Newspaper Page Text
6
THE JOINT DEBATE.
[continued from third page.]
do and could not do because they did
not have a chance. In the House in
1880 Weaver moved to suspend the
rules to enable him to offer a resolu
tion that the committee on banking
and currency be instructed to report
at an early day providing for a bill
to withdraw national banking cur
rency and to issue instead treasury
notes known as greenbacks, and Mr.
Black denounced the Republicans
for voting it down. In other words,
be said that the Democrats tried to
give you what he is now denouncing
us for offering you, and he denounc
ed the Republicans then for not fet
ing the Democrats do the very same
thing. Now did not the Democrats
want a chance? (Laughter.) We
want to give you that now, and the
Democrats and Republicans both
alike say that we shall not do it.
[Great applause.]
Up at Crawfordsville he chal
lenged me to show where the
Democrats were responsible for the
national banks. I accepted that
challenge. He may consider it con
tinuously accepted, and if I do not
have a chance to show it here to-day
because of my time expiring, possi
bly before I can do it, I propose to
show it in the other debates. It is
sufficient for me to show to-day that
the national banks were chartered by
the Republican, mainly in 1862 and
1868, and that the Democrats voted
against the measure, just as they*op
posed the issuing of greenbacks
when the Republicans first issued
them. Now, I say that for twenty
years the Democrats have made no
determined effort to repeal the
national bank law; they have not
denounced it in their platform as
Jefferson used to denounce it, or as
Jackson used to denounce it. If
they are against it why do not they
denounce it? Why not put the de
nunciation of the national banks in
their platform? Whtpo do you ex
pect the rallying cry of the party
except in the platform ? When we
do not find denunciation of an evil
like that in the platform, it is fair to
presume that the party is not willing
to go before the people upon it.
But that is not all. As late as
1876 the Democratic party passed a
bill adding to the privileges of the
national banks; adding to the
amount of capital stock circulation
of the national banks, that the banks
might thereby increase their power,
privileges and profits. The Demo
crats overwhelmingly, and among
them, two of the leading Democrats
from Georgia, voted for that meas
ure ; these two were L. D. Candler
and Charles F. Crisp. Does that
look like favoritism? That looks
like curing the disease by piling on
the contagion. (Laughter.) Then
at different times bills have been
passed by Democrats in the House,
adding ten per cent to the national
banks—measures friendly to that
monopoly. And one of the reasons
] am fought so bitterly from the city
of Augusta is because the bankers
of Augusta tried to get me to sup
port that measure and I told them
that I would not do it.
A voice. Tom, don’t hurt them
any more; they are dead now.
(Loud laughter.)
Mr. Watson. Now, fellow-citi
zens, they talk about me being a
traitor and deserving condemnation
because I followed my principles in
stead of my party when I had to
make a choice between the princi
ples and the party. Now, right
there I wartt some little time to talk.
Mr. Black says that he will do me
the justice to say that I was elected
on the Ocala platform, but that these
principles are distinctively different
from the Omaha principles. Now,
what does that show? Simply that,
he does not read the things he talks
about. (Laughter.) The Ocala
convention was not held for two
months after my election; we call
them the Ocala principles simply be
cause they come to be a favorite
name; but to come down to the
literal fact, I was elected on the St.
Louis platform. (Laughter and ap
plause.) Now, who made that plat
form? G. W. Nortben, W. L. Peek
and that pure and un defiled Demo
crat Leonidas F. Livingston.
A voice. Oh, Lord! Lord! Lord!
and loud laughter.
Mr. Watson. And there never
was a man so vituperatively assailed
six months ago as Lon Livingston,
and he never was supported by you
Democrats until he betrayed these
people.
A voice. He would like to dis
cuss with you.
Mr. Watson. You bet I will meet
every one of them. Not only that,
1 am going to meet them on their
own heaths. Now, your candidate
can do his own talking much better
than you can, and you had better
quit making a fool of yourself.
Now (to Mr. Black), the most ob
jectionable features are found in the
St. Louis platform. In that plat
form is found the plank declaring
for the ownership of railroads, the
eub-treasury scheme and the land
plank. Not only that, but in that
platform there is the Indianapolis
resolution, which you say is not
binding because I helped to get it
up. [Laughter.] In that platform,
made before I was elected by a fed
eratio* between the Knights of La
bor and the Alliance farmers, there
is the distinct instruction, namely,
that this land plank, the sub-treasury,
the railroad ownership, of land, and
all these ether demands shsll be
held inviolate of caucus dictation of
any one of the parties. [Great
cheering.] Now, my friends, how
PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER, ATLANTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 16, 1892.
could I expect your votes if after
having to stand by these principles,
to fight for these principles and, if
necessary, to die for these principles,
I had turned around and basely be
trayed them? [Prolonged cheer
ing-]
Now, who do they want you to
elect as Vice-President on the Demo
cratic ticket? Adlai Stevenson.
Adlai Stevenson was elected as a
member of Congress in the year
1876. How? As a Democrat. He
was a member of Congress in 1878.
How ? As a Democrat. He was a
member of Congress in 1880. How?
As a democrat. Yet he refused to
go into the Democratic caucus; he
refused to vote for the Democratic
candidate for speaker, and he had
himself put upon record every time.
How ? Not as a Democrat, but as
a greenbacker, following that “old
wretch, John B. Weaver.” [Great
applause.] Now, boys, have not
they boxed their party up in great
order. Their Vice-Presidential can
dibate said in 1880 that Weaver was
so great a man that he would break
away from the Democratic party to
follow him, and they say that I have
done the same thing. How do they
propose to treat both? They say
that for the same course precisely,
Watson shall be branded as a traitor,
and Stevenson shall be elevated to
the second highest office in the gift
of the people. Why should they
make fish of one and flesh of an
other ? Why should they measure
out to me insult and condemnation
and pile rewards upon him? The
Democrats are so drunk that they
can swallow a yard of Stevenson’s
record and turn around in helpless
sobriety and inquire, “Mis’r Speaker,
where was lat ?” [Great laughter.]
Why, up here at Crawfordsville Mr.
Black actually forgot where he was
at in his speech and had to stop and
fumble to find it. Not because he is
not able to argue it, but it is because
there is not a man on earth that can
argue the Democratic side and avoid
getting lost. [Great laughter.]
Now, one or two corrections.
Major Black [facing him], you
said at Crawfordsville that I de
nounced Mr. Tilden as not having
sense enough to write his own will.
My friend, you are mistaken. In
my book I said that Mr. Tilden, in
accordance with the decisions of the
court, did not have sense enough to
write his own will. I put it off 7 on
the court. In your speech at Craw
fordsville you said that I denounced
Mr. Cleveland.
Mr. Black. Tilden you mean.
Mr. Watson. No; lam on Cleve
land now. In my book 1 said that
Mr. Cleveland was a man of truth,
of honor and of courage, but that
unfortunately he imbibed the Wail
street idea of finance. You stated
at Crawfordsville that I denounced
his personal record.
Major Black. I said you criticis
ed it. That referred to your Thom
son speech.
Mr. Watson. There you are mis
taken. I said that down South the
democrats were denouncing the pen
sion laws, while up north the Demo
crats were taking credit with the
soldiers for these very pensions, and
that the New York World had
claimed, and showed by figures, that
Mr. Cleveland paid out such and
such amounts of money. Not only
that, I showed that in the Demo
cratic national platform the Demo
crats claimed that Cleveland had
paid out more money to the soldiers
and sailors than had been paid out
in a similar period. I said that in
1879, Democrats and Republicans
passed the Harris Pension act, and
it passed the House without a divi
sion, but when it reached the Senate
there was a division, and one of the
men that voted for it in the Senate
was John B. Gordon. [Great ap
plause.]
Now, fellow citizens, the point I
make is that it was not fair to tell
you down here that they were
against the pension, and when up
North claiming to be in favor of
them. That was the point I made.
I will not take up much of your
time to show you that Mr. Black
was always opposed to the Alliance.
He denounced it as calculated to
break up the Democratic party.
Two years ago he wrote the Austin
letter which he bravely avows to-day,
and in that letter he denounces the
Alliance as undemocratic. He de
nied your right to measure anybody
with your yardstick, and opposed
your organizing to redress your
grievances, and to-day he denounces
your platform. How Mr. Black can
ask an Allianceman to support him
I do not understand.
He quotes from Mr. AlcKeighan.
He said that McKeighan was op
posed to the sub-treasury, and also
what Mr. McKeighan said was the
remedy.
Why, my friend, he did not even
take the trouble to take the cover
off the book; I want to show you
what is in the book. Here is what
he said:
“The real remedy will be found
in the proper regulation and control
of railroad corporations.” You. u ee
that the Democratic mule took the
studs and reared right back when it
comes to anything that hurts.
[Laughter.]
Why does he not tell you all that
McKeighan said? Why did he not
tell you that he said: “By the issue
of money in sufficient volume to
prevent the money changers from
extorting from the people.” Now
that is exactly what you people
want. [Facing Mr. Black.] Why
did not you read that to them,
Major Black? What else did he
say? “By the repeal of the so-call
ed protective tariff.” Not trimming
its nails, not by amputating the first
joint of the little finger, but by wip*
ing out tb’e whole thing root and
branch. What else? Laws to pre
vent gambling, to prevent trusts, to
prevent the creation of trusts to rob
the tobacco and cotton raisers of the
South; to extort from the corn and
wheat raisers of the west, etc. That
is all there is of Mr. McKeighan’s
position, and we will not quarrel
with him about it. Why? The essence
of the sub-treasury is practically in
the abolishment of the national banks
and the issuing of money directly to
the people.
Now the question is how to get
money out to the people? Mr. Mc-
Keighan does not propose a method.
We say, however, not out through
the national banks, but on cotton, on
corn, on wheat, on any other sound
collateral, so that every man through
the State shall have a chance equal
with the banker. [Great applause.]
He says that our warehouse plan
will not do. "When did we say that
the warehouse feature was an essen
part of our plans? That is only one
of the details. That is a question to
be discussed in Congress. If you
meet us in the spirit of concession;
if you concede the great idea of Mc-
Keighan that money shall be issued
directly to the people in proportion
to the business wants of the people,
so that the laborer can pay his debts,
the farmer may lift his mortgage —if
you will but come to the great idea,
I say, we will not halt and quibble
over details. Meet us in that spirit,
and we will arrive at some fair busi
ness method of getting it into the
hands of the people instead of
through the national bank mono
poly.
The people are suffering from enor
mous indebtedness; it continually
takes more of their labor to pay these
debts; the face of the poor has been
ground more sharply every year.
The essence of the eternal principles
I teach is that we shall have a money
system that will have regard for the
poor man as well as the rich ; that
will help the white laborer as well
as the black; the humble as well as
the proud man, and the favor of God
Almighty is as strongly in it as it
ever was in any God-given truth
since the world was made.
[Time was called and Mr. Watson
took his seat amid tremendous cheer
ing, which lasted fully eight minutes.
Major Black was about to commence,
when Air. Watson asked the privi
lege of making a personal explana
tion.]
MR. WATSON’S EXPLANATION.
Under the provocation of having
that Corbin bank matter thrown at
me, I made a reference to Phinizy &
Co., Augusta, which possibly might
h.ave been misunderstood. 1 regret
that matter came up at all, be
cause it is a private matter, and I
call you to witness : that I had to say
something—it was so offensively and
falsely thrown at me. All I have to
say is that I did not mean to inti
mate that there was anything what
ever wrong in the Phinizy & Com
pany mortgage. It was a fair debt.
I procured Lands dale that loan my
self. The mortgage is on the land
yet. I bought the land at private
sale, and Air. Landsdale is one of the
strongest friends I have to-day. and
so far as I know, makes no com
plaint against the Phinizy Company,
and we would never have heard of it
if it had not been drawn cut. I will
say further in justice to Phinizy &
Co., I believe them to be fair, honest
men.
A voice. Too late, Tommy.
A gentleman in Air. Black’s cor
ner. Hush up, I’d be ashamed.
Cheering was renewed and the
friends of both gentlemen vied with
each other in shouting Hurrah for
Watson ! Hurrah for Black !
MAJOR BLACK IN CONCLUSION.
Fellow - Citizens I must ask
your indulgence. It is impossible
for me to speak to you at all unless
you preserve the most absolute quiet.
It is difficult in fifteen minutes to
answer a speech of an hour and a
half.
I shall call your attention to some
thing in my own public; record which
Air. Watson, saw fit to’ allude to, and
that is about these Bullock bonds.
He seemed to think that it was with
some temerity that I voted to pay
certain bonds while a member of the
Legislature after Bullock and his leg
islature had been wiped out of
power; bonds upon the face of which
honest men had expended their
money. Now, I have the record
here before me, and it is open to the
inspection of any of his friends.
The fact of the matter is that the
Legislature, after the true people
came into power, said that such and
such were valid, and such and such
bonds were not valid; bonds bought
by honest men who went into the
market and purchased them,- and all
I have to say is that if I had it all to
go over again, even if it cost me
this race, I would vote as I did then.
[Cheers.] I think that every pri
vate individual ought to pay every
honest debt; I think that every
State ought to pay every honest
debt; I think that every nation ought
to do likewise. And I cannot be in
timidated or embarrassed in this way
by these Bullock bonds. There is
not power enough in Bullock’s name
or infamy enough in Bullock’s record
to prevent me from doing what I be
lieve to be right now, and here and
every time.
A voice. Hurrah for Black.
[Cheering.]
Whose company was I in ? In
the company of Joseph B. Cumming
and Charles J. Jenkins. Do you
know him ? Here is the statement
of Charles J. Jenkins that it was an
honest, valid obligation. Here is the
statement of Ross Howell, of War
ran Williams; here is the statement
of Robert Toombs. Now listen ! I
have only fifteen minutes. [Reads.]
The pamphlet you referred to in a for
mer letter nas been received. I read it
carefully, and in reference to the state
ment —
[At this point there was some con
fusion and unnecessary ebbulitions of
of enthusiasm among the audience
which prevented the hearing of all
the words but the conclusion was,
“Not to pay them would be nothing
less than a public swindle,” signed
“Alexander H. Stephens.” [Deaf
ening shouting and cheering.] Do
you know Alex. Stephens? [Re
newal of the applause.]
A voice. How did the people de
cide it!
Mr. Black, He did not care, sir,
what the people decided; he decided
what was right; and I dare to stand
here in the face of the people and
tell them when they are wtong.
Air. Watson. Will you permit me
to ask you a question ?
Air. Black. Yes, sir.
Air. AVatson. The constitution of
the State of Georgia, adopted by the
people, denounces those bonds as
fraudulent and void. Would you
still pay them in defiance of that
condemnation by the people en
grafted in the law ?
Air. Black. I would not pay them
because the constitution has put its
prohibition upon it, but I dare to
stand here in the face of this people
and tell them that it is a moral obli
gation. Now mark you. Ido now
say that while I am not so consti
tuted as not to be influenced m my
opinion of other good men, and asso
ciation with good men, yet I say that
against the opposition of all these
people I would have said that the
State of Georgia was bound to pay
these bonds by every obligation of
honor and honesty.
A voice [in derision.] “The peo
ple be d—d.”
Air. Black [without noticing the
remark, if he heard it]. He quotes
from my Atlanta speech about the
concentration of power in Atlanta.
I made that speech and I stand by
every word of it to-day, and I would
go as far as he would go and as far
as any other man would go to break
down ring rule; but, my God! I
never would have gone out of the
Democratic party into the People’s
party to do it. [Cheering and coun
ter-cheering.] 1 say this; that the
history of the political parties—all
of the political parties—does not
show such an absolute mastery by
the leaders over the people as is
shown by the leaders of the People’s
party.
A voice. Go, traitor, go ! followed
by hissing and sneering.
Air. Black. You talk about taking
snuff, and anybody sneezing; you
talk about piping, and anybody
dancing.
[The excitement at this juncture
was red-hot. Every conceivable
kind of ebbulition was indulged in by
both sides. There was the laugh in
sulting and the counter laugh; the
loud guffaw and the delicate giggle;
the coarse insult and the indignant
retort; howls of “traitor, traitor”
and roars of “liars, liars;” the over
bearing insolence of the well dressed
dude and the calm determination of
the robbed sons of toil.]
Air. Black. You talk about signs,
and grips, and pass-words. Why
they could summon every People’s
Party man within twenty miles to be
to-morrow, and every one would here
respond to it.
A voice. You bet we will respond
to it in November.
Air. Black. You talk about the
mastery over the people. Why, there
never was anything like it in the
history of the country. Don’t you
know that ?
Voices. Yes, yes, yes, yes, and,
we know how to settle your hash,
you bet. (A slight repetition of the
scene above.)
Air. Black. I said that I was op
posed to concentration, and to central
ization; I say the same now; I
reiterate every word of that. I
raised my feeble arm when it was
worth a man’s political fortunes to do
it, in the senatorial race against Sen
ator Colquitt. I never have lowered
that standard; I never have changed
the flag; whatever wrongs exist I
will remove, as best I can, within
your ranks.
There was another contest for the
mastery in a noisy war. Air. Black’s
friends, having gotten possession of
seats around the platform before the
arrival of Air. Watson, and on ac
count of assistance given them by a
cordon of special police, who worked
with might Ind main, had the vantage
ground; but the people showed more
enthusiastic earnestness than the
overbearing insolence of the others
could overcome.
Air. Black. Now, he is disposed
to set me up before this people, to
many of whom I am a personal strang
er, as the representative of a class of
ringsters. 1 ask you where did the
demand for my nomination come
from. •
Voices. Hancock, Hancock, Han
cock.
Air. Black. I ask any fair man if
I did not restrain the inspiring of any
preference for me by Richmond
county friends until the country had
spoken. I told them to look in the
country and find a farmer if such an
one could be found.
A voice in my ear (sotto voce) —
“A little while she strove, and then
relented,
And whispering, ‘l’ll ne’er consent’ —
consented.”
Air. Black. Now, he wants to
know how I can go before the Alli
ancemen of the Tenth district and
ask their support. I go before any
Alliance democrat just like I go be
fore a lawyer democrat.
A voice. Was not he a lawyer ?
Mr. Black. Who?
The voice. Watson.
Mr. Black. Why, yes he was, and
I do not mean to throw any reflection
on the legal profession. But I will
say, he lives in the town while I
live in the city. I did not want to
bring in this issue. That has noth
ing to do with these great issues now
before us; but I want to say that the
idea that I should not be supported
by the people because I live in the
city and am supported by the bankers
and ringsters, I repudiate. I assert
here that I have as much following
amongst the honest, intelligent farm
ers as he has. Where is your Presi
dent of your Hancock County Alli
ance ? He is supporting me, is he
not?
Voices. Yes, yes, yes.
Mr. Black. Is not he from Han
cock county ? Does he not belong
in the Tenth Congressional District ?
I do not intend to let him put before
the people any such idea as that he
is the representative— the exclusive
representative—of the farmers.(Great
applause, followed by jeering.) He
says that I have nothing in common
with the farmers. Ido not care to
go into my own personal affairs, but
I say that I have everything in com
mon with every citizen. It is a
common interest; that I not only re
present the farmer, but the merchant;
not only the banker, but the laborer.
I do not envy the man who goes be
fore the people claiming to represent
only one interest. (Turning to Mr. W.)
I say, sir, that to array class against
class is wrong, is unchristian, is cruel.
I repeat here, sir, all that I said at
Crawfordsville. I say that we are in
a distressed condition. I say that the
legislation of the country ought to be
so shaped as not to continue this. I
say also that no man who does this
can get a foothold, permanently, upon
the American soil. It is undmocratic,
more, it is unchristian, to array one
class against another, one race against
another, one interest against another.
If I understand the first element of
Jeffersonian democracy, it is at war
with all class legislation, and class
privileges.
A voice. Where is our flag?
Mr. Black [Evidently disgusted
with that yawper who called for ex
postulations from his friends before].
Oh, hush, my friend; let me go on.
He says, if I understand him correctly
that there is no dissension in his
party on the protective system. That
the protective system is denounced
as a failure. Ido not find it in the
platform. Now, listen! I find some
equivocal dealing with the tariff
question. He talks subsidies; he
says we do not denounce subsidies.
Where are they denounced in his?
It is not in the platform, but in the
resolutions, and you know how they
tried to wriggle out of the twelth
plank on the plea that that resolution
was not a part of the platform.
[Laughter.] Now here is a string of
resolutions referring to all sorts of
phases of the legislative question.
[Addressing a People’s Party man]
Do you know what these mean?
Ans. “No; Ido not.”
He says he does not. [Great laugh
ter among the dudes.]
-A voice. Ask one of your party
friends to tell what is in your plat
form; I’ll bet there ain’t one on the
stand can tell a single line. [The
laughter hilarious and the dry laugh
followed this sally.]
Mr. Black. [Misunderstanding the
point.] Well, they are not expected
to know, because they are not in our
platform.
My distinguished friend refers to
to the Austin letttr, and says that I
have denounced the Alliance. I did
not denounce the Alliance. I said
that you had as much right to organ
ize as the lawyer, in his professional
associations; as the merchant in his
chamber of commerce; as the me
chanic, in the interest of his craft;
but I say in the face of every man
and woman and child in Georgia, that
you have no right to organize in your
private circles and midnight caucuses
to control the Democratic party. I
say that you have a perfect right to
meet in the blaze of day, or the clear
skies at night, or with open doors,
but you have no more right than the
lawyer, the merchant, the laborer,
the mechanic, or any other class to
shape the policy of the democratic
party, or to wreck the party.
I am not so anxious to go to Con
gress that I am read to endorse any
thing that is not right, or to retract
anything that is right in my past
record. And, on the other hand, I
am ready to retract anything when I
am convinced that lam wrong. I
think that one of the greatest curses to
this people is that they have been al
lowed to go forward in wrong courses
and men have not had the cour
age of their conventions to call a
halt, seeing them going in the -wrong
direction. In politics as well as re
ligion, I believe that an honest con
fession is good for the soul, and I
tell you that if any man will show
me that I am wrong m my past
course I am willing to stand up and
retract, but, on the other hand, there
is not power enough in the State of
Georgia, to make me retract when I
am conscious of being right.
Time keeper. Time is up, Mr.
Black.
Mr. Black. [Not hearing him.]
Another thing, he made a facetious
remark about my dancing, and to
my size. I plead guilty that I am
not as active as he, but—
Mr. Watson. Major, your time
is up. You should not go into an
other argument under the circum
stances.
The Subsidized Press.
National Watchman.
The greatest obstacle that the reform
movement has to contend with is the
daily press. In these times of push
and hurry the people, especially in
cities and along the railroads, demand
the current news daily. As a rule
daily papers are published at a loss,
and are kept alive through outside
sources of income, Sometimes such
papers are started to boom a town, a
railroad enterprise, or some other
financial scheme, but the greater
portion begin as the champion of
some political party, and under such
cover sell their influence to aid any
enterprise that will put up sufficient
bribe money. Again, these same
papers will espouse the cause of any
politician whose success means a suf
ficient amount of boodle or apolitical
pull that will bring the necessary
tribute. In fact, there is hardly a
daily in this country that is not sup
ported by levying tribute or receiving
boodle. Under such conditions the
news of the day is used as a vehicle
to convey to the people the senemes
and plots of the politician or financial
plunderer. In order to obtain the
information desired, the people are
compelled to glean it from a mass of
political or financial corruption. For
this reason there are no People’s
Party dailies, as they could not be
made remunerative. A daily paper
is now constituted in the most un
conscionable, cold blooded organiza
tion in this land of combines, trusts,
and syndicates. Banks will conspire
to rob the people of their money,
but the subsidized press will deliber
ately’’ plan to rob men of their good
character, uphold theives, plunderers,
and cutthroats in their methods, and
attempt to debauch an entire nation.
The daily press to-day. is the greatest
curse the American people are com
pelled to endure. It has become the
most powerful agent of corruption in
the land and a standing menace to
the future of this nation. Every re
former should understand this in
order to counteract the infamous lies
and purposely garbled reports that
from now until after election espec
ially will be found in the columns
of these paid emissaries of plutocracy.
A man with SIO,OOO on interes
at ten per cent in 1868, could buy
with his income 400 day’s work, 400
bushels of wheat, 1,000 bushels of
corn, 2,500 pounds of cotton. To
day, the same interest will buy from
1,000 to 1,500 days work, 1,400
bushels of wheat, 2,500 bushels of
corn or 20,000 pounds of cotton.
The day’s work have not grown
shorter, the measures smaller or the
weight lighter. It is the dollar that
has grown more costly. It takes
more work, more grain and more
cotton to get it, while the interest on
the mortgage remains the game.
Who has brought about these condi
tions, the money-lender or the wealth
producer? Whose interests are best
served, the money-lender or the
wealth-producer? Whois “working’*
congress to continue this system, the
money-aristocracy or the wealth-pro
ducer? Who owns the great city
dailies who howl for a continuation
of these conditions, the rich or the
working-men? Who is it that con
tributes from ss,ooo|to SIOO,OOO to
the republican and democratic cam
paign funds, tne men who get the
benefit of the system or the “under
dog” whose labor alone is the only
source of wealth? Who is the biggest
fool God ever let live, the man who
makes “politics pay” or the man who
votes to continue this robbery of
of himself and .family?—The Sentry,
Lansing, Mich.
THE PEOPLE’S ADVOCATE.
The leading Journal of Georgia
owned and edited by colore 1 people.
It advocates the Reform movement
in State politics, and gives its people
sound advice. Send 25 cents for
three months—during the campaign.
Address with, money order,
Hagler & Ingraham.
204 Wheat street, Atlanta, Ga.
Farmers, Investigate.
* tSjF;
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