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TEXAS PICNICS.
How.the People’s Party Carries Every
thing Before It.
Brownwood cor. St. Louis Globe-Dem
ocrat.
By-the-bye there is much that is
unique in Texas politics this year.
And one of the most cuiious things
is the Third party picnic. Perhaps
twenty-five of these picnics have
been held. As many more are an
nounced. The idea is a new one to
this generation. It is very taking.
A couple of years ago the fertile
brain of Congressman Dockery, of
Missouri, originated what were call
ed tariff reform picnics in his State.
But the Dockery picnic was not to
be compared with the Third party
picnic of Texas. Judge Nugent, the
candidate of the party for govern
or, is an analyzer of popular move
ments. He says there has been
nothing in later days like these pic
nics, when Andrew Jackson ran, and
again, when William Henry Harri
son was a candidate, similar gather
ings took place. There has been no
renewal of this campaign feature
since those times until now.
The third party picnic is the old
fashioned camp meeting in politics.
It never lasts less than three days.
Some of the picnics have been pro
longed six days. It isn’t necessary
to have railroad connections, excur
sion trains and reduced rates to make
a third party picnic. Several of the
most successful have been held miles
out of hearing of the iron horse.
The conditions of success are timely
notice, good water and abundant
shade. The cause does the rest.
The T exas farmer puts his wife
and children into a big wagon and
journeys twenty, fifty and a hundred
miles to one of these picnics. With
plenty of fried chicken and corn
bread for the inner man and feed
for the inner horse, he sets out for a
good time and he has it.
These picnics are under the con
trol of the Third party committees.
The grounds are policed by volun
teers. All the privileges—the mer
ry-go-rounds, the lemonade and pop
stands, the booths of various kinds—
are retained by the committees. The
profits, which are often considerable,
go into the party treasury. Thus
the picnic serves a double purpose.
It disseminates the enthusiasm, not
to say principles, of the party. It
raises the revenue with which the
party machinery is maintained.
Those who have never seen one of
these Texas political picnics will
find it dificult to believe the esti
mates of numbers attending. There
have been several of the picnics
where the crowd and camp spread
over many acres, and where it
seemed as if there must be ten
thousand persons, as claimed by the
leaders. Barely does the number
fall below two thousand. Social in
tercourse, visiting of relatives, games,
and more or less love-making are
attendant features. But three times
a day the crowd gathers where the
platform has been erected and cov
ered with green boughs. There the
songs are sung and the speeches are
spoken.
At every speech there is a song.
The volume of sound is tremendous.
There is something very familiar in
the strains. A quarter of a mile
away one can hear the grand old
“Coronation.” But coming nearer
you discover that the words have
been changed to —
All hail the power of laboring men.
Perhaps the next tune is “The
Campbells Are Coming,” but the new
words are “The Farmers Are Com
ing.” And so it goes. The Third
party has pressed into service hymnal
and song books, but its writers have
played havoc with the old words.
Occasionally the pic-nic is seized
with a singing fit, and for an hour
the orators give way. Some of the
songs are so arranged that they can
be strung out almost indefinitely.
There is one which starts off like
this:
We'll vote for J. B. Weaver
Early in the morning.
We’ll vote for J. B. Weaver
Early in the morning.
We’ll vote for J. B. Weaver
Early in the morning,
In the fall of ninety-two.
The chorus to this runs as follows
Oh, Demmies, don’t you hear the cry ?
Oh, Republicans, you may heave a sigh;
Oh’ people, don’t you pass us by,
In the fall of ninety-two.
The next stanza runs;
We’ll vote for James G. Field
Early in the morning.
This is repeated three times, and
then comes the third stanza, with
only this variation :
We’ll vote for T. L. Nugent
Early in the morning.
In a similar way the third party
truly affirms its intention to vote for
Marion Martin, the candidate for
Lieutenant Governor, for “ Evan
Jones of Dublin,” for “Clark of
Huckaby,” and for everybody else
who is a candidate for anything on
the ticket.
The picnic oratory is entertaining.
It beats Sam Jones and his brother
Joe put together. The third party
has no end of talkers. A farmer
with knots on his hands, a stoop in
his shoulders, subsoil furr Ows in his
face and the color of an Arab, will
climb on the platform and speak as
if possessed of the gift. The oratory
is homely, spontaneous and effective
if enthusiasm is the measure.
« What gets away, with me,” said
one of those unknown and unnamed
apostles of the new cause, “is to go
to town and see the children of the
national bankers and speculators
rolled along the sidewalks in silver
mounted baby buggies, and then ride
PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER, ATLANTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 23, 1892.
home by the little farm of my neigh
bor and see his poor, little, dirty brat
kicking up his heels on an old ragged
quilt spread under a persimmon bush,
while its mother is out in the cotton
patch digging her own grave in the
crab-grass and cockle-burs. I tell
you, these things are enough to rile
any man.”
The next speaker in the political
“experience meeting” said: “We
farmers have to sell everything we
raise that’s fit to eat in order to buy
clothes and other neccessaries, and
we eat the refuse of our product that
ought to be given to the hogs. All
of the butter and eggs is sent to
town. The best fruit and vegetables
are sold. Every fat two-year-old
steer is taken to the butcher. We
who produce these things have to live
on what other people won’t have.
We live on the slops, you may say.”
A single day’s programme of the
Brownwood picnic may be interest
ing :
Song by choir.
Speech by Hon. Thomas Gaines :
“The land Question.”
Five-minute speeches.
Adjourn for dinner.
Singing.
Speech by Gov. Marion Martin;
subject: “What is the Paramount
Issue?”
Song by choir-
Speech by Mr. W. D. Gordon:
“Reformation From a Historical
Standpoint.”
Music by the band.
Speech by H. F. Jones; subject:
“Democratic administrations in
Texas.”
Music by the band.
The five minute speeches are the
best of all. They bring out the old
fellows who are full to the chin with
natural Texas eloquence.
A bright particular star in the
third party galaxy is the Hon. John
O’Byrne. Mr. O’Byrne is always in
troduced at the picnics as the “wild
Irishman of Upshur.” He has a.
rich brogue, somewhat richer on than
off the stump. With uproarous effect
upon the farmer he tells the story of
the two Irishmen who discussed
finance during the time of the govern
ment bond controversy:
“Pat,” said one, “what does all
this mane about the tin forties and
siven thirties and five-twenties? Can
you tell that?”
“Av coorse I can,” said Pat “It
manes that the poor man will have
to get up at five twinty in the mornin’
and work till siven thirty in the even,’
so that the rich man can sleep till
tin forty.”
“Methodist Jim” Davis has a
national reputation. He is known
up north as “Cyclone” Davis, because
of his whirl wind style of eloquence.
“Methodist Jim” is not a parson,
although he wears a long tailed black
frock coat, swinging his arms and
exhorts. Mr. Davis was a newspaper
editor, and the fraternity bestowed
upon him the name of “Methodist
Jim” at one of the annual meetings
of the Texas Press Association. He
has read law, and is on the third
party ticket for Attorney General.
“The worst sight of social equality
to be seen in this laud,” said the
Cyclone at the Stephenville picnic,
“is the sight of a sweet white girl
hoeing cotton on one row and a big,
burly negro in the next row. Talk
of negro equality when your indus
trial system forces a good woman’s
precious Anglo-Saxon girl down on
a level with a burly negro in a cotton
row. Oh, my God 1 And that is in
free America.”
The third party has an “earth
quake” as well as a cyclone orator.
“Earthquake Jones, of Baird” is a
good running mate for Cyclone
Davis.”
“When I marketed my crop of
cotton just after the war, I got 28
cents,” ssid Mr. Jones. “I paid every
debt, I paid my taxes, I laid in a
year’s family supplies, I got Lizzie
what dresses she needed, I bought
myself a ten-gallon keg of good
whisky, and drove home hitting only
the high points in the head. Now I
sell my cotton at six cents, pay my
taxes, get no supplies, no dresses for
Lizzie, but I sneak around and get
a quart of mean whiskey on credit,
start home, and hit the road in only
one place, and that a hole called
home and stay there growing cotton
until next tax paying time. They
say there is more money out of the
United States treasury than ever in
the country’s history. Grant it, but
it is all piled up in the banks- Why?
Because you have not got the security.
There is no more community of
interest between you and the national
bankers than there is between
heaven and h—ll.”
A very bald headed man was in
troduced at ore of the picnics as “an
ordinary clod-hopper.” He came
forward in his shirt sleeves and said :
“I didn’t expect to make a speech,
and I will not try to make a speech,
but if there is a man that would be
gladder to make a speech in this
cause he will have to part his hair
nearer tne middle. The democrats
say ‘tariff reform,’ and the republicans
say ‘reform the tariff.’ They remind
me of a doctor in the early days of
Texas. In those days sickness, was
almost unkown in this state. Scien
tific medicine was not only not need
ed, but it was not here. The doctor
had only two kinds of medicine.
One "was called the ‘high pop-o
lorum.’ The other was called the
‘low pop o-high-rum.’ Both came
from the bark of the same kind of
a tree. The only difference in them
was that one was obtained by skin
ing the tree downward and the other
by skinning the tree upward. That
is the way with the democratic and
republican tariff tinkering. One
skins the people downward; the other
skins the beople upward.”
To express their contempt for the
party which some of them have but
recently left, these third party peo
ple can hardly find words.
Prices—High or Low, Which ?
In Congress and convention, in
the press and on the stump, economic
discussion presents a painful inferi
ority and incoherence. In different
portions of his argume'ht the disput
ant will adopt now one and then the
other of two antagonistic and mu
tually destructive postulates of ele
mentary doctrine. They proceed
very like the professor of astronomy
who, in expounding the planetary
motions, adopted both the geocentric
and heliocentric theory, according
to the varying whims of his auditors.
Observing how industrial progress
is essentially a process of lessening
cost of production, the advocate will
justify bis pet policy by the claim
that, under it, the consumer will be
able to buy more cheaply. Witness
ing, on the other hand, the distress,
hardship and outcry at low and fall
ing prices, the same expounder
makes haste to explain how friendly
his policy is to good prices for the
producer.
Now, since the consumer cannot
buy low and the producer sell high
at the same time, we must take one
horn or the other of the dilemma.
Economic discourse is but a vain
beating of the air until we come to a
definite and sound doctrine as to
which, high or low prices, is on the
whole beneficent. “Practical” men
are too much dominated by the in
terests, mental habits and biases of
their special vocations to decide
wisely here. In current discussion
it is almost universally assumed that
low and lowering prices are best, or
at least are inevitable.
The object of this paper is to show
the radical error of that assumption,
that the exact opposing is the true
doctrine and that J and falling
prices is an evil; and 'the test of
merit in any proposed policy, so far
as it aims to affect prices, is that it
tends to restore and maintain good
prices, and that (aside from merely
local and special fluctuations from
purely temporary causes) the general
price range is directly amenable to
legislative control.
Against the absoluteness of my
proposition, that low prices is an
evil to be cured, it will be replied,
“What, shall we have no more in
ventions and improvements; must
things be made only in the good old
way? Is it not in the line of a genu
ine industrial progress that products
shall become plenty and cheap ? In
short, does not that progress precisely
consist in the increasing ease and
lessening outlay, with which the
things to satisfy the needs and
gratify the growing desires of men,
can be obtained?”
Now, in all this bristling array of
impeaching interrogatories there is
no express issue taken with any
thesis. They all call attention to the
relation of the needy man on the one
side and the commodities he needs
on the other. But the reader is ex
pected to interpret the desired cheap
ness as a low price. The expecta
tion will not be disappointed, for
unless somewhat advanced in this
learning he will be quite unable to
comprehend how a thing may be
cheap unless it bears a low price.
Discourse upon value and value
change is vain till we are informed
what is intended by that word.
Value in what—in relation to what—
and how is the change to be ex
pressed ? is the critical question.
Man’s conquest over the elements
and forces of nature is indeed a
proud thing. The soil, the rocks,
the forest, tbe sea or a machine have
no dignity or right to remonstiate
against being compelled to yield up
more and more of their stores for
less and less of human effort. Criti
cal thinking will seggregate out from
the gross and confused aggregate of
relations the precise one under dis
cussion. When w’e speak of price
we have regard simply to the terms
upon which a consumer shall obtain
a product which another man has
created.
It is, indeed, a good thing to make
two blades of grass grow where only
one. grew before. But if the eco
nomic conditions are such that the
second blade is by force, fraud or
“financiering” filched from him whose
skill and industry made it grow, then
higher questions than those pertain
ing to agriculture press for consider
ation. It is no longer a question of
the efficiency of the energy and
agencies of production. It then be
comes a matter of social justice, and
whether with increasing intelligence
the worker, such conditions remain
ing, will continue to grow the second
blade.
I know that it is often pretended
that it is of no importance •whether
tbe purchasing power of money be
comes much or little, that money is
merely a “scale of valuation” to ex
press the bartering relations of com
modities and that at bottom com
merce is but barter. That is a gross
and misenevious mistake. The anal
ogy of the yardstick is essentially
false and misleading. All of the
large transactions and most of the
small ones are motived in the antici
pated change of price, i. e., the fluc
tuate s in the “scale.”
It is not claimed that in any other
than in a large way and over con
siderable periods -wherein special
and temporary forces shall have
blended into a grand aggregate of
tendency, is it competent or de
sirable that there should be mone
tary legislation to cure the evil of
low prices. Only when the general
price range shall have fallen below a
normal and one is there
occasion for legislative interference.
I will go furtier and affirm that the
highest price! that may have been
achieved and maintained under long
established money definitions is the
one to be restored.
True, things are produced to be
consumed. That is their motive and
end. But in order to that, they
must be reduced to definite units
and then priced and sold. In the
pricing process is involved the vital
and tragic issues of our social life.
Rise and fall of prices of particu
lar things and their constantly vary
ing value relations with each other is
only nature’s way of directing and
re-distributing the productive energy.
Such changes are therefore normal
and beneficient. But for prices to
fall all along the line is" an evil, and
sometimes a crime, for it may be the
intended effect of legislation. It will
all depend upon the legal constituton
of the pricing instrument. That
instrument should be so constituted
as that discovery and improved pro
cess may be free to cheapen primary
money pari passu with the cheapen
ing of all other things. By that
means a stable exchanging rate be
tween money on the one side and
the aggregate of commodities on the
other will be secured. Stable prices
and constancy in the value of money
are but two sides of the same fact.
My argument here wij be wasted
and my words will return to me void
unless the reader shall get a firm
grasp of that proposition. To talk
of constancy and stability in the
value of money with no reference to
market reports is the emptiest of all
discourse.
My mam thesis is,, no novelty of
economic doctrine—no crotchet ex
cogitated from the brain of a wild
eyed “reformer,” and trotted out as a
specific for a particular economic
situation. It is the doctrine of all
the great writers without exception.
They are in perfect accord upon
the proposition th: t civilization al
ways advances rap idly when prices
are firm and moder itely rising; that
if money is to chan *e in value at all,
it is better that it should depreciate.
I simply state the same doctrine
from the other side when I say it is
an|evil for prices to/be low and falling.
In this discussAon I do not refer
especially to the/injustic and hard
ship to the debtor by reason of the
unearned increnient in the value of
money—an injustice of appalling
magnitude at ay time when every
thing is being bonded and mortgaged
to great creditors. That is the ques
tion for the moralist.
The pur Economic view has re
gard t' * ‘ forced idleness, dis
coura ir prise, tbe stinted ex
pend' consumption and the
the productive energy
which rial depresssion com-
pels.
It o mo plain that all of
the pr 1 ivil consists in low
prices- ion solely due to the
fact t ’ue standard and in
strum .iuation grains
of sil “dropped out,” as the
Ohio 8k ... pressed it, and a ne w
one >‘dropp *£to its place by the
legislation of "f7X; and unless we
are to abandon tl|e metallic defini
tion of money, there is no cure but
by a full reinstatemjent of the silver
unit. ®. D. Stark.
The Election Varce.
Arkansas Farmer. \
On Monday we went through the
farce of holding a State election.
The method employed -by the
Bourbon leaders to bring about the
desired results constitute a parody
on free government, and are in no
wise superior to the methods in
vogue in Hayti. We do not know
but the Haytian method of murder
ing a political oponent is superior to
the Arkansas Bourbon method of
stealing his rights, as it only has to
be done once.
In every case where there was
any sort of showing given to the op
position, the Populists and Republi
cans make a good showing and their
combined strength exceeds the Bour
bon vote.
In many counties the Populists
outvoted them, and in others the Re
publicans, but it did no good. With
the counterfeit Australian ballot and
the blind tiger count, with judges
and clerks ail of their own way of
thinking, (a violation of their own
little force bill, by the way) it was
no trouble to manufacture majorities.
The Arkansas Bourbon?,, like the
Alabama Bourbons, enjoy the rare
distinction of being able to carry
elections without votes.
And these pirates, these political
thugs and freebooters, have the im
pudence to talk about honor. They
have not even got the honor that is
said to obtain among thieves. And
these men invite the outside people
to immigrate here and help develop
the resources of tl e co intry. De
cent men do not f eely move into a
State where the price of political
preferment is to be an accomplished
knave.
One day they will learn that the
dry rot which afflicts this benighted
State is the result of the political
villainy which knows no country but
political place, no patriotism beyond
pelf, and no honor at all. And the
shamelessness of it I Counties that
now are returned as Democratic will
in November give one to four thous
and opposition majority.
One thing the rascals may depend
on, Arkansas methods shall ffiuve
such a free advertisement as never
before.
For every stolen vote in Arkansas
they may rely on it that their rotten
old party will lose two elsewhere.
HON. TOM WATSON’S BOOK.
CONTAINS 890 PAGES.
ITS TITLE
" KOT A REVOLT:
IT IS A REVOLUTION."
——:o:
Contains a Digest of Political Platform*
since the days of Jefferson.
Contains a History of all Political Partiea.
Os the National Bank Act,
Os the Income Tax Law.
Os the Legal Tender Notes.
Os the Demonetization of Silver.
Os the Contraction of the Currency.
Os the Way Tariffs are Made.
Os the Squandering of Public Landa,
Os tbe Pinkerton Militia,
Os Tammany Hall.
Os the Alliance Platforms,
Besides Arguments, Facts, Figures on aU
the Leading Topics of the People’s
Party movement.
—ALSO >—
Speeches of the Nine ”at this Session,
Also a Synopsis of th® Work of thia
Session,
The Book should be in the hands of
every Lecturer, Speaker, Editor and
Voter,
PRICE sl.o®.
Send orders at once.
Address
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RS B The namo of one of the best knoim
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will be opened in the’presance of Mr. J. R. Hawley and three witnesses, after the con
test ends.
Mr. Hawley is Cincinnati’s most prominent news dealer and one of her most re
spected business men and citizens, and has been in business in Cincinnati since 1881
and located at 164 Vine Street, and is known to the whole newspaper world
Cincinnati, Ohio, Aug. 26, 1892: 1 havt received from the Herald Publishing Company*
a scaled copy of the Five Word Puzzle, properly sealed, and to be deposited in my steel
vault and not to be opened until December 31st, 1892, and then only in the presence of three
witnesses. ’ J. R. Hawley
The complete list of five words with the correct answers will be printed in our
first issue of January next so that all who have sent in an anwer to the nuzzle can spa
wherein they have failed. THIS WE CONSIDER FAIR AND HONE&T TO ATilj. *
IN ANSWERING ALWAYS GlVfi NUMBER OF THE
WORD YOU SOLVE.
IF SU B SCRIBERS v^? ore of the w ? rd than we can
W W 3 H & fe. r.Q afford to pay rewards, \ye will withdraw the
offer, but every one sending m correct answers will get $5.00 for each word they solve un
til the offer is withdrawn. * J ’
GRAND REWARD
wers to al! the five words. The $25.00 is additional to the $5.00 for each word solved mak
iag $50.00 to the first ten. This is offered as an inducement to send in five subscribers at
ones. Try bard at wlying all Um, word, correctly. Addr e6B i l “etSrl aud
all remittances payable to
The Herald Publishing Co.,
. fiG LQNGAfILGRTH STREET. GINCInSkTI, Q,
Notice To Subscribers and Club
Raisers*
In all instances the cash must ac
company the names sent in. No
paper can be run on credit. In
another column it will be seen that
the 10 cent offer has been withdrawn,
and no subscriptions for less than 25
cents will be received. Long term
subscriptions are better all around.
FARMERS’HEADQUARTERS,
NO. 4 WEST MITCHELL ST.
A. ABRAHAM, Agent
THE OLD RELIABLE
AND THB
Cheapest Place to Buy Your
DRY GOODS,
CLOTHING, BOOTS,
SHOES, B ATS, Etc., Etc
Right Around the Corner From the
People’s Party Paper
All are welcome to come and price our
large and well selected stock. Remem
ber, we sell you cotton checks and sheet
ing at actual factory prices. COME and
SEE US.
7