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as hard blows to do this as he would.
I would save you from yourselves
if I could. I would save you from
the schemes originated by the enemies
of this people, the authors of the Third
Party, men who have nothing m com
mon with you and who havn’t your
interest at heart.
I warn my countrymen, whatever
my fate may be in this campaign, I
warn you that if you do get into
power, [if you had every
representative in Congress, the Sen
ate and the president of the United
States if you enacted these ideas in
to law, every man of you would
thank first from your bleeding hearts
after the passage of such law the
man who had the courage to stand
up and warn you against them.
The article in Mr. Watson’s book
showed the cost of running the rail
road system of the countrry and the
saving if the government should own
and run it. But the article advised
coal miners to vote for the third party
and this plank, as it would then be
but a step to own the mines. “I tell
you, you had better look to the end
of a road before you get into it 1 .
You want to devise means of relief.
Think before you act whether the
scheme will bring relief or over
whelming disaster.”
A voice asked about the railroads.
Maj. Black explained the power of
existing law which stood over the
railroads in the interest of the peo
' pie.
Maj. Black read from the People’s
party platform the part which claims
that the land of the country
is the heritage of the peo
ple and should belong to them.
“My friend [Mr. Watson] says that
Jefferson took this position.” Maj.
Black took liberty to dissent from
Mr. Watson’s stand. Maj. Black
read the letter from Jefferson.
He did not read it all, but a suffi
cient portion to show the drift,
which he declared was not what Mr.
Watson represented it to be. “The
earth belongs to the living and not
to the dead,” Jefferson said. Is that
your land plank ? (to Mr. Watson.)
I say that the land belongs to the
living, but to him who has bought
the land with the usufruct of his la
bor. But that is not the way it is
in the third party platform. They
say that all men have a right to some
of the land of the country. I say
every man has the right, but I say
not unless he has gotten it by gift, or
inheritance or purchase. He contin
ued to read from Jefferson. I say
that there is nothing there that says
the land is the common inheritance
of the people, as this platform of the
third party says it is. What does
your great leader say—your Presi
dential candidate, Weaver, whom
some of you seem so anxious to fol
low? Major Black read from an
article by General Weaver in a re
cent number of the Arena about
land monopoly. Where is monopoly
ixJwi?”
1 thought the trouble was you
could not sell your land in Georgia
when you wanted to, Major Black
said.
Weaver said that all men had a
right to the use of the soil. He says
that the child that was being born
into the world as he (Weaver) penned
those lines, had as much right to
land qp breath and air. I denounce
- these tenets.
A voice interrupted.
Major Black clinched the land
question here by asking a question of
this gentleman, a third partyite, who
was a landlord and jealous of his
holding.
Major Black. How is your brother
going to get land if he has not got
any? Are you going to give it to
him ?
Voice. Let him emigrate.
Major Black. Ah! you say; lam
mighty sorry for you, but you must
go further! I say let him go further,
too, and get it as you got it! You
who say you believe in this land
plank and the distribution of land
will not part with a foot that you
have got, but you say: “Oh, yes, you
ought to have land, but go further.”
Major Black read further from
General Weaver’s articles in The
Arena, statyig that every man had
the right to till the soil in his own
right. I say no man has the right to
till the land unless he owns the land.
Do you believe that?
Voice. Yes.
Maj. Black. Then you don’t be
lieve in bolding the very land you
own.
Yes I do; I'don’t believs in mon
opoly.
Mr. Watson here arose and asked
the man in the audience to be quiet
and to ask no more questions, which
caused merriment, as the questions
and the answers, it had appeared,
were discomforting to Mr. Watson.
The third party demanded that
the pubic domain be reclaimed for
the ownership of the people. Every
democratic platform declares for this.
Maj*. Black asked a question and a
lady nodded her head. Maj. Black
said he was thankful for this, and
though defeat might stare him in the
face, the smile of that good woman
would compensate him for his loss.
He again paid a beautiful tribute
to Kentucky, his native state, but
said he loved no less the red hills of
Georgia, where his fate was now
cast; where he intended to live until
death should come, and among whose
hills his bones, when he was dead,
would crumble into dust.
This was an exceedingly eloquent
passage in Major Black’s speech, and
won great applause, in which third
party people joined pretty generally.
“God only, in his wisdom,” Major
Black said, “knows the dangers that
iivision may bring upon us.” He
•ecalled the fact that Mr. Watson had
PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER, ATLANTA, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 23, 1892.
once said, after election, that if the
democratic party demanded his re
signation, he would yield it, thereby
acknowledging his allegiance to the
party. An interruption brought him
to Mr. Watson’s record. The speaker
called attention to the fact that the
honor which was about to be thrust
upon himself in his election to con
gress was unsought. “If I have been
put forward by a ring, it is one that
goes all over the congressional dis
trict, among all classes. Letters
came from every part of this district
to me, from every part of this state,
urging me to make the fight, from
farmers, mechanics, etc., lawyers,
ministers of the gospel and men and
women, and it was not until after the
e irnegt solicitation had come to me
that I allowed my name to be used.
And I think I will get there, and
with the distinction of not being at
the head of a column of Augusta
politicians, or any other politicians;
but a column composed of the rank
and file of farmers all over this dis
trict, and merchants and laborers, and
preachers, and.white and colored, all
trades and professions, and shades of
color in this tenth congressional dis
trict of Georgia, carrying that proud
old banner of democracy.
mr. watson’s rejoinder.
Mr. Black says people ail over the
the State favor his election. Yes.
Outsiders have had a wonderful in
terest in the Tenth this year. (Laugh
ter.)
There was not a national banker
or monopolist anywhere who was
not willing to contribute to a boodle
fund to accomplish my defeat
[Cheers.] Why? Because I am
making a straight-out fight on-mono
poly, and boss rule. [Cheers.]
Mr. Black denounces our land
plank.
It is founded on Jefferson’s doc
trine that there should be no land
monopoly, and that all the sons of
men should have a fair chance to
own a home. [Cheers.]
We make no war on the private
ownership of land. But we say
land monopoly is as bad as money
monopoly or trade monopoly. Our
laws as a people have always been
against monopoly.
Jefferson waged war on the en
tailed estates of*Virginia,broke down
the monopoly and threw the lands on
the markets so that each idividual
should have a fair chance to buy a
home. Isn’t that right? [Great
cheering.]
Hear what Jefferson says. In a
letter from Paris in 1789—written
to Mr. Madison. He writes:
The earth belongs in usufruct to the
living.
Analyze this sentence, and you
will see it means precisely what we
say in our platform. “The land is
the heritage of all the people.”
[Cheers.]
Further, he says in the same let
ter:
The earth belongs always to the living
generation. They may manage it, and
what proceeds from it, as they please
during their usufruct.
Further in the same letter he
says:.
The principle that the earth belongs to
the living and not to the dead, is of very
extensive application and consequences
in every country.
He proceeds to show that it is by
the application of this principle that
the old Feudal system was |destroy
ed as well as the monopoly of lands
in France, held by the State, and by
the aristocratic families.
The trouble with the Democrats
is they do not want Jeffersonian
Democracy. [Cheers.]
Mr. Black said Jefferson’s endorse
ment of Government issue of paper
money extended only to times of
war. If the principle be sound, why
can’t the Government use this power
to relieve distress, whether in peace
or war? [Cheers.] He says there
is no land monopoly in this country,
yet in the very next breath «ays
that the Democrats recoverec fIOO,-
009,000 acres from the railroads.
[Cheers.] Why not go forward and
reclaim the balance ? [Cheers.]
He says you’ll never get money at
2 per cent. Why not? The na
tional banks get it at 1 per cent., and
the whiskey men get it at 5 per cent.
Why should he boldly toll the far
mers their Government should al
ways discriminate against them.
[Cheers.]
He says “ Raise less cotton!”
[Laughter.] What we want is a
currency system which will give us
a fair price for what we do raise.
[Cheers.]
He says trust to Providence and
the rains. [Laughter.]. We say we
want to destroy this infernal system
which robs us of all we make by the
aid of Providence and the rains.
[Great cheering.]
He said halt a dozen times you
had his sympathy. [Laughter.] My
God ! Are we never to get anything
but sympathy ? [Cheers.]
We wan’t no man’s sympathy.
We want justice and equal rights
under the law. [Great cheering.]
Mr. Black says there are more
Democrats in Congress who favor
free silver than the People’s party
has there. Then why don’t they get
out of a party where their voice is
stifled and join us where they can be
heard ? Why should they continue
to follow that wing of the party
which was led by Thomas B. Reed
to the defeat of free silver, fGreat
cheering.]
He has waved the bloody shirt
here to-day and preached the doc
trine of sectional hatred. Let me
read what that “old wretch” J. B.
Weaver said in 1880 :
The war is over and the sweet voice of
peace long neglected calls us to worship
at her altar. Let us crowd her temples
with willing votaries. Let us have a
fair count and equal rights for all:
the laboring men in Northern factoFMj
mines and wo;kshops, and for the etrCfgl
gling poor, both white and black, or the
cotton fields of the South.
No sentiment worthier of the day
and its issues can be uttered.
Our enemies preach hatred. We
reconciliation.
They wave the bloody-shirt /and
call upon you to hate your brethren
of the North and West.
We wave the pure white balnner
of the People’s party ; we call |ipon
you to forget the animosities of a
bitter past and in the name or the
Prince of Peace to move forward to
a future bright with promise and
dedicated te the triumphs of peace.
AT AUGUSTA.
A Howling Mob Determined that the
People’s Candidate Should
not be Heard.
[Reported Expressly for the People’s
Party Paper by J. L. Driscol, Law
and General Reporter.]
In presenting this, the
the series of joint discussions (hWng
missed the third, at Sandersville,
September 9), I reiterate all that I
said in the to the first
and second, without quoting in refer
ence to the obligation resting upon
the reporter to the public, to the
speaker or speakers; and last, but
more important to himself, to do full
justice to all—injustice to none.
This is not a report; it is 1 photo
graph of a scene almost beyond
belief in a civilizetl community.
Where did the respons?«ufcy lie ? In
answer I have only to” say, read
the remonstrances of Mr. Watson
against an evident determination to
prevent him from speaking for par
ty, for principle, ’and for honor,
which is dearer than life. Read the
pathetic appeals of |lr. Black to
have respect for him, if not for Mr.
Watson; read, also, his covert threat
to withdraw from the race if a fair
hearing was not granted. Read
the futile efforts of Judge Eve and
Mr. Weisiger to bring order out of
chaos. Read the manly confession,
without avoidance, of Hon. Pat
Walsh, and you have a better idea of
where the responsib’«L. lies than I
can possibly give. &
The trip from
was void of interest*
reached Cammack, the jmHraalthe
Macon branch of the
road. At that
detachments of Mr.
from Macon,
along tile line
reg i J
'long string of CanWfcjlKlancock
county contingent, of a
member of the i> artyVH^Hone hun
dred and wear
ing, in most cases,
white plug hats apj de
meanors. Ten nf JjgpHQe
us to Thomson, t the home of Mr.
Watson and the scene of the great
ovation which 7 awaited him on his
return from/Washington, August 9.
In and about the Arlington every
thing betokened an overwhelming
Black gathering. Bands paraded
the street; men paraded the pave
ments, decorated with Black badges;
John Barleycorn seemed to betaking
a 'very lively interest in behalf of
the Augusta and Atlanta politicians,
and I must say that Mr. Watson’s
chances seemed slim. My heart
sickened at the thought of one man,
brave as he is, facing this howling
mob of demons, who were lashed
into the most malignant hatred by
a body of trained falsifiers.
The press! What a power for
good! What a terrible instrument
of evil! how unscrupulously has it
been used in this campaign! It is
sad, too, to think how it is destroy
ing its own usefulness, in case truth
ful impulses should return. Con
fidence once destroyed is hard to re
cover. I venture to say that at
least three-fourths of the people of
the Tenth District would suspect
the man’s honesty or sanity who
would say seriously that he believed
that great dailies of Georgia or that
they themselves believe the reckless
charges made about Mr. Watson,
and the glaringly false accounts of
the meetings. How any man will
risk his reputation in saying that the
People’s Party comprised not more
than one-tenth of the meeting at
Augusta, knowing well that every
man, woman and child in that vast
auditorium knows it to be false,
passes my comprehension.
THE MEETING.
The Exposition Cotton Ware
house, an immense building, capable
of seating, as I was informed, seven
thousand people, was the place
selected. Eight o’clock was the
hour, and on my arrival about half
past seven the hall was packed more
than two-thirds of the way back
from the stage. Reaching the plat
form and taking a seat at the table
nearest the front, I had ample op
portunity to survey the scene and
give the result to the reader which I
now proceed to do.
The roof was supported by im
mense pillars at intervals through
the building, and immense cross
beams, running lengthwise, in tiers,
served to form a frame work for a
gallery which has not made its ap
pearence, except across the end.
I These beams wore filled with youths
rof every color from the darkest hue
to the palest Caucasion.
The stage itself had a seating ca
pacity of probably four hundred, and
maybe five. About two hundred
ladies stood on chairs on the rear
end of the stage. Why? Because
the chivalrous youth of Augusta,
who wear good clothes, talk about
the ignorance of the farmers who
have set about reforming the abuses
of the ring, and ’rah for Black,
stood in front of them and so they
are compelled to stand on the chairs
and crane over the heads of these
howling gentlemen ? How do I
know these were Black men? Easy
enough. First by their supercilious
airs, and second, because they were
all tagged. When I say all these
men occupied the stage, I mean
nearly all, about three-fourths at
least. The gallery was fill
ed mostly with well behaved color
ed men. Having surveyed the raft
ers, the stage and the gallery I
turned my attention to the vast au
ditorium in front. I found before
me a floor about 145x250 feet. The
audience extended to the supports
for the gallery, and very little be
yond, because no one would remain
on account of the impossibility of
hearing. Allowing for the aisles, it
left 125 feet square with every seat
occupied.
There were two inclining galleries
on either side, however, that added
to the seating capacity very materi
ally, as the inclination allowed the
fringing of the seats closer toghter,
and therfore admitted the people
to huddle closer together. But why
speculate. A gentleman who seem
ed to know told me that there were
3,000 chairs and benches for about
2,000 more. Add to this the num
ber on the stage and those standing
and you have in round numbers
about 6,000 persons.
Looking down to the front and
center I beheld about two-thirds of
the seats on ground floor filled with
Black men. How do I know that?
Because they were tagged and
turbulent. On either side and
the inclined seats, forming
considerable more than half the
seating space, I found filled with a
quiet, determined body of working
men.
During this survey the noise was
deafening. The self-elected clac
quers seemed to be here and there
rending the air with Black—Black—
Black—Black—Black ! while another
to my right had an instrument upon
which he made a noise between the
squeak of a pig and the wail of a
baby; several had gongs and others
horns with which they made the
night hideous. In a varied experi
ence of thirty years’ reporting, this
was the most reprehensible and the
most senseless gathering I ever saw.
Xt was worseAhan criminal—it was
idiotic. '■ f J
T wo. gentlemen with crutches sat
immediately in front of me, and each
crutch was held aloft, gaily decorated
with a Black badge. To my mind
that was suggestive, for certainly his
cause and his canvass are on crutches
now.
ESTIMATES.
Although I have called the atten
tion of the reader to the tagged and
the untagged, yet I had not made
any calculation as to the relative
strength of the two sides up to this
time, but the opportunity now came.
A gentleman rising in the audience
took off his hat and proposed three
cheers for Major Black, calling on
them at the same time to rise. The
cheers were given with a will and
lasted fully five minutes. I was
more intent, however, in watching
those who sat in silence. Were they
Watson men, or were they quiet, un
obtrusive citizens whe never got off
their base and left you in doubt as
to where they stood ? that was the
question.
I did not have long to wait. An
other voice broke the—l was near
saying stillness—rose above the din,
and proposed three cheers for Thos.
E. Watson, and that told the tale.
The lion was lashed in his lair as
old ocean waves when lashed by the
fury of the hurricane. The people
gave vent to their feelings, not in
senseless jeers and leers, but in a
long continuous, overwhelming cheer.
In my judgment this composed the
larger half, certainly the most enthu
siastic.
Looking around I saw Mr. Watson'
embowered in roses. I cannot stop
to give a detailed description, so the
reader must be content with a peru
sal of a few of the cards which ac
companied the floral offerings of
affection to a man who has reached
the hearts of the people as no other
man ever has in the history of
Georgia:
Augusta, Ga.. September 12.
Hon, Thomas E. Watson:
We, the ladies of the Fifth ward, pre
sent to you these bouquets in honor to
you and your just cause of the people,
and more especially the third party. VVe
will continue to extend our aid to you
and your cause, for we know the injus
tice of the political parties heretofore.
Ladies of the Fifth Ward.
To Hon. T. E. Watson: This bouquet
of flowers is presented to you by the la
dies of the Fifth ward of Augusta, and
we beg you to accept as a token of our
sincerity.
Compliments of Mrs. R. L. Swan, to
Hoh. Tom Watson.
Compliments of Mrs. W. L. Parish.
With compliments of Mrs. W. C. Chap
man, to Hon. Thomas Watson.
Presented by Little Mamie Raynolds,
West End, to Hon Tom, Watson.
It would require an express wagon
to move these tokens of affection.
I regret to say that many of the
notes accomnanvincr these were lost.
but the kind donors may rest assured
that they live in the memory of the
grateful recipient.
Eight o’clock having arrived,
Judge W. F. Eve, chairman of the
Democratic county executive com
mittee, advanced and spoke as fol
lows :
Fellow-citizens: !
Cries of Black—B—Black, Black,
Black. [On the gong] ding, dong—
ding dong dong. Black, Black,
Black.
This consumed five minutes.
Judge Eve. Fellow-citizens :
Thump, Thump—fellow-citizens I we
cannot go Thump—Thump—fel
low-citizens !!!??? fellow-citixens—
Thump—Thump—!!!
Cries of, Hurrah for Watson !!!
Hurrah for Watson !!! Hurrah for
our Tommy!!! Good-bye Jimmie !
Cries of Traitor! Traitor! Traitor!
• Counter cries, Liars 1!!! Liars!!!!
Liars!!!!
Judge Eve. Fellow-citizens !!
Thump—Thump!
Mr. Whittaker [a gentleman with
stentorian lung power.] Fellow
citizens: You will have to be quiet
or it will be !?! ? !
Cries of, Hurrah for Black, Black,
Black, Black, Ding, dong ! Squeak!
Bah !!!!! ’Rah for Black!!! !! Trai
tor !!! !
Judge Eve : Fellow-citizens—!!!
—!!!—!!! Honorable J. C. C. Black.
Long continued cheering.
Judge Black : Fellow—! 1! Oh,
fellow-citizens—!!!—!! [Great ap
plause.] Fellow—lll Oh, fellow
citizens.
Voices. ’lsh, ’ish, ’ish ; keep still
over there—l!! 1 Boom!!
Major Black. Fellow-citizens, I
cannot proceed unless you keep the
most absolute quiet; and I beg you
also to listen to my distinguished
competitor.
A voice: Ask him about the Cor-!
bin bank, Major.
Mr. Black. Hush, my friend.
Voices. ’lsh, ’sh, ’ish; traitor!
traitor! traitor! ’tsing, bang.
Mr. Black. Fellow-citizens, I en
treat—
A voice. Let her go, Gallagher.
Ha, ha, ha, ha, ha, ha! Rats ! rats !
Judge Eve (spectacled and solemn,
and accompanied with the stick, or
what was left of it, which he used to
belabor the table). Fellow-citizens:
—Thump, thump, thump, thump,
thump. Fellow-citizens—
Voices from the Hancock crew.
Give us a rest. To hell with Wat
son. By G—d, if Major Black can’t
speak Traitor Watson can’t
Major Black. Hush, boys, hush,
boys, hush. No one is interfering
but yourselves.
At this juncture loud and angry
voices arose in Mr. Watson’s corner,
and blackguardism met defiance that
brought partial order.
Mr. Watson. I cannot speak un
less Major Black has the opportunity.
Let not one of my friends say one
jvord to disturb the harmony of the
meeting. Now, quiet, quiet.
Mr. Black. Fellow-citizens, I wish
to join in the request that has been
submitted by Mr. Watson, asking
for order and a patient hearing on
both sides. It is impossible for me
to proceed unless* quiet' is restored.
(Confusion in the Hancock county
crew on the stage; the sheriff is wav
ing his white beaver and laughing at
a vulgar remark, although some la
dies occupy seats close by.) I did
hope that this meeting would not be
marked by any such disorder as we
have witnessed here to-night. )Great
cheering.) Now, boys, I hope you
will be quiet and cheer at the right
time. It is due to the ladies who
have honored us on this occasion
with their presence that we have or
der. Ido not ask you to pass judg
ment upon my opponent without first
hearing him, and having given him
a fair, patient and impartial hearing.
/ A voice (from a tall, white-hatted,
spectacled dude, putting both hands
to his mouth like a trumpet). Garden
seed, cabbage seed. Traitor! traitor!
traitor! traitqr!
A working man (in the seat imme
diately in front, whirling around).
You G—d d d liar! open your
mouth again and I will smash it —I
will.
Mr. Watson. Keep quiet, my
friends. If you want to hear me you
must listen to Major Black first.
Voices. We are quiet. Mr. Watson.
Another scene of confusion that
lasted five minutes.
Mr. Black. Boys, you don’t know
how much you embarrass me. I take
it that every man here to-night is
willing to hear a fair, honest, candid
discussion of these questions. I take
it that every man recognizes the ob
ligation that rests upon him individ
ually to maintain good order during
this meeting, and that the disturb
ances will cease, and we will be al
lowed to proceed.
Since our last joint discussion my
attention has been called to a speech
that was made by my competitor in
Sparta, Georgia—not the one in
which we met in joint discussion, but
the one where he spoke alone. I
never saw this until since our last joint
debate, and there is one thing par
ticularly to which I want to pay a
passing notice. I have never thought,
and I have acted upon that convic
tion, that in these public discussions
either one of us was warranted in go
ing outside of these questions, or the
public record of the other, and that
records are a subject of just and fair
criticism. My public record he has
seen fit to criticise, and to that I
make no objection. On the contrary
I feel that the public brought me in
a position to make just and impartial
criticism upon the public record of
my competitor.
Many voices. Hurrah for Watson!
Hurrah for our Tommy ! Good-bye
Jimmie, and cries from the other
side (addressed to each other.) All
right, boys ;by G—d Watson shan t
speak at all.
Mr. Black. I pass over much that
might be said of his record between
that period and the date of his elec
tion. If I had time to submit to you
in detail what he said I could show
over and over again where he said
that he was a Democrat; where he
criticised other parties because they
were not democratic enough for his
fastidious democratic tastes; and
while he did insist that he went to
that convention representing certain
agriculturists, w’hich I have always
and do now, and will everywhere,
most cordially and most unreservedly
agree to the correctness of the claim,
I shall insist that while he went in
there representing certain demands
that had been made by the agricul
tural interests of the country; yet
he went in there to represent, he
went in there to press, he went in
there to enact, if he could, into legis
lation those demands inside and not
outside of the Democratic party.
(Storms of applause and shouts of
derision.) I never have and I never
intend to say that he ought not to be
loyal to certain demands that were
insisted upon by one wing of the
Democratic party; but I say that
having been nominated by the Dem
ocratic party as a Democrat and
having been elected as a Democrat,
after having gone before the coun
try as a Democrat, whatever special
demands he felt called upon to rep
resent and to enact, if possible, into
the legislation of the country should
have been inside and not outside the
Democratic party. I say, too, with
all respect to that large and respect
able wing of the party, that the
Democratic party, proper, never .did
and never could approve these de
mands.
Voices. Right! right! right!
Watson! Watson! Watson! (Ledl’S
and jeers, and general uproar.)
Mr. Black. I have before me the
Congressional Directory, which, as
you may know, furnishes a short
biographical sketch of every member
of Congress, furnished, as I under
stand by that member himself. Tn
that directory, in the sketch which is
furnished of his life, Mr. Watson
puts himself down as elected a Dem
ocrat.
There were others put down
elected as Alliancemen. There were
others put down as Independents.
There were others put down as nom
inated as Alliancemen and supported
by Democrats. But he goes into the
public record furnished to the Con
gressional Directory, and furnished
by himself, “elected as a Democrat?’
(Great cheering.) Mark you—(re
newed cheering.) Mark you! elected
not as a Jeffersonian Democrat—
that broad term that may mean
much or may mean little—but
elected as a member of that political
organization known as * Democratic
party of the Tenth Congressional
district. (Loud and long continued
cheering.) What is the first thing
he does when he goes to Washing
ton ? He not only separates himself
from the Democratic party but he
associates himself with others who
were not Democrats; not only not
Democrats but had banded them
selves together for the destruction of
the Democratic party.
Shouts of, Hurrah for Watson!
Hurrah for Black. (A Babylonian
duel between the two wings occurred
at this point, lasting several seconds.)
Mr. Black. Here are the names
of those gentlemen with whom he
associated himself. Two of them, I
believe, according to the record,
though nominated by the Farmer’s
Alliance were supported by the
Democrats.
A kid on a rafter, “Where am I
at?”
Mr. Black. I will tell you where
you ought to be at. You ought to
be at home with your mother.
Two of these, I believe, had been
nominated by the Farmers’ Alliance
and Independents, and supported by
the Democrats, but not a single one
of them had entered the Congress of
the United States as a member of the
Democratic party.
[At this juncture great confusion
took place on account of a person in
the center of the hall talking in a
tone inaudible to your reporter, but
sufficient to annoy his neighbors. A
tall police officer, who would make a
fine model on which to display cloth
ing, stood there as helpless as a fan
in a cyclone, while cries of “Put him
out! put him out! ” added to the
confusion;]
Mr. Black. He not only associated
himself with these people, but he be
came their candidate for Speaker of
the House of Representatives against
the very party that elected him and
sent him to represent them. (Great
applause.)
Now, my friends, when he comes
back and goes before the people who
honored him so highly to give an ac
count of his stewardship, as he him
self says, is it personal abuse to criti
cise that record ?
Voices. Yes, yes, yes.
Mr. Black. Is it not a fair and
just criticism upon his public record
to call attention Io these facts?
Cries of traitor! traitor! traitor!
and howls of rage, interspersed with
retorts of liars! liars! liars! cow
ardly liars! Your Major Black dare
not say that. ’Tsing, boom, bang.
Mr. Black. Look here, my Demo
cratic friends; whether fortunately
or not, you have selected me as the
speaker on this occasion; it may have
been a very unwise selection, but you
made it, and you ought to be bound
by it, and anything that you add to
what I say may be con