Newspaper Page Text
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PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER.
PUBLISHKD WEEKLY BY THE
PEOPLE'S PAPER PUBLISING COMPANY.
117 1-2 Whitehall St.
TIIOS. E. WATSON, - - President.
D. N. SANDERS, - - Sec. & Treas.
R. F. GRAY, - Business Manager.
FRIDAY. SEPTEMBER 23, 1892.
This Paper Is now and will ever be a fearless
advocate of the Jeffersonian Theory of Popu
lar Government, and will oppose to the bitter
end the Hamiltonian Doctrines of Class Rule.
Moneyed Aristocracy. National Banks. High
Tariffs, Standing Armies and Formidable Na-
Jves: -all of which go together as a system of
oppressing the People.
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Get Up” Clubs.
We want the Industrial Classes; to feel that
this Paper is THEIR FRIEND. It is conduct
ed by men who are intensely interested in the.
Reform Movement, and have been battling for
it many years.
The price shows that the Paper is not being
run for money. If the People support it 11b
srally it will pay expenses. It cannot do
more.
< As long as I axn President of the Company,
the Paper will never be found on any other
line of policy than that which I sincerely be
lieve is b<Bt for Georgia, best for the South,
and best for the country at large.
TROS. E. WATSON,
President People’s Paper Publishing Co’.
THE PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER.
Friends, we ask you to do all you
can for us in the way of new sub
scribers. Wc have given you a first
class weekly paper for nearly a year
at a dead loss of over $3,000. All
this burden has fallen on Mr. Wat
son. He has not only lost $3,000 on
the paper, but has given it eight
months’ work free of charge.
Won’t you do your share in the
reform work by aiding us?
We have had to contend with
very many difficulties, and have done
the very best we could.
BH n the future we hop© there will
be less complaint about the mail, for
we are exerting every energy to rec
tify every mistake.
The joint debates outlined by
Mr. Watson will appear regularly in
this paper, stenographically reported
by Mr. Driscol. No other paper in
the State has them.
Help us friends. Each ought to
do his part in this noble work.
People’s Paper Co.
INITIATIVE AND REFEREND.IB
In view of the apparent ignorance
on the part of the Democratic stump
ers, it is here proposed to devote a
short sketch to the subject of the
seventh supplemental resolution of
the People’s platform, which is as
follows:
That we commend to the favora
ble consideration of the people and of
the reform press the legislative sys
tem known as the initiative and re
ferendum.
The initiative and referendum origi
nated in the Swiss cantons, and can
be traced back for over six hundred
years in the statutes and tradition,of
that oldest of republics, and of gov
ernments. Until the dissolutions of
Napoleon’s Helvetic Republic, how
ever, it was a cantonal and not a
national provision. When the pres
ent republic was organized, this con
stitution provided for its process in
law-making,and to-day it has attract
ed the attention of reformers every
where.
By it the power is vested in the
people to instruct the legislature, and
the veto power is wrested from the
executive.
The initiative and referendum are
complementary provisions, by which
all power lodges directly in the peo
ple. To fully bring their operations to
the comprehension, a short descrip
tion of the Swiss political autonomy
is necessary.
The unit of political power in
Switzerland is called the commune,
corresponding very nearly to the
militia districts of Georgia. These
communes are represented in the
legislatures of the Cantons. The
Cantons correspond to States in this
country, and are in turn represented
in the Federal Legislative Council,
or Congress. The Legislative Coun
cil elects an Executive Council*
which is a responsible cabinet, with
authority to name one of its mem
bers as chief, who thus becomes
President of the republic. All laws
passed by the Legislative are pro
mulgated and executed by the
Executive Council. Laws of ordi
nary routine, carrying appropriations
and meeting conditions contingent
upon the administration, become
operative at once, as there is no veto
PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER, ATLANTA/ GEORGIA, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 23, 1892.
power lodged in the president.
Laws of a general nature are held in
abeyance for sixty days after publi
cation to allow public criticism and
objection to become manifest.
Should any considerable opposi
tion to a law exist, it will be shown
by public meetings in the communes.
Petitions will be formulated and
signed before the local magistrates,
who certify the lists to the Executive
Council without expense to the citi
zens. Should such petitions contain
20 per cent of the voters of the re
public, it becomes the duty of the
Executive Council to submit the
question to a vote of all the people.
The result enacts or kills the law,
just as a vote on a constitutional
amendment does in Georgia. Should
there be less than 20 per cent of the
people petitioners in sixty days after
publication, the legislative expres
sion becomes law without the refer
endum, as this submission to the
people is called. The reference has
been frequent, and it is said that a
majority of the provisions so sub
mitted have been annulled.
The initiative steps behind the
legislative and takes to the people
the power to formulate and pass
laws. Whenever any considerable
number of citizens demand, it be
comes the duty of the Executive
Council to instruct the magistrates m
the communes to open lists for peti
tions of instruction. These petitions
are forwarded sixty days after the
day on which they were opened for
signature, and if it be found that as
many as one in five voters ask it,
it becomes the duty of the Legisla
tive Council to promulgate and pass
the bill demanded. In order for it
to become a law, the act must then
be submitted to the people as pro
vided in the referendum, no second
petition being necessary.
The legislatures of the cantons
also have the right to petition for
the passage of laws or amendments
to the constitution. There being
twenty-three of these, five or six can
demand a submission to the people
and thus force an unfavorable ma
jority of cantons to leave it to the
whole people whether the constitu
tion shall be amended or a tax re
moved.
As an illustration of how the system
would operate in this country, the
McKinley bill will suffice. That,
being a general law, would have been
held in abeyance for sixty days.
Then the opposition, through the
Democratic party or otherwise,
would have petitioned for the refer
ence to the people. Within a reas
onable time, say after sixty days
longer, an election would be held in
every precinct in the United States.
The fate of the law would have de
pended on the result, and the people
would have been spared at least this
tin plate campaign issue.
As to the initiative, the farmers
would have been able to bring about
a direct vote on the remonetization
of silver instead of having their mis
representative's deny them the relief
they seek. So, also, a direct vote
could be had on the sub-treasury,
prohibition, the income tax, railroad
regulation, prohibition of alien own
ership, or any great question which
could rally in its interest one-fifth of
the qualified voters of the country.
These are great questions, tha $ are
pressed to the front by the People’s
party, and their intelligent compre
hension implies an education of more
than ordinary force. When Demo
cratic candidates for high office de
clare their ignorance, they acknowl
edge their incapacity to teach, and
should stand abashed.
OUR GOVERNOR.
Ain’t he a honey ? His whiskers
continue to grow, but his brains are
chronically stagnant.
What has he done with the said
Brad well ? Where are those charges
against Livingston? How do we
stand on the sub-treasury which we
helped to formulate at St. Louis, and
to w r hich we owe our elevation as a
third class man, from a third class
farm up to a second class position ?
Does our Governor agree with
poor old Livingston that the Chicago
platform is the “living image” of the
Ocala demands ?
We would like to know. We
would indeed. It is so awful funny
to hear Livingston on this compari
son that we would like to hear Nor
then try his hand at it.
Trim your able beard, William,
and wade in. Show us as clearly as
Leonidas does that the Chicago plat
form of the Democrats is the twin
brother of the Ocala platform of the
Alliance.
You are in a sweet mess this year,
ain’t you Billy?
Too much whiskers will capsize a
heavier brain than yours ever was,
William.
This is strictly true. It is indeed.
T. E. W.
P. S. What have you done with
those 60 cents plow lines, William?
Trot ’em out. We want to see ’em.
We do indeed.
ATTENTION, TENTH DISTRICT.
Let every Peoples’s party candi
date in the Tenth District remem
ber that Nir. Black has entered into
an agreement with Mr. Watson that
at every voting precinct in the dis
trict there shall be one People’s
party man on the board of mana
gers.
See to it that this agreement
IS OBSERVED.
Demand that one of our men sit
on the election at each precinct, and
see to it that this man is one whose
intelligence and fidelity and courage
are above question. He must see
every vote counted and never allow
the ballot box to get out of his
sight.
The Democrats in Sparta and
Augusta especially need watching.
They will do anything on earth to
carry this election. Demonstrate to
them in a firm, conservative spirit
that the agreement between Mr.
Black and myself shall be kept.
Demonstrate to them that while we
mean to be the cause of no trouble,
we also mean to have our rights as
men and as citizens. | T. E. W.
HON. 11. L. LOUCKS.
Georgia is honored with the pres
ence of President L. Loucks, of
North Dakota, the successor of the
lamented Polk as ; head of the
National Alliance and Industrial
Union. Mr. Loucks is a gentleman
of quiet demeanor, vigorous intel
lect and cultivated manners. He
will find himself at home among the
Alliancemen in Georgia. He has
made several appointments to speak,
as follows:
Zebulon, Monday, Sept. 26.
Knoxville, Tuesday, Sept 27.
Ft Valley, Wednesd»’, Sept. 28.
Butler, Thursday,
Geneva, Friday, SepJmfrL
Columbus, Friday .’3O.
Speaking to begin f a -
m. at all places exceteJB 111 ® ms,
where speaking will c^^P* ei ’ s at 8
p. m. Woints
The theme of hutments
will be “The. and
How to Secure J W-£ , iiV} allc . c Loucks
is accompanied by »rds < Alonzo
Wardall, member of tn one Executive
Board of-the Wfc ~e, also
a speaker of force, arb >3 U8 t erß ’l re
former. Mr. Loucks iqi' a8 e " (dis
passionate talker, 'pleading l .1 ays
for a higher moral and industrial
standard. Everybody who hopes for
a better material future would do well
to hear him.
CHANGE IN MR. WATSON’S AP
POINTMENTS.
Owing to the fact that Mr. Wat
son was denied a hearing in Augusta
by tb a Democrats on the night of
the 12th inst., he finds it necessary
to make another appointment there,
and in order to do so is compelled to
cancel the engagement at Sylv
vnia.
This he regrets, but cannot help.
He will speat at Gordon on Thurs
day, September 29, and at Augusta
on the night of October 1.
This cancels the engagement at
Gordon, October 19.
To Count Us Out.
Fraud on its face!
The chairman treats the appeal
for an honest electiou with contempt.
Governor Northen silently ignores
Col. Peek’s request far a division of
managers.
Concerted plan to defeat the will
of the people at the ballot box. Au
attempt to destroy the last hope of a
Republican Government.
Will an outraged people submit
meekly to another Alabama fraud?
Read what the reform ers ask, and
note the silence of the Democrats,
then make up your mind whether
you can endorse such schemes and a
party that would perpetuate them.
Here are the letters and date un
der which they were mailed. Ample
time has been given to reply, but
none comes:
IRWIN TO ATKINSON.
Atlanta, Ga., Sept. 13, ’92.
Hon. AV. Y. Atkinson, Chairman
Democratic Executive Committee,
of Georiga.
Dear Sir:—ln the interest of a
free ballot and a fair count I ask
you to co-operate with me in secur
ing a division of the managers of the
election at every polling place in the
State, to the end that all may be sat
isfied that the election was fair and
the count corrrect.
It is but fair that there should be
a division of the managers between
the People’s party and the Demo
cratic party, and for this reason I ask
your co -operation to secure same .
We denrecate the condition of
things which would result in a repeti
tion of the Alabama trouble, and
feel that all such disturbances can be
prevented by an honest election sup
ervised by managers of both parties
at each polling place.
In interest of good government, in
the interest of justice and to the
end that every man may cast his
vote unmolested and have it counted
as cast, I ask you to co-operate with
me in securing of the proper authori
ties, a division of the managers at
every polling place in the coming
election. I await your prompt
answer.
Yours truly,
M. D. Irwin,
Chm. Ex. Com. P. P. of Ga.
PEEK TO NORTHEN.
Atlanta, Ga, Sept; 13, ’92.
Gov. W. J. Northen, Atlanta, Ga.
Dear Sir:—l ask you to join me
in securing a division of managers at
all the polling places in the State be
tween the People’s party and the
Democratic party in the State elec
tion.
A free ballot and a fair count is all
our people ask, and I ask your co
operation to secure this.
This division is fair, and is the
only plan by which the people will
be satisfied. I await your reply.
Yours truly, W. L. Peek.
A good brother is getting wrathy
He wants this paper to—
Tell the Democracy how they swal
lowed G. B McClellan, who fought
them; Frank P. Blair, who helped
Sherman burn Atlanta, Ga.. Columbia,
S. C., etc. Blair also shelled women
and children at Jonesboro, Georgia.
General Hancock drove Bob Toombs
out of Georgia, arrested Joe Brown,
hung Mrs. Surratt, and Wirz, keeper of
Andersonville ; put Jeff Davis in irons
and fed him on bread and water ; Gree
ley, who said and did all he could
against the South. Sweeny, now head
of Tammany in New York, tried to burn
Rome ; was Post Commander at Pulaski,
Tennessee, when Weaver was there;
Hancock enforced by the bayonet recon
struction; Bullock, etc., and made Evan
P. Howell attorney-general of Georgia.
Democracy has swallowed all of them.
Stir them up.
■ Gen. Weaver’s Record.
The Emporia Republican, exasper
ated because of the exposure of the
ugly records of republican canidates,
undertakes to retaliate by referring
to the record of our candidate for
president. The only thing it suc
ceeds in showing is that Gen. Weaver
has been a very successful canidate
for office, generally coming out ahead
whenever he has been nominated.
That is certainly an ugly record for
republicans to contemplate. Then
again, horror of horrors !! when he
was elected to an office, he actually
had the audacity to draw his salary.
That is a crime in the eyes of repub
licans that is absolutely unpardonable.
Salaries should be reserved for
republican officials, and if perchance
a man who is not a republican should
happen to be elected to an office, he
should not be allowed, under all ’cir
cumstance, to draw the salary.
Gen. Weaver has also belonged
to several political parties, and that is
another unpardonable sin. The fact
is he has always been independent in
politics, and has worked and voted at
all times for the party that at the
time was thought to offer the best
prospect for securing justice to the
people. Let the Republican quote
a single line or syllable from Gen.
Weaver if it can to sustain its charge
that either in 1864, or at any other
time, he “favored national banks, the
act to strengthen the public credit,
for coin payment of bonds,” or any
of the other acts which he now con
demns.
The Republican betrays its ignor
ance when it speaks of his favoring
the “credit strengthening act” in
1864. The act was not passed until
1869, and had the Republican been
writing from the records, as it pre
tended to be, it would not have made
this fatal error. Give us the record,
please, showing when and where Gen.
Weaver ever favored any of the
measures above referred to. We
want chapter and verse and’ exact
quotations just as we give them to
you when we get after your candi
dates. We charge you with willful
misrepresentation in your allegations,
and defy you to prove them from
the records.
The nomination of three popular
gentlemen for the Legislature from
Fulton county warrants the predic
tion that there will be several sur
prises on election day. Messrs.
Barnes, George and Field will make
a strong team in the Georgia Leg
islature.
Lecturer J, W. McGarity’s Appoint
ments.
Cartersville,. Bartow county, Sep
tember 26.
Calhoun, Gordon county, Sept. 27,
Dalton, Whitfield county, Sept. 28.
Spring Place, Murray county, Sept.
29.
Ringgold, Catoosa county, Sept. 30.
Trentoh, Dade county. Oct. 1.
LaFayette, Walker county, Oct. 3.
Summerville, Chattooga county,
Oct. 4.
Buchanan, Haralson county,Oct. 10.
Cedartown, Polk county, Oct. 11.
Rome, Floyd county, Oct. 12,
Marietta, Cobb county, Oct. 13.
Dallas, Paulding county, Oct. 13.
Election Tickets!
Candidates will find that they can save
money by sending orders for ©lection
tickets to
ELAM CHRISTIAN,
Printer and Publisher,
102 1-2 Whitehall St., ATLANTA,
J. H. Turner’s Appointments.]
Lagrange, Troup county, Sept. 26th,
11 o’clock a. m.
Union Grove, Heard county, Sept.
27, 10 o’clock a. m.
Texas, Heard county, Sept. 27th, 3
o’clock p. m.
Walnut Hill, Heard county, Sept.
28th, 10 o’clock a. m.
Roopville, Carroll county, Sept. 28,
8 o’clock p. m.
Carrollton, Carroll county, Sept. 29,
1 o’clock p, m.
Whitesbufg, Carroll county, Sept 29,
8 o’clock p. m.
Newnan, Coweta county, Sept. 30,
1 o’clock p. ro.
Hogansville, Troup county, Oct. 1
1 o’clock p. m.
Greenville, Meriwether county, Oct.
3,1 o’clock p. m. •
Chipley, Harris county, Oct. 4, 11
, o’clock a. in.
Hamilton, Harris county, Oct. 5,
1 o’clock p. m.
Columbus, Muscogee county, Oct.
5, 8 o’clock p. m.
Chattahoochee county, Oct. 6th and
7th.
Talbott county, Oct. Bth and 10th.
Marion county, Oct. 11th and 12th.
AT AUGUSTA.
[continued from sixth page.]
Another voice. Do not pay any
attention to that fellow, Major.
(Prolonged howling all over the
stage.)
Mr. Black [addressing your repor
ter.] Put it down in your People’s
Party Paper that the other side is
doing the howling now. Do not put
all the blame on the Democrats.
Your reporter to Major Black.
Major, Ido no man injustice. You
shall have just as fair a showing in
my report as Mr. Watson. lam not
selling myself to boom or injure any
body.
A voice. Where are . you, Mr.
Black ?
Mr. Black. What did you say?
What did you say? I do not in
tend that you shall go away putting
all the blame on us.
Numerous voices. Hurrah for
Watson! Let your men give Mr.
Watson a chance to be heard and
then we will hear you.
Mr. Black. I don’t think that
any side has much to brag on to
night. No man shall justly accuse
me of unfairness. I am willing to
take my share of blame for myself
and for my party, but I do not in
tend that you shall go away trom
here putting all the blame on our
side. I regret the disorder as much
as anybody. I call every man here,
I call every fanner here to witness
that I did all I could to suppress the
disorder.
At this point a storm of voices all
over the audience, especially on the
stage, thre'e-fourths of whom were
Democrats, drowned his voice and
pandemonium reigned supreme for
about five minutes.
Mr. Black. Now, where are the
howlers ?
A voice. Right thar, Major
(pointing to the Hancock delega
tion).
Mr. Black. Fellow-citizens—fel
low-citizens—l do not care to put on
any airs and say that I am not afraid
of anybody. [Addressing his re
marks to a voice in the corner that I
could not hear.] What do you say ?
What do you say, my friend ? [Hur
rah for Watson !] When the Bth of
November comes, my friend
A voice. You’ll be in the soup.
Another voice. Where are you
at, Major ?
Mr. Black. When the Bth day of
November comes, then where will
you be at ? I have allowed myself,
my friends, to be provoked beyond
what I would have allowed in my
cooler moments by these personal
retorts, but I tell you now, once and
for all, that I am willing to concede
fairness and justice to you as well as
I claim it for myself and my friends.
A voice. Come over on this side.
Them fellow’s over there by that
banner are making most of the
noise. [That was a fact.]
Mr. Black. Now listen. If I
know my own heart, I would wil
lingly meet the best expounder of
your faith your doctrines and
give him an impartial hearing, and if
he convinced me that you were
right I would come up before all
these people and acknowledge it.
Bat I do honestly believe [Long
continued confusion.] I am per
sonally unknown to many of you.
The business of my life has not
thrown us together, but I see some
familiar faces in that crowd that
seem to be enthusiastic. I would be
willing—l see my friend Cartlege
there—l would be willing to leave it
to you whether I would not as wil
lingly help the poorest man as the
richest man in the State.
A voice. Oh, pshaw, pshaw,
pshaw. What are you giving us?
Another voice. Good bye, Jim
mie.
Mr. Black. Well, you may say
good bye Jimmie, now, but if I was
a betting man I would bet ten dollars
to five, that you can’t vote.
A voice. That is what you de
pend on, I guess.
Mr. Fleming. (To Mr. Black). I
would not weary myself with those
fellows.
Mr. Black. Now, listen. He did
here as he did in Sparta.
Cries of Rats! Rats! Rats. (The
boys seem determined to get even.)
Mr. Fleming. Major, I would
take my time to it.
Mr. Black. I am going to take
ray time to it. lam going to be the
last man on this pletform to-night.
A voice. We will be with you in
November.
Mr. Black. Yes, we will be here
until November.
The same voice. I say we, not
you.
Mr. Black. Yes, we will be here
until November, and then I will
with that Democratic ban
ner in my hand.
Judge Eve. Major, let us ad
journ.
Mr. Black. No, sir \ Ido not pro
pose to adjourn.
Mr. Fleming. We are going to
stay right here.
Mr. Black. (To the audience).
Mr. Watson confessed that I had
dealt him manly blows. He admit
ted that I had struck no blows under
the belt. .
Voices. That’s right, Major. He
could not say anything else.
Another voice, in a rage. Yes,
where were you fellers with you dirty
howling and insulting ?
The time-keeper —Major, you have
five minutes more.
A white hatted fellow. Major,
you have fifteen minutes; they have
not let you sqeak at all.
The time-keeper—You have been
making more noise right along than
any six men in the house.
Mr. Black. Mr. Watson himself
admits that I struck him manly
blows and not one beneath the belt.
He knows that I would not do such
a thing. He knows me too well for
that. But in response to the manly
blows that I struck him, what did he
do ? I say to him [turning around
and facing Mr. Watson], I say tc
you Mr. Watson, that I am. one of
your constituents. I say also that
these other men here are your con
stituents. Two years ago we nomi
nated you as the candidate of the
Democratic party; we elected you
as the standard-bearer of the Demo
cratic party. You came back as the
candidate of a hostile party. We
ask him to give an account of his
stewardship ; what he has done with
that flag that we all love so well.
What is his answer? His answer is
that ten or twelve years ago there
was a little quarrel in the democratic
household between my friend Walsh
and myself. Now listen, listen.
Whatever quarrels I may have had
in the past, whether political or per
sonal, I was willing to surrender
them for the sake of the Democratic
party. [Long continued confusion.]
I do not intend to have this time
counted against me. Mr. Watson
sat on the table quite a long while.
Now listen. He quotes from a
speech which I delivered ten years
1 ago at the State capitol.
One of the Hancock gang. I be
lieve, Major, that it would be a good
idea to go right out and say that we
were howled down.
Another nice fellow. We can’t
afford to let them fellows in that
gang howl us down.
[Note. This was cheeky, for these
were the most noisy fellows in the
hall, not only while Mr. Watson was
speaking, but while Major Black was
on his feet, also. They had the ap
pearance of profession al’men and the
actions of the most idiotic yawpers.]
Mr. Black. Will those friends
over there sit down ? Have you not
got chairs over there ? Have the kindr
ness to sit down. Mr. Watson has
answered this arraignment of his
political record by reference to a
speech I made in the capital ten
years ago, in which I expressed my
self as strongly as I could against
the concentration of political power
at the capital of the State. Well, I
have only to say that I would do it
again if the necessity existed.
A voice. Yes, of course you would,'
and then go into the ring.
Mr. Black. Yes, you want to hear
the truth badly, don’t you ?
[Mr. Black’s friends on the stage
around him, every one of them
fiercely gesticulating and talking at
the same time. Mr. Watson’s friend’s
seem determined to not permit Mr.
Black to proceed, as [Mr. Watson vir
tually preventedjfrom at
all on the issues. One thing is cer
tain, the men on the stage who are
trying to fix the responsibility here
and there, were the ones who con
tributed most to keep up the din.]
Mr. Black. Mr. Watson speaks of
our noise. What is the matter with
this ? It looks to me like there is a
lot of boys over there that ought to
be at home with their mothers. I
say to him ( Watson) here and now
that I will lock shields with him or
any other man to put an end to cor
rupt political methods. But I sav
that the place to fight for that reform
is inside and not outside the Demo
cratic party. Why could he not
stay inside the Democratic party and
fight this battle of reform there ?
A voice close to Mr. Black. There
was not money in it for him.
Mr. Black. Let me do the talking
my friend, please. In turning on
the Democratic party as he did, with
the commission in his pocket, the
banner in his hand, and its garlands
on his brow ;
Voices. That’s right. Hit the
traitor ; ’rah for the Kentucky gentle
man ; Skin ’im. And one solitary
voice. By G—d, lam a Kentuck
ian myself.
Another voice. Tell us, Major,
about the Democrats that voted to
refund six thousand to Minnie Sher
man.
Mr. Black. [lgnoring the ques
tion.] I would like to discuss these
planks in the platform. I do not
shrink from an open discussion of the
platform. When Mr. Watson tells
you he can sustain the financial
planks in his platform, I simply say,
he is mistaken. Thomas Jefferson
never talked any such nonsense.
A voice. Why did not your
friends let him be heard on it.
Time called.