent; and it
belongs to you as much as to him ;
it belongs to me as much as to the
bond holder. The government lets
the bond-holder have it on his bonds,
but will not let you have it on our
cotton; won’t let the farmer have
it on his wheat; nobody can have it
except the bond-holder on his
wealth. In other words, the money
made for the benefit of all the peo
ple should not be kept in the hands
of the few, but all the people should
have, a fair share of the money m
circulation.
Now, what do we propose ? The
government issues money to the
national banker on bonds of the gov
ernment, running twenty or thirty
years bearing 4, 5 or 6 per cent
interest. Now, what makes those
bonds good ? Why, the land that
you till, the corn that you grow, the
cotton that you raise, the wheat and
other products of the farm. How
is the bonded debt to be paid ? By
the taxes levied by the government
on the horses, mules, corn, cotton,
wheat, lands and every other sort of
wealth which you produce. The
national bankers get the right from
the government to issue money for
one per cent on bonds as security;
and why, I a-k you, should not your
lands and cotton be as good as the
bond which is secured by your lands
and cotton ? What keeps the trains
running on your railroads? Corn
and cotton. What keeps your stores
open ? Corn and cotton. What
keeps the ships afloat? Corn and
cotton. What keeps the laborer in
the field? Why, corn and cotton.
Then why should not your corn and
cotton get some of the benefit of the
circulating medium, wliich belongs
to you as much as to any man in
An erica.
[Another rowdy contingent here at
tempted to create a disturbance, but
the speaker kept the crowd in a good
humor, and they enjoyed the basting
which he so deftly applied.]
Let the bells ring, let the band play,
let the democrats foam at the mouth,
but I am going to make this speech
or die trying.
I say that this system is a bad sys
tem. It hurts the cropper; it hurts
the farmer; it hurts the merchant;
it hurts the country banker ; in short,
it hurts everybody except those near
the top, where monopoly is enthroned
at the expense of all the people.
(Great cheering.)
Now, how do we propose to reme
dy this? We say let the govern
ment issue the money direct to the
people, and in sufficient quantities for
the needs of the business of the ebun
try; let the people have loans on
their lands, cotton and wheat, and at
a lower rate of interest. Why should
the farmer not have it as well as the
bond*holder? Why abuse us be
cause we want “ equal rights for all,
and special privileges for none?”
Here is a man who has more land
than he knows what to do with; he
stands in need of money to make that
land yield him a profit; if he can get
that money at 2 per cent., instead of
taking a thousand pounds of cotton
to pay that interest, he keeps those
two bales of cotton and pays six or
eight dollars in two shakes of a
sheep’s tail.
A voice out in the crowd : “ Come
down to the barbecue, boys; there
is plenty of time yet.” (Yells of de
rision.)
They say, “ Come to the barbecue.”
I have got five to their one, and that
is our usual majority. We will give
you a barbecue that means a better
understanding of these things that
make you poorer from day to day in
spite of your v ork; in spite of your
efforts ; in spite of your toil and sweat.
I know that many of you have not
understood it heretofore. You buy
a piece of land ; you pay from 8 to
20 per cent. interest on the money
to enable you to build a home. The
land is seamed with gullies; you fill
them up ; every spot becomes dear to
you, because it is your home; you
build a home to live in; you put a
fence around the dwelling; your wife
and children plant vines around the
doors and windows ; they climb and
you are embowered in peace and con
tenttnent; when the storm comes you
thank God that you and your wife
ind children are secured against its
jlasts, ‘and your heart beats with
jladness. But an evil day comes.
The banker must get his pound of
lesh. The sheriff makes his appear
'.nce, and you are turned out in the
old world because the government
Bes not accord “ equal rights to all,
nd special privileges to none. ’• (Sev
ral voices: “We see the way it is
oing. Wait until election day.”)
What else? You know that the
jnants throughout this country are
ecoming more numerous from year
? year, and the land owners less nu
merous. That is a bad sign, harm
rs ought to own their farms. The
arms of this country ought not to go
oto the hands of a few speculative
and owners, but ought to be in the
PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER. ATLANTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 2, 1892.
hands of the people who* fought for
it in times of war, and worked for it
in time of peace. (Great applause.)
They say that we advocate the di
viding of the laud, and giving it away.
That U all nonsense. (A voice:
“That*s one of the Isbm a elite’s.”)
Yes, that is one of the variegated
Show-my-light lies. (Laughter.)
"What we mean is that the laborer
shall have the opportunity, by the
proceeds of his labor, to buy from
the land owner the little home that
shall be a shelter for himself and his
dear ones. Is that a good or a bad
policy? Is that a just or an unjust
policy ? (Cries of “ Good ! Good!
Just! ”)
Mr. Gladstone is trying that in
England; Mr. Constans is trying to
do that in France ; and why should
not we try to put it into the power
of the people to own their own
homes, by the enactment of just
laws ? Instead of building up a
community of land owners, through
discriminating legislation, and hav
ing the masses in the position of
renters, why not have a community
of prosperous, happy homes; every
man owning the spot that is the
dearest on earth, and handing it
down from sire to son, bringing
smiles and peace and contentment
where before there was discontent,
injustice and suffering ? How would
it work ? The landlord of large
means -will sell off thirty acre lots
instead of renting, and he will be all
the better off for selling it. (Voices,
“Yes,- he will.’’) That land-owner,
instead of being land poor, will take
the money and settle with the mer
chant, and that will be the better for
the merchant as well as the laud
owner. You go to your day’s work
with the picture of a home you call
your own in your mind and the
chink of silver ringing in your ears.
(Great applause.) That is one of
things we offer the people.
(The confusion and noise during
the delivery of the foregoing para
graph prevented your reporter from
hearing all the words, and the beauty
of diction, if not some of the ideas,
was marred.]
Then there was the sub-treasury,
which last year became the echo of
every hill and valley of every State
in the South, is another. Col. Liv
ingston himself spoke for it last year,
but this year you hear nothing from
Livingston. He is as silent as the
grave. Moses is silent this year.
They have both strayed from the
plain path which led to relief of the
people. When we took the stand
two years ago Governor Northen in
dorsed every plank in the platform.
Where is lie to-day ? He is just
where Cobb was on the floor of Con
gress, inquiring, “Where am I at?”
(Loud laughter, and applause.) Here
is one man who knows where he is
at, and that is, on the same road he
was four years ago. (Cries of,
“There’s where you arc, Tom, and
there’s where we are.”) lam stand
ing qn the same platform I stood on
then; I am making the same fight
now that I made then; and I hope
that the good God will be merciful
enough to take me to his embrace in
everlasting sleep ere I deceive the
people that trusted me. (Applause,
loud and long.) They may talk
about parties, I am talking about
principles; they may talk about
shadows, I am talking about sub
stances ; they may talk about the la
bel on the bottle, but I am going to
take every opportunity to talk about
the contents of the bottle. (A voice,
“I m 1 how dat man can talk.”)
We say that the taxes of the peo
ple are not properly levied. You
pay as much tax on your hat as I pay
on mine, though you may not have
paid fifty cents for yours and I may
have bought one of the finest in the
market; though you may not have a
place whereon to lay your head, and
I may live in a mansion. Is it right
that you should pay as much on the
coarse blanket in which you wrap
your helpless wife or sick babe,
while I, who may be the richest man
in the county, pay no more on the
fine wool blanket from the looms of
Manchester? (Cries of, “No 1 No ! ”)
You pay as much on the axe with
which you cut your fire wood, on the
plow with which you till your crops,
on your household and kitchen fur
niture, on your stock upon your farm
as the most wealthy man in the
State. Is that right? (Voices,
“No ! No! No! ”)
What do we say in regard to this ?
We say that the tax ought to be re
duced to the lowest possible limit for
the support of the government
economically administered, bearing
upon all equally according to their
means; we say that the rich million
aire ought to pay a tax upon his in
come, so that the great fortunes
amassed under this iniquitous system
should bear their fair share of the
burdens of government. Put the
burden where it belongs. (A voice,
“Now you are talking.”) Do not
tax the poor man for the benefit of
the banker. (Cries of, “That’s it.”)
Do not tax the poor man on his ne
cessities. (Cries of, “Hit ’em again.”)
Do not tax the poor man on what he
is obliged to have in order to live.
(Voices, “That’s what they have
been doing.”) Do not tax the poor
■white tenant or the poor black ten
ant for the sugar that he carries to
the sick bed of his helplessj loved
ones, the same as you tax the rich
man on the finest grades that’ the
rich man may carry into the finest
homes in Sparta. Why not tax
every man in accordance with what
he has got? The democratic party
will not do so. Why ? Because the
men who are ruling the roost in the
democratic party are not in sympa
thy with the poor poople of the
country. [A voice, “That’s the
God’s truth.”] The ;People’s party
is the only party that has the courage
to take this infernal monster by the
throat and bring relief to the people
and say, “you must be honest with
the people—you must do what is
right.” [Great cheering.]
They are against national banks.
Why don’t they say it in their plat
form? They say they are for equal
rights. What do they offer you ?
Why, the old State bank humbug.’
It is the biggest bonanza for sharp
swindlers and grinders that ever was
established; the best opportunity for
the money sharks to get advantage
of the ignorant. It is not money ;•
it will not pay debts; it is not good
out of the State; you do not know
whether you are selling your land or
your farm products for anything, or
something, or nothing. It is only
the promissory note of the man that
signs it, neither more nor less. It is
just as if you sold me your farm,
your horses, or your mules, and took
my note in payment, paying me for
issuing it. The Democratic party
proposes to turn loose a half dozen
State bank robbers to help the
national bank robbers fleece you.
[Great applause, and cries of “That’s
so ! Hit ’em again !”] Let us have
good stuff. When you sell a mule,
know what you can buy with the
price you receive. If you sell a
horse in Georgia, be assured that the
money will be good in Carolina or
Florida; good in summer and good
in winter; good in the autumn and
good in spring. Neither party has
given you ‘relief ; neither party in
tend s to give you relief. The Re
publican party did not promise you
relief; the Democratic party did
make the promise, and when it came
to the scratch, voted against it. We
promised you relief, and we voted to
give it to you. [Voices, “Yes, you
did,” and great cheering.] They
told you it would be a good thing for
you to take a thirty-day note on the
stuff you sold; it would be a good
tonic for all your complaints; it
would be a good medicine for all
your diseases. Now they say, after
defeating the silver bill, that it
would not do you any good anyhow.
It was like the old nigger’s rabbit
that he caught: “You’se- a plump
rabbit.” [Laughter.] “You’se a
juicy rabbit.” [Renewed laughter.]
“You’se good for the bile, and you’se
good for the fry.” [lncreased
laughter.] “You’se good for the
breakfast, and you’se good for the
dinner. You’se good for the supper,
and you’se good befo’ goin’ to bed.”
[Great laughter and applause.]
About that time, in an unguarded
moment, the rabbit slipped through
his hands, and as he saw the end of
his stump tail cutting through the
bushes, he says: “Go it, you little
debil, you’se not fit to eat nohow !”
(Long continued laughter and ap
plause.)
Now, I have been talking to you
a long timei I have endeavored to
tell you th< truth ; I have not said
anything to the black men that I did
not want the white men to hear; I
have not said anything to the white
man that was not intended for the
black man ; I hive no secrets from
either* side; and if I stand or fall, I
will do it with the satisfaction of
having put the plain truth before
vou, and appealing to your honest
judgment of what is just and right.
Now a word with reference to my
appearance here to-day. I chal
lenged Major Black to meet me in
eleven counties of the district; he
accepted only five. I threw down
the gauntlet for eleven, and he
picked it up for only five. (Tre
mendous cheering, and cries of “He
knows what’s the matter with
Hannah !”) I challenged him to en
ter the district and fight it out until
one or the other of us was whipped;
he said he must have thirty days’
rest. (A voice, “We’ll give him a
rest after November,” and loud
laughter.) When I came here this
morning I challenged him and his
associates—-three of them—claiming
the right to an hour to explain those
personal slanders which had been
circulated over the district with
reference to Col. Peek and myself on
the slavery bill, on the educational
bill, and the Anthony Wilson matter,
which had no relation to the issues
of the day, and then to meet them
foot to foot and breast to breast on
the questions of the day. Was that
a fair proposition ? (Cries of “It
was! It was! You have him on
the run!”) Yes, and I will keep
him running; there will not be a
grease spot on him left when the
fifth of November rolls around.
(Laughter.) I have talked to you
an hour and a half, under circum
stances which it is unnecessary for
me to repeat; and I say here again
that if the Democrats will trot out
two or three of their best men after
dinner, weak as I am, exhausted as I
am, the last one of them will be
ready to exclaim with Mr. Cobb, be
fore I am done with them, “Mis’er
Speaker, where was I at?” (Cries
of “Good boy, Tommy! Good-bye,
Jimmie !” and great applause.)
I suppose that Mr. Black will
deny the soft impeachment about be
ing challenged, but I have got the
documents. The truth is, they are
surprised that you men turned out
in such numbers, and with such en
thusiasm. They knew this was my
appointment; they expected to break
the force of my engagement by get
ting up this barbecue and drawing
the crowd with their calves and mut
ton, hog and hominy; they affected
to believe last night that I would
not face the music, and that they
did not know whether I would be
here or not; no matter what they
thought last night, they knew I was
here this morning; they know now
that I am here, and here to stay,
and that I will never run from any
Democrat in the State of Georgia or
in the United States. (The scene
at this point, to use a threadbare ex
pression, “beggared description.”
The vast crowd surged and swayed,
clasped hands and shed tears of joy,
laughed and yelled for full five
minutes.)
Now, I do not care to meet irre
sponsible, second-class cb.inners; I do
not care to meet every whipper-snap
per who expects to gain a ’little no
toriety by repeating refuted slanders
against V» atson; but let • them trot
out their nags with a record; then
candidate for Congress in this Dis
trict, or their Governor, and face me
before this audience or any other in
the Tenth District, and you will see
fun. [A voice: “It will be fun for
us, but not for them.” Laughter
and applause.]
I thank you, my fellow citizens,
for this magnificent ovation. I
thank you for showing by your ac
tions here to-day,that you care more
for principle than for hog and
hominy. It makes me feel proud of
you. They say I have written that
lam going to be defeated. I never
made any such admission. It is not
in the power of any man, any set of
men, or any clique of tricksters to
defeat the will of the people of the
Tenth Congressional District, and
every day shows more conclusively
that the wrongs of the people ring
out more loudly and clearly; and
that they have planted the flag and
will rally around it until these wrongs
are redressed. (Great cheering.)
The people are the stronger for the
flag they bear. Stand to your col
ors, men! You are fighting for your
homes! (Cries of, “We will.”) Stand
to your colors, men of the Tenth
District! You are fighting for your
wives and children! (Wild cheering,
and cries of: “Let any one stand in
our way.”) A better - cause never
enlisted the brave hearts and strong
arms of true freemen; it is conse
crated by the tears of lovely women,
and wails of helpless orphans. (Re
newed cheering.) But a better day
is dawning. The young men. are
coming from the fields with buoyan
cy in their hearts, laughter iu their
eyes, and cheers on their lips; the
laborer is coming from the cotton
row, with love of wife and children
in his bosom, and determination in
heart. Fair women and helpless
children come along, and their hands
go up to you in appeals for relief,
with a hearty God bless you on your
march to victory. (Tremendous
cheering.) Stand to your colors,
men! (Cries of: “We will.”) Be
true to your principles! (Shouts:
“You bet we will.”) Keep your
feet out of the snares. (Voices:
“Yes, yes, boss.”) Keep your minds
unclouded! (Voices:. “We’ll do it
sho’.”) Keep your hearts true to
your leaders, and we will go forward
to victory; forward government
“of the people, by the people and for
the peeple.” The weak growing
stronger day by day, and the mighty
march of the people becoming more
and more irresistible until at length it
shall be signalized by such a victory
as will light up your homes all over
this land, and bring an era of justice
and prosperity that will bless the
people.
Railroads Should Obey the Laws.
Buffalo Enquirer.
Some startling testimony was
given yesterday in the course of the
investigation begun by the Board of
Mediation and Arbitration to deter
mine the causes and responsibility
for the switchmen’s strike. Witness
es testified that they had been com
pelled to work overtime every day.
That some days they worked 11 or
12 hours, that sometimes they were
compelled to be on duty for 18 or 20
hours continuously and that this
happened as often as twice a week.
One witness swore* that on one occa
sion he had been on duty continuously
for 36 hours.
While we may expect that these
men will make out as strong a case
as possible against the railroad com
panies, we have no right to suppose
that they are not telling the truth.
The fact that in one yard every one
of the switchmen voted to strike is
the strongest kind of corroborative
evidence. It is not reasonable to
suppose that they went out on strike
unless they considered it a necessary
step, or that they would have regard
ed it a necessary step unless they
had substantial grievances.
Whatever the result of the investi
gation by the Board of Arbitration it
will be shown that the, railroad com
panies have not attempted to live up
the ten-hour law passed last winter.
It has been contended that the
switchmen ought to have brought
action against high officials of the
road for the violation of this law. No
doubt that is a fine procedure in
theory. But it does not result satis
factorily when followed out. It is
quite possible that a railroad employe
appearing as a complaining witness
against one of the high officials of the
corporation would lose his job. It
is quite possible that a witness whose
testimony helped the side of the pro
secution would also be out of work
after the next pay day.
We hope for the good of the pub
lic, for the good of the railroads and
their employes that no further viola
tion of this statute will be permitted.
Companies which compel men to
work overtime in defiance of law are
only laying up trouble for the future.
If the roads win this fight and re
sume business with non-union switch
men it will not be many months be
fore their new employes *will be or
ganized and ready to work together.
ALL PULL TOGETHER.
The True Relations between Fanners
and City Workers.
Southern Alliance Farmer.
In 1886 when the K. of L. were in
a flourishing condition in the principal
cities of Georgia, especially so in At
lanta, we remember the tactics pursued
by the daily press. Their whole aim
at that time -was to prejudice the minds
of the farmers, as well as every other
class of toilers against the movement,
and by misrepresentation and willful
perversion of truth, inbucnced them to
tight monopoly’s battles at the ballot
box. This is, and always has been
the policy of the money kings, and
even of those who hope in the future
to be so-called “Kings of finance.” If
they can get the horny handed sons of
toil divided each other, their victory is
easy and complete, and they can then
boast of “how good it is for brothers to
dwell together in unity;” and plan still
greater successes.
Then, when it is too late, the honest
workingman sees “that an injury to
one should have been the concern of
all.”
The situation at this time, is to all
appearances, a reversal of the condi
tions of 1886. Now the farmers are
in open rebellion against legalized
wrongs and injustice, w’hich then they
did not understand, and were claimed
as the willing tools of monopoly to aid
them in accomplishing the destruction
of the People’s Party, ‘
Some of us, at least, have not for
gotten the persecutions we suffered at
the hands of the newspapers, who af
fect to believe that “whatever is, is
right,” and no one has a right to think
otherwise.
We all remember the old cry of
“agitate, organize, educate,” but for
■what purpose many of us did not then
understand, but had we been seekers
after knowledge, as we should have
been, we would have learned that
“every member having the right to
vote was a part of the government of
the country and had a duty toperform,
and the proper education necessary to
intelligently exercise that right, free
from corrupting influences, was one
of the highest duties of every knight
of labor.”
“In short, an action that would ad
vance the cause of humanity, lighten
the burden of toil or elevate the moral
and social condition of mankind, was
the proper scope and field of his oper
ations.”
It has been a matter of conjecture
with the writer whether the K. of L.
who still contend that their principles
were correct are aware of the fact that
the People’s Party platform was copied
in almost its entirely from the demands
of the K. of L.
Head the Omaha platform in another
column of this paper and compare it
with the following from the K. of L.
demands:
Section 4—“ That the public lands,
the heritage of the people, be reserv
ed for actual settlers; not another acre
for railroads or speculators, and that
all lands now held for speculative pur
poses be taxed to their full value.”
Section 13—“ That a graduated in
come tax be levied.”
Section 14—“ The establishment of
a national monetary system, in which
a circulating medium in necessary
quantity shall issue direct to the peo
ple, -without the intervention of banks;
that all the national issue shall be full
legal tender in pay met of all debts,
public and private; and that the gov
ernment shall not guarantee any
private banks or create any banking
corporation.”
Section 15—“ That interest-bearing
bonds, bills of credit, or notes shall
never b e issued by the government,
but that when need arises, the emer
gency shall be met by issue of legal
tender and non-interest bearing
money.”
Section 17—“ That the government
shall obtain possession of by purchase,
under the right of eminent domain, of
all telegraphs, telephones and railroads,
and that hereafter no charter or license
be issued to any corporation for con
struction or operation of any means of
transporting intelligence, passengers
or freight.”
In the preamble we find the follow
ing: “It is imperative, if we desire to
enjoy the full blessings of life, that a
check be placed upon unjust accumu
lation, and the power for evil of ag
gregated wealth.” “This much de
sired object can be accomplished only
by the United efforts of those who
obey the divine injunction. In the
sweat of thy face shalt. thou eat
bread.”
Once we did not understand the
true significance of the speech made
by Mr. Powderly at Richmond, Va.,
in 1886 in which he saids “The lash
of the old time slave owner could
strike but one back at a time, and but
one of God’s poor suffering children
felt the stroke.” The lash of gold in
the bands of the new slave owner,
falls not upon one slave alone, but
upon the backs of millions, and among
the writhing tortured victims, side by
side with the poor and ignorant, are to
be found the well to do and the edu
cated.”
But our eyes are now open, and -we
see the truth in all its purity. As it
was then, so is it now; for in the very
inception of the movement which has
terminated in founding the People’s
Party, we have seen organizations of
farmers, mechanics and working men
of every class and condition, • present
ing their grievances, and asking for
relief with nothing but justice to sus
tain them. Ou the other side we have,
first, the collossal money kings with a
power approaching the miraculous.
Second, their envious followers, not
possessing so much, but bending every
energy to overtake them in the mad
race for wealth.
Third, the well to do wage workers
whose salaries are good, labor light,
who seeing no course to complain, op
pose complaints from others.
Fourth, the stability of society,
which dreading a revolutionary shock,
are firmly opposed to a radical change
in anything. The money kings seeing
their advantage, use the first class as
their most trusted allies to keep labor
in bondage. They tell their followers
if you wish to reach us in importance
and riches, you must deal with labor
with an iron hand, for it is from labor
we get all we have, or ever expect to
have, Be sure that they do not get
justice, for if they should, they might
have some of it to spare for us, and
we have not, nor never did have any
use for that commodity.
To the satisfied wage workers, they
hold up the dread of discharge. To
the stability of society, they direct
their newspapers to hold up the awful •
horror of a state of communism; to
enlarge upon, to misrepresent, to ex
aggerate the utterances of every friend
of the cause, to bundle them all in one
package and labeling it anarchistic,
denounce them as enemies to the well
being of society, highly revolu
tionary and dangerous.
And yet in the face of all this we
are reminded almost daily that this is
a land of “Christian civilization,” but
my own observation leads me to en
dorse the following from the pen of
the lamented John Boyle O'Riely.
“The qualities we naturally dislike
and fear in a man are those which in
sure success under our present social
order,, namely shrewdness, hardness,
adroitness, selfishness, the mind to
take advantage of necessity, the will
to trample on the weak in lhe canting
name of progress and civilization.
The qulities we love in a man send
him to the poorhouse, generosity,
truth, trustfulness, friendliness, unsel
fishness, the desire to help, the heart
to pity, the mind to refuse profit from
a neighbor’s loss or weakness, the de
fense of the weak. Our present civili
zation is organized injustice and intel
lectual barbarism.
Our progress is a march to a preci
pice. The sermon on the mount and
natural justice can rule the world, or
they cannot.
If they can, our present ruling is the
invention of the devil. If they cannot,
the devil has a right to rule, if the peo
ple let him, but he ought not to call
his rule Christian civilization.
Also the folio-wing from the James
town (N. Y.) Journal:
“Men don’t believe in a devil now as
their fathers used to do,
They’ve forced the door of the broadest
creed to let his majesty through.
There isn’t a print of his cloven foot,
or a fircy dart from his bow
To be found in earth or air, for the
world has voted it so.
But who is mixing the fatal draught
that palsies heart and brain
And loads the bier of each passing year
with ten hundred thousand slain.
Who blights the bloom of the land to
day with the fiery breath of hell.
If the devil isn’t and never was, will
somebody rise and tell?
Who dogs the steps of the toiling saint,
and digs the pits for his feet, *
Who sows the tares on the field of time,
wherever God sow his -wheat?
The devil is voted not to be, and of
course the thing is true,
But who is doing the kind of work that
the devil alone should do.”
E. Wittich.
Atlanta, Ga., August 30th.
Let every colored man read this
plank in the platform of the People’s
party:
Resolved, That we demand a free bal- ’
lot and a fair count in all elections, and
pledge ourselves to secure it to every le
gal voter without Federal intervention
through the adoption by the States of
the unperverted Australian secret ballot
system,
This is a pledge of friendship and
protection to both white and colored
alike. It comes from a source that
both should trust, and is of such a
nature as to inspire confidence in
what it says. There are meaningless
declarations floating around among
political parties, but in this class the
above resolution can not be placed.
This was adopted separately by a
convention representing all the States
through real, genuine citizens, who
understood the situation. Let it be
carefully read by every colored voter.
The People’s party does not propose
to suffer under bad laws because it
is afraid to ask the colored man’s
vote to make a change for'the better.
—National Watchman.
To The People.
To the members of the People’s Party
and friends of Reform throughout
the Union:
Our National Committee is sorely
in need of funds to meet the neces
sary demands of the campaign. The
people are coming into our ranks
daily by the thousand; counties, dis
tricts and States are calling piteously
for help. With your timely aid ef
ficient men can be sent to’proper
localities and the battle be won.
Will you not respond at once by
sending your contributions without a
day’s delay to M. C. Rankin, Treas
urer, Terre Haute, Indiana? The
situation is our justification for mak
ing this appeal to you. Fail not as
you prize your liberities.
James B. Weaver.
James G. Field.
Georgia is “in the middle of the
road,”