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FREE SPEECH DENIED.
A HOWLING MOB PREVENT MR.
WATSON FROM SPEAKING.
Georgia Disgraced by an Intolerance
In her Capital City Befitting
the Dark Ages.
[Reported expressly for the People’s
1 arty Paper by J. L. Driscol.]
Georgians, read the following fee
ble portrayal of proceedings in At
lanta on the night of September 22,
and the morning and evening of the
following day. Then blush for the
indelible stain put upon the hitherto
fair escutcheon of you State. Then
execrate the unmanly actions which
brought this deep-dyed disgrace upon
you and yours. Fix the responsi
bility and purge yourselves by show
ing your scorn for the ringsters, the
newspapers and their prejudiced
tool-*, the howlers.
Hon. Thomas E. Watson appeared
at the State capitol (a building
erected by the people of Georgia)
to speak to Georgians on public
issues. Os that meeting it is not
necessary to say a word, further
than that the newspapers indorsed it,
the Constitution gleefully heading its
article, “Knocked Tom out.” The
repoit below tells the tale.
General and Mrs. Weaver and
Mrs. Lease arrived on the East Ten
nessee train from Macon the next
morning at 8 o’clock, and, in the
words of the Atlanta Journal, given
in an exulting tone, “The eggs down
there were over ripe.” This will
help the reader to fix the responsi
bility in two instances.
They pretend that the people of
Georgia rose in their indignation
against General Weaver because he
acted the part of a tyrant in Pulaski,
Tennessee, during the war. Even if
that were true, of which we have in
disputable poof to the contrary, it
comes with bad grace from the men
who toadied to John J. Ingalls, the
“statesman out of a job.” The same
John J. Ingalls whose tongue has
ever been steeped in wormwood and
whose pen is ever dipped in gall,
when a Southern man or woman is
mentioned. General Weaver is the
champion of suffering humanity;.
Ingalls, the tool of plutocrats. Draw
your own conclusions.
They pretend that Weaver was a
tyrant, and for that reason rotten
egged his venerable wife, a lady
whose white locks would command
the most courteous treatment from
anyone in whose soul generous
thoughts could spring up and live.
This same gang, with a sycophancy
that was disgusting, turned out ex
masse to do homage to the colossal
swindler of the age, Jay Gould.
General Weaver is a friend of the
people; Jay Gould, the typical plu
tocrat of America. Draw your own
conclusions.
They pretend that Gen. Weaver
is a tyrant, in justification for heap
ing indignities upon Mrs. Mary E.
Lease, a daughter of the “land of
green fields and rushing rivers,” a
lady who is the equal of any lady
in Georgia in lady-like demeanor and
in mental gifts. Mrs. Lease has
thrown her splendid talents on the
side of the masses of the people,
North and South. Draw your own
conclusions.
They put up the pretense that
Gen. Weaver was a tyrant, yet they
treat Gen. Field, a one-legged Con
federate veteran, with discourtesy in
many places. This same gang licked
the dust before the feet of another
one-legged veteran on the Union
side, Daniel E. Sickles. Gen. Sickles
said harder things of the South than
ever Gen. Weaver did. Gen. Sickles
is for the plutocrats, Gen. Field is
for the people. Draw your own con
clusions.
Os course, I do not wish to be un
derstood as saying that plutocrats
descend to such low species of black
guardism. It is easier to hire their
creatures to do the dirty work.
MR. WATSOX’S MEETING.
The rotunda of the Capitol was
the place selected. The ground floor
was covered with seats, as well as
the balconies. A platform -was
erected at thb head of the first Hight
of stairs, extending beyond the
steps, and just -wide enough to give
room for persons to pass up and
down. Many ladies graced the stand
behind the speaker’s desk, the balco
nies and the auditorium. Surely
this was no place for exhibitions of
brutal rowdyism. Whoever thought
so did not gauge the venom of ring
politicians, who daily read in letters
of fire, “Weighed in the balance and
found wanting.” If any one
the truth of the truth of the adage,
“Corporations are soulless,” he was
convinced of its truth now.
One word more, and I come to the
meeting. Do not believe for one
moment, while reading this in your
country homes, that the disturbance
was created by a few thoughtless
boys. That impression was sought
to be created by the venal press of
the cities. It is not true. Neither
is it true that it was the work of
what is known as roughs. Neither
did any honest working man engage
in it. It was solely the work of
what is known as the genteel ele
ment lawyers, doctors, office
holders, office employes, and youths,
with rich fathers, who never earned
a meal’s victuals.
MR. WATSON’S SPEECH.
Fellow-citizens; The protest of the
minority is the watchword of progress.
A voice: “Bow, wow, wow,” in a
deep bass tone.
Mr. Watson : If you gentlemen will
PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER, ATLANTA. GEORGIA, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER ,92.
just be quiet it will be only a few min
utes before every People’s party man will
hear as much as he wants, and every
Democrat wifl heai more than he wants.
Cries of “Newsom *. Newsom!” and
hissing.
Mr. Watson: Now, fellow-citizens,
this capitol has been built by the people
of Georgia. It has been occupied by
both the other parties, and they have
been listened to with respect. No Peo
ple’s party man, I am sure,ever disturbed
one of these speakers. I simply request
at the hands of those who do not agree
with my political views that they will
treat us in this capitol, which is as much
ours as thei r s, with the same respect
that we bestowed on their speakers.
This is not a country where freedom of
speech is abridged. Every man has a
right to speak his opinions in Georgia. I
ask for no convert except those that I
can reach by reason. We are all entitled
to our opinions, but at the same time it
seems to me that we ought to give a re
spectful hearing, without insult, to those
with whom we do not agree. If we
cannot do that, it is the part of gentle
men to stay away. [Mew. mew, bow
wow.] Tba! is the standard Democratic
argument. They are afraid everywhere
to meet these issues and discuss them on
their merits. In nearly every place I
have been these hisses and hoots and
yells have been resorted to. Now, when
gentlemen resort to that line of argu
ment does it not show the weakness of
their cause ?
Cries of “Yes, yes!” and laughter.
Demoniacal yells from the dude element
Mr. Watson: That is not the argu
ment of men who are seeking for truth
Every man who came here to-night with
an. honest intention and to hear these
great questions fairly discussed must
condemn such methods, and will very
rationally conclude that men who came
here not to hear us fully and fairly dis
cuss our views but to prevent others
from hearing them discussed, must be in
a position that is untenable. There must
be something rotten in their principles
or they would be willing to meet us with
reason instead of with hisses.
[Hisses and cat calls.]
As I said, the protest of the minority
is the watchword of progress. The
Reformation, which has spread its bless
ings all over the earth, benefiting the
church from which it withdrew as much
as those who withdrew from it, was a
prote.t of the minority. And so in gov
ernmental affairs, nearly every principle
embodied in the constitution, which at
the time it was framed was a a innova
tion in political government, was a pro
test of the minority. Many of the prin
ciples now endeared to us resulted from
the protsst of a minority of brave men,
some of whose lives were forfeited to the
principles therein contained. Why. the
principle that the people have a right to
be heard in the making of laws was a
truism for which men of one hundred
years ago sacrificed their lives.
Voices : “You-yow, bow-wow-wow,
mew,” followed by laughter and jeering.
Mr. Watson : Listen my friends. You
do not know how all this sounds to some
of these good people. At the time that
the patriots were shot down in the streets
of Lexington at the outbreak of the Rev
olutionary war—
[ Hoots and yells drowned the speaker’s
voice and I missed the conclusion of the
sentence.]
Horne i’ooke was tried in the courts in
England and fined six thousand dollars
for his expressions of sympathy for the
patriots so shot down.
A voice in the balcony: “Cock-a-doo
dle-doo.” Laughter from the disturbers;
indignation from the people.
Mr. Watson: It is worth something
to see how the protest of the minority is
treated. Nevertheless it goes on and on
until it accomplishes its purpose, and the
truth and justice of the principles for
which brave men laid down their lives
become so self-evident that they are ac
cepted without question in the next gen
eration.
Now, fellow’-citizens, we of the Peo
ple’s party promulgated a platform which
was a protest of the minority against the
policy of the majority. The protest of
those who suffer from bad laws against
those who make bad laws. A protest of
those who are getting more poverty
stricken every year when others are
reaping the fruits of their toils. A pro
test from those who are under against
those above. A protest from those who
produce and who think they are en
titled to a fair share in the fruits of their
production. Take the labor question up.
Is it not high time that light should flow
in upon the fundamental propositions?
Is it not right that the man who labors,
whether in the factory or the shop, in
the field or in the mine, in the village or
in the city, is entitled to a fair share of
the product of his labor. [Hoots and
yowls.] It is said that our doctrine is
rank communism.
Cries of “Yes! yes it is I”
Mr. Watson : That charge is made by
Governor Northern
A voice : “Bully for Northern Hur
rah for Northen. Mew, mew; bOW
WOW.”
Mr. Watson : That charge is made by
the Hod. William J. Northen, and he
ought to know; for he helped to frame
that platform. Why do you not hurrah
for Northen ?
Voices: “Yes, hurrah for Northen!
Mew, yow, yow, yow.” This uproar
lasted three minutes.
Mr. Watson : Our platform says that
there ought to be an income tax. That
is not rank communism, is it ?
A voice : “Yes ! ’Rah for Black I”
Mr. Watson : Our platform says that
the land is the heritage of all the people
and should not be monopolized for spec
ulative purposes, and alien ownership of
land should be prohibited. That is not
communism, is it ?
Our platform says that there should be
a direct issue of money to the people
from the treasury, instead of its being
monopolized and a royalty paid upon
it to the monopoly known as national
banks That is not communism, is it?
Our platform says that the taxes of
the people ought to be cut down to ne
cessities of the government economically
administered. That is not communism,
*s it?
Our platform says that the railroads,
the great highways up which passengers
go, down which freights go, those great
aitsries of commerce, should be owned
and operated by the government in the
interest of the people. Is that com
munism?
Voices : “Yes, it is,” and “No, no.”
Mr. Watson : Well, now, we will see
about that. [Howling, mewing and bow
wowing.] lam quite delighted with this
audience. If there is anything that Ido
not like it is a dead audience. I am
glad to see from the way you are kick
ing that you are at least alive.
Now, it seems that the only plank in
the platform which I have read that is
communistic is the railroad plank. 1 will
put that by and return to it again.
Now, there is another plank upon
which we agreed, and that is that in
stead of the government issuing ‘the
money to national bankers at one per
cent, with the privilege given to them
to tax you eight per cent, that the
government should recognize you as
being as much a part of the people as
the national bankers, and that your
products, cotton, corn, wheat and the
like, without which prosperity could
not exist, should be recognized as good
collateral in the distribution of money
as well as bonds. Is that communism?
Now, 1 sturt out with a proposition
that the gentleman who helped to
frame that platform used—a proposi
tion the gentlemen who denounces it
as “rank communism” used. I will
read you a letter from the Southern
Cultivator. Listen, you who say that
plank on railroads is communism:
“Every illiterate man in a commu
nity is a shame upon that community.
It is the duty of that community to
educate the illiterate or get him out of
the community.”
What do you say about that? Is that
right, too?
A voice: “Educate him or get him
out.”
Mr. Watson. You just wait. I will
give you a harder one directly No man
ought to put off on any other com
munity what he is not willing to have
put off on his own, ought he ? No man
ought to try to put off on a neighboring
community what is a shame to his own,
ought he ? What do you think of a man
who says, I will kick out of my com
munity what is a shame to me, and put
it on another community? Is that a
sample of your Democratic Christianity ?
“Every poor man in a community is,
in some sense, a burden to that commu
nity. It is the duty of the community
to educate that man out of his poverty”—
or what? “Send him off on another com
munity.” Now, ain’t that carrying out
the Golden Rule with a vengeance?
That is dealing with your neighbor as
you would would like to have him deal
with you. Now I submit that if it is the
duty of the community to educate the
citizen, and that community neglects its
duty, that it is the community which
deserves the punishment, and not the
citizen. The citizen should be punished
for the crime against himself by the
community. That is Democratic logic.
It is no wonder they are asking, “Where
am lat ?” [ Laughter and applause ]
A voice. Traitor I Traitor! Corbin
bank !
Mr. Watson. That is about the last
argument of desperation. There is no
doubt of that.
Now, some of the best men that ever
lived w’ere illiterate men. Some of the
men who have done the greatest service
to mankind were illiterate men. The
men who wrested Magna Charta from
King John did not know how to write
their names when they came to sign it.
Some of the grandest officers in the
Confederate service, notably N. B/
Forrest, were very illiterate, and yet he
could whip his weight in wild-cats.
[Great applause, and bow-wowing and
mewing.] The idea that illiteracy of
itself makes a man different from what
God Almighty made him goes upon the
theory that a man becomes great by sit
ting on a school book or putting his
shoulder against a college wall. The
truth is, it don’t do anything of the sort.
A man’s brains, like his aspirations,
come from on high. No man can oyer- i
estimate the benefit of education, from
my standpoint, but after all, education
does not change a man, intrinsically. It
embellishes him. It makes him more
useful. But when the Democratic party
or Democratic officials say that because
a man is illiterate he is dangerous, and
that because society does not discharge
its duty to him it is justified in expelling
him, it takes a position that cannot be ,
defended by any fair discussion.
Voices. ’Rah for Black I ’Rah for
Judge Newsom ! Cock-a-doodle-doo 1 I
Mr. Watson. Is that an argument in
tended to bolster up Governor Northen
in his views on education, or his charge
that his own platform is rank com
munism? [Laughter.]
Another beautiful thing Governor
Northen said in a speech down at Sparta,
where he spoke from the same platform
with my friend, Mr. Black. He said :
“Strike your wife, who in early life
gave you her warmest affections, bat do
not strike the grand old Democratic
party. Strike our child
[Ten thousand demons lashed with
whips of scorpions could not create a
more infernal din than was produced by
the reading of the foregoing. Not that
the howlers condemned the brutal
recommendation, but that the surgical
knife of truth and justice was ap
plied to the festering, cancerous senti
ment. Five minutes were consumed by
the howlers.]
. Mr. Watson. Well, this is about the
pleasantest crowd I have struck up with
yet. Full of fun. Chuck full. I had
no idea that the People’s party had such
life in it right here in the city of Atlanta.
And right here in the shadow of the
gubernatorial mansion I find the Demo
crats afraid to have speeches of their
governor read to them. Now I want to
see what sort of a fix this gentleman
over here has got into, and how these
gentlemen relish it. [Resumes reading.]
“Strike your little child, clad in white,
kneeling at her mother’s knee, as she
lisps the first prayer of infancy, ‘Now I
lay me down to sleep,’ but do not strike
the dear old Democratic party.”
Why don’t you holler ? It was a little
too stiff for you that time, eh ?
One of the reporters for a city paper
(sotto voce). “Can it be possible that the
governor said that?”
Mr. Watson. I am going to say it
again, boys, to give you another chance.
I will give you an opportunity to ana
lyze it and show how far Democrats do
themselves credit as husbands and
fathers in giving indorsement to a senti
ment like that.
Strike your wife, who has been your
faithful companion in the years that are
passed ; nursed you when sick; been
your comfort when well; shared with
you the toils of poverty, and has been
your greatest source of enjoyment when
vou got out of proverty ; has been al
ways loyal, confiding and true; the
mother of your children; the joy of
your home ; the dream of your life—
strike her, but do not lift your band
against the dear old Democratic party.
Howls of Bow-wow-wow ! Mew-mew
mew ! Traitor ! Traitor ! Cock-a doodle
doo ! Strike Watson! Dovn with the
traitor! and pandemonium, generally.
Mr. Watson. Boys, I am sorry it hurts.
You are even more tender than the boys
down in Augusta. (Laughter.)
A voice. I can’t see the point.
Mr. Watson. There will be points
enough all along for any Democrat to
run up on, as sure as you live.
Strike your child—-your beautiful little
daughter, robed in white, becoming
more like an angel every day, on ac
count of the spotless raiment she wears.
Not only that, but, strike her as she
kneels at the knee of her mother, your
wife, at even's holy hour when every
man’s thoughts ought to be quieted as he
sees the end of the day, typical of the
end of life. Not only that—strike her as
she is learning to lisp that beautiful
prayer that ail of us learned at our
mother's knee ; strike her without of
fence or provocation, this first born of
yourself and wife, or may be the last
pledge of your affection, but do not
strike the grand old Democratic party !
That is one of the men you are asked to
vote for. If you indorse that sort of
sentiment, go ahead and do it. But
when you indorse that sentiment you in
dorse a sentiment that no Christian mag
istrate of a Christian State ought to utter.
Why don’t you holler? You boys must
not get hacked so quick. You will give
away your case if you don't mind.
A voice. Beef tea ; beef tea. B a-h ;
bow, wow ; mew. (Laughing and yelp
ing)
Mr. Watson. If then .is anything that
Democracy is suffering from, it is too
much beef tea. There is no doubt of
that.
A voice. Hurrah for Livingston.
Mr. Watson. The saddest thing on
the face of the earth is an Atlanta Dem
ocrat hallooing for Livingston. (Laugh
ter.) They can manage to shout for
Maddox with great gusto. They can
halloo for my friend, Major Black, the
peerless gentleman (iaughter), they can
holler for Northen with a great deal of
vigor and energy, but I notice this, that
whenever an Atlanta Democrat hollers
for Leonidas Livingston, he has to be in
one of two conditions, he has to be half
drunk on mighty mean liquor, or he has
an involuntary inclination to put his
hands about here (indicating) to press
down nature’s revolt. (Laughter, min
gled with all the deviltry described in
the preceding descriptive paragraphs )
This great and good (iaughter) man, Lon
Livingston, undertook io settle the negro
question. Well, we all know that is a
difficult question to handle. We have
had various plans, but Leonidas’ plan is
the most unique ever proposed.
A voice. Hurrah for Livingston.
Mr. Watson. You ought to hear his
plan first. (Laughter.)
While speaking in Mississippi last year,
the Hon. Leonidas Livingston announced
That he had a plan to settle the negro
question. That he would not tell it to
tne general public, but he would be will
ing to submit it to the Supreme Co.urt
and let that tribunal pass upon its con
stitutionality. He also guaianteed that
it would settle the question beyond per
adventure. It was to buy a large strip
of land in Texas, thinly settled, a para
dise for jack rabbits and chappaxel
bushes. He was going to cut it up into
forty acre lots —he said nothing about the
mule. The nigger was to carry his own
mule. He was going to take the tax
money, partly appropriated by the col
ored people themselves, and pay for that
land. Every white man who went into
that country was to be disfranchised, and
every negro who stayed out was to be
disfranchised and disqualified from hold
ing office. Now, here is a colored man
out on a farm. He has worked hard
and paid for it. He has the alternative
of selling out that farm for what he can
get and go to Texas or he disfranchised,
Do you like that plan, my colored
friends ?
Ve;ces. No, no. no.
Mr. Watson. Under that plan every
colored man in Atlanta who has a little
home would be compelled to facrifice it
and emigrate to this paradise of jack
rabbits or forfeit his citizenship.
A voice. Rats; rats; rats.
Mr. Watson. Yoh are talking about
the Atlanta Constitution rats now, ain’t
you? (Loud iaughter, in which he Her
ald and Journal reporters joined.) Some
fool Democrat is alway running his head
into a fence crack like that. (Renewed
laughter.) Our friends, the enemy, were
getting awful nervous about Lon, and
sprung the question of rats on us. (Up
roarous laughter.) Now, let me ask
you in all seriousness, white and black,
how do you like Governor Northen's
idea of driving a man out of the district
who has the misfortune to not know
how to read and write ?
Voices. No, no, no.
Mr. Watson. My colored friends, how
do like Col. Lon’s plan to transplant you
to the jack rabbit paradise?
Cries of. No, no. Hurrah for Mr.
W atson!
. Mr. Watson. I just want to say this.
These are two prominent men. Both
candidates for prominent offices. One
is denouncing your platform as rank
comunism and would banish poor illit
erates. The other would drive you
colored people out of the country.
And yet these two men stood shoul
der to shoulder at St. Louis in 1889,
and framed the very platform which
1 announced at the’beginning of this
address, and which you all endorsed,
except that one man who dissented
from the railroad plank. Look here.
These gentlemen were elected on that
platform. Their course is approved
only by the Democrats who would not
approve that pla form. Where is the
man who can deny it?
Voices. No one that tells the truth.
Mr. Watson. No one who tells the
truth, but truth is a rare virtue among
Democratic leaders. I stand just
where I did two years ago. Where do
Col. Leonidas and Governor Northen
stand?
Voices. Bow wow, wow. Mew cock
a-doodledoo! And great deviltry.
Mr. Watson. And yet the very men
who helped to frame that platform are
now denouncing itself as rank com
munism.
This organization began in St. Louis
in 1889, as a compact body. The coun
try laborers and the city producers,
representing the needs of labor, met
and formulated it. These gentlemen
represeniing the country laborers and
producers, and Grand Master Powder
ly representing the laborers and pro
ducers of the citiesand tolvns met and
put their signatures to that and pledg
ed their faith that they would work
side by side to the end that the pro
ducer and the laborer should have a
fair share of the profits on the articles
which their labor produced. (Cheer
ing.)
There had not been a distinct ad
vance along those lines in this coun
try. Why? Because the city labor
ers bad been taught to believe their
interest different from that of the
country laborers. The country labor
ers had been taught the same, and thus
these two classes of laborers were kept
apart by mutual jealousies, distrust
and dislikes.
In the St. Louis convention was
achieved the victory of bringing them
together. And ever since that day
the Knights of Labor and the farmers
have been loyal to each other, except
the few leaders here and there who
have only been loyal to the spoils of
office.
[Voices. Black, Black, mewing.
Bow wowing and other species of row
dyism.]
Mr. Watson. Yes, you seem to be
getting black very fast. Down here
at Thomson their colors were black
and blue. While you are howling for
Black, vou are really blue. Now ain’t
you? [Laughter.]
Now these are questions that ought
to be discussed on their merits. They
are questions affecting all classes of
society, rich and poor, learned and
unlearned, white and black. I have
nothing to say to the poor that the
rich may not hear I have nothing to
say to the illiterate that the learned
may not profit by. I have nothing to
say to the white that will antagonize
the black, or to the black that injuri
ously affects the white. I am here to
discuss these questions, and if you do
not like them—if I cannot convince
you of the justice of my position, you
can let them alone. [Great applause.]
Another scene of disorder. A mark
ed feature of these disgraceful pro
ceeding, was that the brutality of the
blackguards was leveled as much at
the working men who indorsed his ir
refutable reasoning as at the speaker
himself.
Mr. 'Watson. Some of you men it
seems, have come to hear nothing ex
cept your own mouths. Do you under
stand, my friends, that a political
party is a mere organization to hold
office and draw salaries? Do you un
derstand that it is a mere contest be
tween the ins and outs, or do yoti un
derstand that it represents the prin
ciples of certain classes of men? Laws
which they desire to repeal? Laws
which they desire to enact? Policies
which they desire to inaugurate? Do
you understand a political party to be
composed of men wishing for concert
of action to secure the enactment of
laws for the good of all? That is my
conception of the political party.
Therefore a man ought to inquire,
does this party represent my princi
ples? If it does I will stand by it. If
it does not I will leave it and stand by
the party whose principles reflect my
views.
Voices. ’Rah for Black! ’Rah for
Livingston! ’Rah for h 1! Bow
wow, wow! Mew. Cock-a-doodle
doo. [General howling, lasting three
minutes.] Reader will observe that
it is the most conservative reasoning
calculated to reach the understanding
of the well disposed that receives the
most insulting reception.
Mr. Watson : Now, why should that
hurt so much? A plain, distinct state
ment of truth, that is self-evident;
and you, one and all, must in your
heart of hearts indorse. It may be
rebelled against as much as partisan
prejudice may incite, but during the
next twenty-live years the'.appeal is
going to reach the hearts of the peo
ple. This fusion of the laboring forces
of the country is going to bear fruit.
It is not the first time that old parties
have outlived their leaders. Thomas
Jeflerson himself, w T ben he formed his
party, suffered defeat once rather than
combine with the enemies of the peo
ple. He did not call his the Demo
cratic party. With him principles
were more important than the name.
He called it the Republican party,
from the name given by French revo
lutionists. In the same w r ay, when
Jackson took the principles of Jeffer
son and engrafted them on his party
he called it the Democratic party.
The Democratic principles advocated
and carried to victory by Jackson
were the principles of Jefferson under
the name of Republicanism.
I claim to-night, as I have claimed
everywhere, that the Democratic party
and the Republican party have de
ceived the people of the country.
Why? Because the Democratic party
has got away from its own principles
and the Republican party has got away
from its platform. [Hissing in the
auditorium and on the balconies.]
Gentlemen, those hisses do not alter
a single fact I have stated. I do not
suppose you know what your princi
ples are, or what your platform says.
The Republican platform of 1860 is as
different from the Republican plat
form of to day as the Democratic plat
form of 1856 is from the Democratic
platform of to-day. If you would read
and inform yourselves you would
know that, and yet these illiterate
men, w’ho do not know their .own plat
form, are ready to indorse Governor
Northen, who is ready to kick them
out of the community for their illit
eracy.
A voice: “Centre shot,” followed by
howling, bow-wowing and mewing.
The organized gang begin shuffling
their feet to add to the efficacy of their
threats.
Mr. Watson: I know the dose is
nauseous, but takeit, little men. It is
good for you.
Therefore, I say that there is a very
large dissatisfied element in both par
ties. A large class whose opinions do
not find expression in the platforms of
either party. These men got together,
just as freemen had a right to do, and
formulated this platform, which if you
will give me a little of your time I will
discuss.
Voices: “Pensions! pensions! pen
sions! rats!”
Mr. Watson: That cry of “Rats”
does not come from the Constitution,
lam sure.
A voice : “Centre shot I Rub it in,
Mr. Watson!”
Mr. Watson : I will say this, that if
there is any wrong in the pension law,
you go back to the statute book and
you will find it was put there by Dem
ocratic votes. Every man here who has
any sense knows that one of your
Democratic leaders was to go up North
and preach against pensions they
would bundle him up and send him
home as quick as the lightning express
could carry him.
Voices : “Bow, wow-wow, yow, yow,
b-a-h, cock-a-doodle-doo.”
Mr. Watson : This just shows, fel
low-citizens, the extent to which they
do not know. It is absolutely surpris
ing to contemplate the things they do
not know. Why, the New York World,
the leading metropolitan organ in this
country, had an elaborate article, and
sustained by proof, by statistics, by
official figures, to the North that
Cleveland, during the three years of
his administration, had paid out
more — [Howling and growling, jeer
ing and sneering.]
Now, is it not edifying? That cheer
ing is exceedingly pleasant and en
couraging, because it shows that this
district — [Yow, yow, yow, mew, mew,
mew.] There is not a candidate in
this country who denounced Cleveland
more bitterly than Leonidas Living
ston.
A voice : “Where did you stand? ’
Mr. Watson : I stand where I always
stood. But I make the point on you
that Mr. Cleveland no more represents
your ideas on the pension matter than
your own candidate, or the Atlanta
Constitution indorse Cleveland.
[At this point the uproar was so con
tinuous that I had to stand up by the
side of the speaker to catch his words.]
Mr. Watson : Here is the proof from
the organ of the Democracy, the New
York World:
“The annual report of the pension
commissioners for the fiscal years 1883,
1884 and 1885 shows certificate s issued as
follows : Claims admitted during the
last three years of Republican rule, 191,-
221.”
Then it goes on to show the total
claims admitted during the first three
years of Democratic administration to be
359,454.
“During the last three years of Repub
lican rule $183,000,000 ; during the last
three years of Democratic administra
tion, $217,000,000, excess of disburse
ments by Democratic administration,
$34,000,000.” That is to say, the Demo
cratic party, to catch Northern votes,
shows that it has paid out in pensions
$34,000,000 more in three years than the
Republicans How is that for high?
Now, there is a great deal said about
the bills that Cleveland vetoed, and this
editor goes on to defend Cleveland from
that charge, and says :
“Private pension bills approved by
President Grant, 485.
“By President Hayes, 303.
“By President Arthur, 736.
“By President Cleveland, 1,264.”
[The reading of the above was punc
tuated by so many villainous and insult
ing interruptions that I omitted the
blackguardism in justice to the speaker
that his statistics may appear to the
reader unbroken by tee force of rowdy
ism ]
Mr. Watson. The very best you can
do, young men, will not be a circum
stance to Augusta. Is it not wonderful
that in this beautiful building, erected 1
by all the people ol Georga, in this audi
tory, graced and honored by fair women
—is it not wonderful, I say, that this
audience of well dressed, gentlemanly
appearing men, will not show respect for
the ladies ?
The ladles had been showing their en
thusiasm for the speaker, and the hovvl-
ing commenced anew ; long, continued,
uproarous, and, if possible, becoming
more insulting.
Mr. Watson. There is many a man
here to-night who came to hear these
questions discussed, possibly with his
mind not made up, and do you not see
how you are disgusting such men ? Do
you not know that fair-minded men,
white and black, will go away with
scorn and contempt for the men who
resort to such rowdyism: for a party
that will not allow fair discussion.
When a political party attempts to
deal with a political situation, it de
clares its principles in what is known as
a platform. It is perfectly fair always
to hold a party responsible for its plat
form. Further than that, it is held re
sponsible for a non-fulfilment of its
pledges made in. its platform.
[Although your reporter followed the
speaker step by step, being at times in
touch, it was with the greatest difficulty
I heard his words.]
Mr. Watson. Now let us consider the
Democratic platform; let us see pre
cisely what it says to the country ; let
us see what are its announced prin
ciples ; let us see whether they are such
as to meet the needs of the country.
No man doubts that we are in a situa
tion of grave commercial distress. More
business troubles, more failures than
ever before. [Howls of It ain’t so; it
ain’t so.] There is more tenantry ; less
land owners ; more incumbered homt& ;
a lessening of prices for labor's products
and an advance on the necessities which
the laborer consumes. Oppression of
that sort strikes the common laborer
first, the small land owner next, the
store-keeper next; then the professional
man ; and the nearer you get to the top
the more general the distress becomes.
[Howling increasing.]
Now, if the Democrats will hear their
own platform they will see that that
platform declares to the country that
there are two billion five hundred mill
ion dollars of mortgages on the real es
tate of the country, and that the govern
ment is denounced for fostering no in
dustry so much as it does that of the
sheriff.
At this point the rowdyism became so
aggressive that a gentleman with two
lauies withdrew from the meeting. The
crowd surged up on the platform and
stood eight or ten deep between the
ladies on the platform—the wives and
daughters of our best citizens —and the
speaker. These ladies were cut off from
retreat for some time by the yelling de
mons. From now on I could only catch
disjointed sentences.
Mr. Watson, Gentlemen, for shame,
don’t you see that gentleman withdraw
ing his ladies, probably his wife and
daughter. (Cock-a-doodle-doo. Bow,
wow, wow. Meow.) Is that a sample
of your manners? Here in the presence
of perhaps your own wives and mothers.
(Cock-a-doodle-doo ; bah ; meow.)
My God! have Georgians got to the
place where they do not respect the fair
womanhood of this grand old State?
(Yow, yow', yow. We’re tired. Bow
wow ; meow.) Now you are very anx
ious to have these honest white working
men and these colored men hear these
questions discussed, are not you ?
CLOSING SCENES.
At this point my pen, inadequate at
the best to give more than a very faint
conception of the scene, began to stag
ger m hopeless imbecility. I gave it up
and in the words of an illustrious Demo
crat asked myself the question, “Where
am I at ?”
The police, who seemed to make no
effort to quell the rowdyism, did offer to
make a passage from the hall for Mr.
Watson. They also made way for your
reporter and a lady, who in an unfor
tunate moment, he escorted to this infa
mo us gathering.
Re volution.
Fifth Ward, Augusta, Ga., }
September 24, 1892. )
At a large meeting composed prin
cipally of People’s party men, gath
ered together for the purpose of heat
ing speeches from General James B.
Weaver and Mrs. Mary E. Lease,
when the reasons had been explain
ed why the appointments had been
cancelled, on motion of Mr. James
Barrett, seconded by Mr. Silas Beade,
Sr., the following resolutions were
passed unanimously:
Whereas, mobism, rowdyism, thug
ism and departed Southern cbivalrj
have enthroned themselves in our
cities of culture refinement and
wealth—Albany, Way cross and Ma
con having disgraced Georgia civil
ization and violated every rule of
hospitality in the treatment extended
to General James B. Weaver and
Mrs. M. E. Lease—
1. Resolved, That we can use no
language that can express our con
tempt and condemnation of the rot
ten egg treatment that Mrs. Weaver
received at the hands of the Demo
cratic thugs of Macon, that murder
cursed city, as it is ruled by an ele
ment that should make every true
American citizen blush with shame
over our municipal civilization.
2. That we endorse General J. B.
Weaver’s course in canceling his ap
pointments in a State that is under
the control of a (Democratic) party
that is ruled by city ruffians, ballot
box stuffers and ward heelers.
And further, we commend his
course in refusing to speak in Atlanta
amidst a mob which illustrated itself
for ruffianism when Tom Watson at
tempted to speak there. The prom
ise of Governor Northen was as
worthless as a spider web and as
weak as the pledges he formerly made
to the Alliance of Georgia.
Resolved, We believe no brave
Confederate soldier had anything to
do with the disgraceful acts, as any
want of courtesy would have dis
graced the cause they fought for.
Resolved, That hereafter we will
resent, if necessary, any indignity
offered to the People’s party candi
dates or speakers by force, even to
the use of powder and lead, as we
will not be deterred from our pur
poses by ruffian Democrats.
Resolved, That these resolutions
be published in the People’s Party
Paper, Southern Alliance Farmer,
National Watchman, The Wool Hat,
The Revolution, and all reform pa
pers in the South.
Chas. S. Abney, Chm’n.
G. B. Lively, Sec’y.
“The protest of the minority is
the watchword of progress.” This
statement is unpalatable to hoodlums.
But it is true.