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6
down excitingly, in manner adopted
by mothers in dealing with refrac
tory youngsters-) Ah, boys! we’ve
got ’em, we’ve got ’em. Here it is
in black and white. They can’t go
back on it. (Great enthusiasm
among the Atlanta and Augusta
dudes. Dry grins among the more
intelligent Democrats on the plat
form,)
Mr. Watson. Colonel, is not that
“initiative and referendum?” That
is laws before they become operative
must be adopted by the masses of
the people? (Laughter transferred
to the other sides of the mouth while
the Colonel gathers himself to
gether.)
Mr. Livingston. (Wiping his
glasses.) “Initiative and referen
dum.” '
Now’ Congres passes thousands of
bills, and your legislature passes
many bills, and if you mean by that
that‘you have to pass upon all law’s
and see whether you want them .or
not, why, it would keep you voting
every day of tbebveek. It strikes at
the very "root of the form of govern
ment you have adopted, in other
words, it is democracy gone to seed.
That is what it is.
There u. another plank in this
platform tl«t won’t do to swallow,
and that is the plank on the owner
ship of railroads. Why? Here is a
poor colored man or a poor white
man who has a cow killed, or meets
with an accident and loses a leg, or
has a child killed, and if the govern
ment owns the road, how are you
going to get it?
A voice. Go to the government.
Mr. Livingston. How are you
going to the government, you slick
haired joung fool you? How will
you gel there? The constitution of
the country says that no money can
be paid by any officer or official un
less first donated by the government.
Then you have to go to Washington
and get the bill through the House
first, and then through the senate,
and get the president’s signature be
fore you can get the price of the cow r ,
or paid for having that leg cut off,
or any other injury you may sustain,
ami by the time you get fifteen dol
lars tor the cow, you will have to
pay live hundred dollars to collect
it. And when your leg is cut off
you have to send your lawyer to
Washington, and by the time your
bill is lobbied through Congress
thirty years has elapsed, and you
will be dead and gone to heaven or a
worse country, one or the other.
A voice. Where are your East
ern Democrats on the silver bill?
Mr. Livingston. 1 want to tell
some of you Third party people who
have been so w earisome this morn
ing, what sort of a fix you are in.
You are going it blind.
A voice. We have been going it
blind, but we have stopped.
Mr. Livingston. Young man, I
want to put you on notice that you
are rubbing the mule’s leg. Now
shut up or I w’iil go down there and
hurt you. You remind me of the
boy who was in the habit of rubbing
down his father’s race horses. Fin
ally the old man took it into his
head to buy him a mule to do the
rough work about the barn yard, ami
that boy could not resist the temp
tation to go down there and rub
down the mule’s leg. Well, the
mule kicked him about ten feet, and
when the doctor came and patched
him up, and when he looked in the
glass he said, “father, do you think
1 will get over it?” “Yes, my son,”
said the father, “I hope so.” “Will
I be as putty as,l was?’“No,’’said the
father, “but, I tell you what, you’ll
have a durned sight more sense.”
[Laughter.] So my young fool
friend, if you live till the October
election and see all your candidates
snowed under you will have a durn
ed sight more sense. [Renewed
laughter.]
Mr. Watson closed his speech by
drawing a very beautiful picture of
a home made happy by plenty of
money. Homes with better Chris
tians. Homes with better and more
contented wives. Homes with more
happiness. Ah my friends, he went
further and said, “Homes with better
People’s party men.” I have no
doubt but homes would be more
comfortable, more happy with plen
ty, but what was the object of the
appeal? AH it means is that the
People’s party would give you some
thing for nothing. Is not that the
impression it made on every one of
you?
Voice:. No, no, no! Nobody is
fool enough to think such a thing as
that.
A voice. Livingston, they have
gut the mule by the -leg. [Laugh
ter.]
Mr. Livingston. Mr. Watson
wants to know if the Democrats
swallowed deny Simpson in Kansas
why the Democrats of Kansas
cannot indorse him also. I am go
ing to tell you why. Jerry Simpson
went home to Kansas and asked the
Democrats to upport him. Every
vote was cast for the Democratic
party. He tvas elected two years
ago by Democrats votes. He knew
very well that he could not be re
turned to Congress v, ithout a bid for
that vote, and the Democrats indors
ed him to keep the ticket from go
ing for Harrison. Now I want to
say to Mr. Watson that if he is pat
riotic as Jerry Simpson and asks for
the Democratic votes, we will turn
in and vote for him. I w’iil do any
thing to keep the State from going
for Harrison.
I will meet what Mr. Watson said
about the Republican party in the
balance of the time. Here he makes
a most generous concession. Admit
that they should again get control
and the people are still left groaning
under the McKirley tariff and the
PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER, ATLANTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 7. 1892.
millionaires exempt from taxation.
Let them come in again at the next
election, and it may be fairly said
that government of the people is dead,
and that class rule is perpetuated.
Is Mr. Vfatson doing anything to de
feat that? Ido not know what he is
doing, in his speeches. This is the
first time I have heard him, and 1
beg him before he sits down to put
himself clean on the record and
say, “I am for the People’s party
first, and.«econdly, for the Democrat
ic party? I am against the Republi
can party for reasons that I have
stated.
A voice. Just like you said two
years ago.
Mr. Livingston. I want to make
this proposition to Mr. Watson. If
he can point to a single vote either
by the House or Senate, in the last
session, in favor of class legislation
I will yield the contest. I will make
him another proposition. And that
is, that he cannot show a single vote
by any Democrat, either in the House
or Senate, that has not been cast
against class legislation, in the past.
I defy him to show to the contrary.
Let me state that proposition again,
or rather, I will complete the propo
sition. In every instance, on the
national bank question, on resump
tion, on the refunding, on the de
monetization of silver, in every single
instance the Democrats in the House
and Senate voted against these meas
ures. If that be true, the People’s
party cannot consistently tight the
Democratic party. You must fight
the party that brought them on.
There is one suggestion he made
in his speech, and that was that the
Eastern Democrats would not vote
with us, and we could not hope to
effect anything. If that be true,
what hope have we from the Peo
pl’s party, for they cannot hope to
have a majority in thirty years.
There is only one way to accom
plish it, and that is to raid the East.
Are there any People’s party up
there? No. Is there any hope of
a People's party there? No. The
only hope is through the Democratic
party. And why you are fighting
that party instead of fighting your
enemies, is something I cannot un
derstand. My friends, I want to
make this appeal to you. Go to your
homes and study these questions, and
then think who are the leaders of
this People’s party movement; look
at its pledges as we have done and
come to an intelligent understand
ing. The Democratic party carried
you safely out of the Radical carpet
bag era in 1872, and it carried you
safely from 1872 up to this time. No
State has grown so prosperous, so
rapidly as Georgia since that time.
Your commerce, your business, your
schools are a credit to you.
(Some confusion occurred at this
point, and the speaker said :)
I want to put you on notice that
there has not been three minutes
since I commenced speaking that
some, fool Third party man has not
been intei rupting me.
Mr. Watson. Is not that an ex
treme statement?
Mr. Livingston. I repeat it, I
want to repeat what I said. Go home
and take up the platform of the Re
publican p. rty, and the Democratic
party, and the People’s party, and
study them one by one. Then study
the leaders one by one. Then take
up General Weaver and study him.
I would rot have mentioned him if
my friend had not. When he had
an opportunity to hurt you, he hurt
you. When he had an opportunity
to curse you, he cursed you.
Mr. Watson. It is only fair to
notify you that in reply to that at
tack on Gen. Weaver, in my conclu
sion I w ill show that at the Cincinnati
Convention, the Georgia Alliance
offered a resolution to pay his way
down here, and that you yourself re
cognized it as a good piece of work
by advancing the money to pay it.
Mr. Livingston. Mr. Watson says
that he is going to reply by saying
that the Georgia Alliance paid his
way down here, and that I advanc
ed the money. They did do it, and
I advanced S7O, because the Chair
man of the Finance Committee asked
me to attend to it.
Mr. Watson. And in connection
with that, that the Georgia Alliance
sent delegates up North, and that
you yourself named C. C. Post to go
up there and make these speeches.
Mr. Livingston. That is right,
(laughter.) Now, when Weaver was
invited to Georgia, there was not a
single leader in Georgia who knew’
that he had been a curse to Southern
men and women I never knew it
until I got to Washington City, and
Mr. 1 lenderson, of lowa, referred
me to his record. Now, I want to
be. candid enough with you to say
(Laughter), that when Weaver came,
to Georgia, if I hid know that I
would not have gone over this state
with him or any other man with
such a record. (Applause and deri
sion.) I want to say that if Cleveland
had said the same things that Wea
ver did, I would not support him.
He said we were thieves ; he said we
were a set of rascals ; he said that
we were a set of women Jiaters and
women sellers; he said he wished
we were a thousand miles in hell.
Now so far as he is concerned that
is all I have to say. No man can
accuse Grover Cleveland of being an
enemy of good women of the country,
North or South. No man can accuse
him of not being economical in the
administration of the government.
No man can accuse him of being
anything but a clean, good man.
Mr. Watson. On that line, it is
only fair to notify you that 1 am go
ing to make reference to the fact
that the Richmond Leader charged
him with being kept from going to
Richmond in 1886, because he did
not want his wife to meet Winnie
Davis.
Col. Livingston. He says that Mr.
Cleveland refused to go to Rich
mond, because he did not want his
women folks to be introduced to
AVmnie Davis. All I have to say is,
that Grover Cleveland’s personal
friends deny that in toto.
Mr. Watson. Which one?
Mr. Livingston. Burke Cochran.
Mr. Watson. When ?
Mr. Livingston. A day or two be
fore I left there.
Mr. Watson. It occurred in 1886,
and Dan Lamont did net deny it.
Mr. Livingston. Cleveland’s re
cord is as fair to the South as that of
any man’s North or South. Mr.
Watson will not admit it.
Now my fellow citizens, listen a
moment and I will sit down. I have
shown that Mr. Watson did not run
on a platform in favor of the govern
ment ownership of railroads. Mr.
Watson has reported himself in AA rash
ington city, elected as a Democrat.
I reported myself as elected a Demo
crat. We are both on record over
our own signatures as Democrats.
A voice. AVhat are you now?
Mr. Livingtson. A Democrat.
What are you? Mr. Watson says
that he is in favor of the Ocala de
mands, and so am I. I am in favor
of the demands that we put into the
State platform. They are the Ocala
demands, and every one is put into
the Chicago platform. I asked him
why he;is the onlyreply
makes is that the Eastern Democrats
would not let him get what he wants.
My advice is to move up there where
he can hurt his enemies and not be
fighting his friends. When the Oct
ober and November elections are
over, these third party men will be
sober. And when Cleveland goes to
Washington, and Governor Northen
goes into the gubernatorial chair,
and Livingston gets there, and when
friend Watson gets there—if he gets
there—he is going to be a soberer
man than he is, and he will come
nearer to voting with the Demo
crats than some of you think he will.
Don’t you know he voted right along
with the Democrats with one or two
exceptions. Now why does he go to
Washington and vote with the Demo
crats and come to Rockdale County
and ask the good people to vote
against the very party that he voted
with day by day ?
Now, I will tell you this: If you
elect a People’s party man from
Georgia and one from Kansas, they
are not going tq vote together.
Why ? Because whenever his North
ern friends went estray he voted
with the balance of us, and yet he
comes down here and asks you far
mers to vote with these third party
people in Kansas.
Now, my dear friends. I want to
say this: You People^,party have
nothing to brag on in your platform.
If you should continue together,
which is improbable, it will take you
a long time to control legislation.
Here is the Democratic party that
has been your friend. You are going
back on the record of your fathers
and your grandfathers; you are di
viding your families and your schools;
you are risking strife, turmoil and
confusion. For what ? - Ask your
selves for what? To get more
money, that is all. Now let me tell
you, and 1 ask his attention to this
point. I believe that if you ask Tom
Watson he will tell you that if you
get any more money out of the Gov
ernment in the next two decades you
will have to get it out of the Demo
cratic or the Republican parties.
Why, then, “strive at a gnat and
swallow a camel?”
I thank those of you that have
been quiet. I did not expect any
thing more of some of you. You
did not know better, but you ought
to learn.
UNLIMITED GALL.
I am glad that you gave Mr. Wat
son such good attention. I hope you
will give him a chance to answer the
questions I have asked him. I de
mand that he take his platform and
the Jeffersonian platform, and pre
sent them in the mind and eyes of
the people. I thank you for your
attention.
[lt can scarcely be said, truthfully,
that the speaker was cheered enthu
siastically. His Atlanta and Au
gusta friends did not come there to
hear his arguments. They came on
a free frolic and to prevent others, if
possible, from hearing Mr. Watson.
His more intelligent friend.-, about
and on the platform, if not disap
pointed in him, were carried away
with admiration of Mr. Watson.
Many of them gave expression to
that, forgetting that there was “a
chiel amang them takin’ notes.” Mr.
Watson was kept full five minutes
before he could get a hearing.]
mr. watson’s conclusion.
Colonel Livingston has said that
after they came back from St. Louis,
in 1889, that the Executive Commit
tee came up here in Atlanta and
agreed not to take a part of the plat •
form agreed upon which the Su
preme Council had adopted. Now,
I make this point. After that na
tional convention met and agreed
upon that platform, in that conven
tion, the Executive Committee had
no right to change that platform
after they came to Georgia. I see
Mr. Loucks, the President of the
National Alliance, is here. He is
good authority. (Turning to Mr.
Loucks.) I ask you whether or not
the Executive Committee had aright
to change the platiorm agreed on ?
Mr. Loucks. Certainly net.
Mr. Watson. So I thought. You
see, my friends, all his speech falls
to the ground. (Applause.)
He defends AV. J. Northern It is
the strangest thing on the face of the
earth to see Livingston and Northen
doing the turtle dove act. [Laugh
ter.] I have no time, however, to
dwell on that.
I want to be perfectly fair in my
rejoinder. He says that Northen, at
Thomson, did not take a position on
the national platform, but took it on
the platform which the Executive
Committee made up here in Atlanta.
I was there when that speech was
delivered. Here is the Augusta
Chronicle report. [Reads.]
The editor of the A 1 fiance Farmer
asked him where he stood on the finance
question. He answered: “I stand
squarely on the platform of the National
Alliance.”
Not on a little State platform.
Not what the Executive Committee
did; but flat-footed on the platform
of the National Alliance. (Great
applause.) Fellow citizens, I put it
to you as farmers whether or not
every man who stood in the Alliance
was not bound by what the National
Convention did, and not by what the
Executive Committee did.
Voices. Yes, yes, yes. Hurrah for
Watson.
Mr. Watson. I have already shown
you that Mr. Livington himself in
troduced a resolution indorsing, not
the Ocala platform, not the platform
made in Atlanta, but emphatically
indorsing the St. Louis platform last
December. Now, as Livingston in
troduced that resolution, you see
that the Livingston of to-day is con
demned by the Livingston of last
December. (Great applause.) He
says that there was no vote taken by
States. I only know what the official
minutes show, of the National Alli
ance, arid the official minutes show
that the vote was taken by States,
and. that Georgia voted, yes. (Re
newed and long continued applause.)
Mr. Loucks, now President of the
National Alliance, and who is pres
ent, says there was a unanimous vote
on every subject except the sub
treasury. Now come around and
look, boys, at the Livingston of then
and to-day—not what Livingston
says, not what the newspaper say—
but what the official minutes of the
Na ional Alliance say.
Voices. Glory, glory hallelujah!
Hit him again for me, and: That’s
cruel.
Mr. Watson. The next meeting
was held at Indianapolis. The State
of Georgia was represented there.
The Indianapolis Convention went as
far as the St. Louis Convention along
that line, instructing us to vote for
no man for Speaker who did not stand
upon both platforms. Livingston
was in that Convention. The great
State of Georgia was in that Conven
tion. Nov? I ask you, was not Geor
gia as much bound by that vote as by
tiie vote at Ocala?
Not only that, the Cincinnati meet
ing had lean held in May, 1890,
wuich formulated the third party.
Weaver was one of the leaders in it.
AV eaver was in that meeting down
here, and Livingston paid his ex
penses. (Laughter and applause.)
1 know that he plays the baby act,
and says that he didn’t know of his
record. My God! ain’t he too old
to play the baby act? (Renewed
and long continued laughter.)
C. C. Post is denounced. Bitterly
denounced with all the old party
hatred and scorn and contempt every
where, and yet, when C. C. Post
went to the North and West to build
up the People’s party he had the in
dorsement of L. F. Livingston in his
pocket. (Laughter and applause.)
Not only that, when the Hon. L. F.
Livingston came back from the St.
Louis Convention, where he was as
much bound by the action of that
Convention as any minority ought
ever to be bound, he said at Coving
ton, what? That the reason he had
entered that caucus and voted for
Crisp, was, that there was a conspir
acy between the money kings about
the financial plank to put the tariff
forward and put the financial ques
tion back.
[The nicely dressed derby and
plug-hatted, boys from Atlanta and
Augusta at this point began to show
their fangs. Owing to admonitions
which they received early in the
meeting, they did not indulge in open
demonstrations, but kept up a general
conversation among themselves. Some
of the people began expostulating
with them, and the speaker continued
after a long pause.]
Mr. AA r acson. They do not want
to hear; they do not want you to
hear.
He went all over this country de
nouncing the national banking sys
tem. Did he tell you then that you
could not repeal it ? Did not he tell
you then that you could repeal it?
Here is the record. I deny his state
ment, and have the proofs here.
Here is the original Act of 1864, and
the last section says : (Reads.)
“Be it further enacted, That Congress
may at any time amend, alter, or repeal
this Act.”
A voice. I do not believe it is
there.
Mr. Watson. Now, my friend,
this is all fair. I put him on notice
of all this. lam not taking any ad
vantage of him at all. Mr. Living
ston will not say that he does not be
lieve it is there, for he knows that it
is there .
A voice. Why did not you re
main a Democrat, and fight for that ?
Mr. Watson. Why did I not re
main a Democrat? I am a better
Democrat to-day thail he is. (Laugh
ter and applause.)
Voices. Proveit. Prove it. (The
boys are beginning to take the cue.)
Mr. Now, here in the
Act of 1882, there is the same pro
vision, reserving to Congress the
right to repeal or modify the Nation
al Bank Act at any time that Con
gress so determines.
AA’hy, they complain of us because
we have just found out the record.
The trouble with them is that they
have not found it out yet. (Laugh
ter.) Here I have charged that
Thomas F. Bayard acted as confer
ree with John Sherman in the great
crime consummated by the two
Houses, and struck down the $152,-
000,000 of silver, and Col. Livings
ton, the bell-wether of the old party,
did not even know it. (Laughter.)
He not only did not know it, but he
stands up here like a little man and
acknowledges that he didn’t know it.
(Increased laughter.)
A voice. It is the first time I
heard him acknowledge truth,
(Laughter.)
He says that the last Congress
ought to be credited with $79,000,-
000, which the preceding Congress
put on us. When I asked him how
much we put on them, he
[Rowdyism got very rampant at
this point, and some one climbing up
on the platform behind me, kept me
so busy shaking him off, that I lost
the conclusion of the sentence.]
Mr. AVatson, Oh, does not it hurt
them, though.
Many voices. Yes; you bet it
hurts. Hurt ’em some more. (Laugh
ter.)
Mr. AVatson. There is $48,000,-
000 accounted for.
How about these pensions that he
was speaking about. Did this Con
gress do anything on earth to lower
those pensions ? Every dollar that
was carried over on us goes right over
to them by us.
A voice. You were there top.
Why did not you do something? -J
Mr. Watson. Yes, I was there,
and I tried to do a great many things
that I could not do. AVhy? Be
cause these two old parties were not
in favor of doing anything for the
relief of the people.
A voice. And you were there all
the time, too. (Cheering.)
Mr. Watson. He says that the
People’s party voted for the increase
of $12,000,000 pensions. I deny
the statement, and I say that the
record shows this. That there w r ere
two estimates of how much it would
take to supply the requirements of
the law. The Republicans said
that it would take $12,000,000 more.
The Democrats said it would not.
I voted with the Democrats. The
others voted with the Republicans,
and before the end of the session
was reached the Democrats saw
that the Republicans were right and
even without a division they passed
a bill to pay the $12,000,000 which
he accuses the People’s party men
of voting for.
AVhat else did we put on the next
session of Congress? AVhy, my fel
low citizens, this $21,000,000 wrap
ped up in the river harbor bill to
which the government is bound, and
that $21,000,000 is a burden laid by
this congress on its successor.
Not only that, there are $5,000,-
000 on iron-clad?, to be paid in the
future. The federal governmet is
pledged to that, and the next House
will have to appropriate the money.
He says this, that the Democrats
of Kansas are supporting Jerry
Simpson because Jerry Simpson cast
good Democratic votes all through
the session of Congress. Before
winding up his speech he said that I
did too. Then why can’t the Dem
ocrats vote for me? [Howling from
the entire gang.] I will bet a bay
horse that is the Augusta crowd
right now. And they have got
their bar-room inside of them. That
is the cause of this rowdyism
Voices. Traitor, traitor. Cor
bin bank. Bah. Bah!
Mr. Livingston. Let me tell you,
my friends, if you are my friends
not to go on that way. We will be
through with this soon.
Mr. Watson. He says that Wea
ver ought to be condemned because
he found out that in 1872 he de
nounced what? Not the Southern
people, but the Democratic party in
the South,
[The animals being stirred up, show
their teeth, snarling and snapping
like so many unchained demons. A
very long pause in consequence.]
Mr. AVatson. AATio did that more
bitterly than Gen, Dan Sickles? [Re
newed howling.] That is brave
Democracy. [Pointing his finger in
scorn.] That is a fair sample of
your method of discussing a question
of vital importance, ain’t it?
[The crowd rushed in on the
stand and coming between me and
the speaker;! was compelled to stand
by him during the remainder of his
argument. Although the words he
uttered would not ordinarily occupy
three minutes, it required about fif
teen minutes, owing to the interrup
tions and consequent pauses.]
Mr. AVatson. That is Jeffersonian
free speech, ain’t it? That is the
Augusta crowd. They have been
following me ever since I entered
this campaign.
Now here. General Dan Sickles
suid that the eighty thousand ma
jority in Georgia meant eighty
thousand shot guns, and yet the
Democracy of Atlanta wined and
dined him up as a hero. [Laugh
ter.]
[The people began to enjoy the
hole he was putting his enemies in,
and that produced waves of red hot
hate all through the ranks of the
gang. One fellow, as bright as
could be turned out by the combined
efforts of a tailor, a shoemaker, a
boot-black and a laundress got u»
on the edge of the stage and amused
himself by shouting: “Go on Mr.
Watson. Go on.” It would be
monotonous to repeat here the
number of times and. places he in
dulged in that piece of idiocy. Suf
fice it to say. th-’ 4 -, 't. o«, ’
gave hbn , . . . . .
the Democratic gentlemen on the
stage, and there were many very
nice gentlem • among them, became
disgusted with him, and showed
their disapprobation. The tumult,
however, increased through die
crowd to the end.]
Mr. AVatson. What do you think,
gentlemen of Rockdale county, of
men that come one hundred miles to
disturb your meetings. AVhat do
you think of the Democrats that will
not listen or let you listen ? What
do you think of the men who have
not only no respect for themselves
or for you, but have no respect for
your wives and daughters ?
[The mob rushed on the stage in
such numbers that the speaker was
compelled to get up on the bench at
the corner of the platform and cling
to the corner post for support dur
ing the remainder of the time that
he addressed this mixed crowd of the
most orderly and disorderly people
that ever an orator faced. It is said
that Demosthenes made it a rule to
stand by the sea shore and rehearse
his splendid orations in order to be
come accustomed to a tumultuous
assemblage. Demosthenes might be
a howling success at the sea shore
and a flat failure here.]
Mr. Watson. Have I not debated
these questions fairly ? [I fowling.]
You may howl me down in Augusta,
but you are now in the presence of
the honest farmers of Rockdale
county, and such conduct can not
succeed. These men came through
the rain to hoar these issues dis
cussed. [To the farmers.] You
come here and stand in the rain be
cause you are interested, yet these
city rowdies come here to prevent
you from hearing.
Now, listen ! AVe were denounced
as Democrats twenty-five
years ago, and I have no doubt but
there are many men here who said
as hard things of the Yankees as
ever AVeaver said about the South.
AVeaver probably said hard things, as
men on both sides said.
A voice. I’ve said as hard things
as I could, but it is over now.
Mr. AVatson. But AVeaver was
too much of a man to fight your wo
men as their leader, Mr. Cleveland,
did. [Great cheering.] Any true
man can honor a brave, manly op
ponent, but no one can have respect
for a man who, twenty-five years
after the war, makes war upon wo
man. And especially a man who
never fired a shot in the war. [Tre
mendous cheering.] Now, listen.
But first look at the dry grins on
those faces. [Laughter.] They
look as battered as the old hats they
have brought here through six weeks
of tramping around after a baggage
car bar-room. [Laughter, and looks
of contempt at the movable contin
gent, from the farmers.]
Listen! Mr. Cleveland had ac
cepted for himself and the ladies of
his household an invitation from
General Fitzhugh Lee, to attend a
reception in Richmond, Va., and
when he found out that Winnie Da
vis, the daughter of the Confederacy,
was to be there, he would not allow
his women folks to go. That is
what a Democratic paper says. Now,
ain’t that proof ? [Howling.] Now,
my foolish friends, don’t you know
that the biggest coward on the face
of the earth is the man who is afraid
to hear the truth ?
[The platform, as I said, before,
was invaded and crowded to the ut
most capacity, straining its frail bear
ing powers. Now a new danger
threatened. The gang began to
clamber on top of the roof, which
was made of very thin boards and
supported by very light stanchions.
Summary means were taken to get
rid of this incumbrance. The cry
went up, “Pitch the roof off!” Fear
ing that would be carried out, they
soon made themselves scarce in that
quarter,]
Mr. Watson. He quoted Mr.
Phinizy, president of the Georgia
Railroad and Banking Company, and
asked if he was here, as though he
was present. I have not a word of
disrespect for Mr. Phinizy, but two
years ago Mr. Livingston was not
receiving instructions from the Geor
gia Railroad and Banking Company.
[Great laughter and applause.]
(howled down.)
The movable contigent could stand
to hear Mr. Livingston excoriated,
because they took* him as a little
child takes physic; but they could
not stand to hear the President of
the Georgia Railroad mentioned, not
knowing what was coming.. Perhaps
the visions of free rides and movable
barrooms quickened their zeal. Os
course . I do not pretend to say that
tiie railroad furnished the liquors.
It only furnish the cars at a very
much reduced prices.
A . strange feature about these
meetings is, that the newspaper scav
engers, while on the stand, seem very
gentlemanly and fair. When the
papers come out next morning, they
reex with falsehood. Farmers of
Georgia, this ought to be a warning
to you to patronize your own papers
A lying newspaper "in a family is a
greater curse than a rattle snake
turned loose.
The Augusta Chronicle is very
much disgruntled because “Boss
Back” advised the Republicans to
support the People’s party. How
can that bring about Republican
domination, Mr. Chronicle ?
A most infamous lie is published
in the Constitution about a colored
preacher being threatened with drawn
knives and pistols at Athens in the
Feople s party meeting Monday, n
’ invention, and toe