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PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER.
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PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER, ATLANTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY. DECEMBER 9, 1892
JAY GOULD.
Yesterday he was one of the rich
est men that ever trod the earth.
To-day his spirit is as much a
tramp as that of the dead beggar at
the poor house.
Yesterday he stood among the
social fortifications of the money-king,
and no law could touch him.
To-day he is as helpless as the least
of us ; he has not a dollar.
This man was a type of what our
modern system can do. He was a
living illustration of its awful injus
tice. At different periods of his life
he put into successful practice every
species of that peculiar rascality
which the world condemns, and which
the courts cannot punish. He wrecked
railroads and then gobbled them; he
wrung tribute from labor upon fraud
ulent issues of stock; he silenced the
protests of those who suffered with
Pinkerton assassins; he bribed news
papers, politicians, courts and legis
latures ; he manipulated panics like
that of 1873 in order that the “Black
Friday,” which carried ruin and des
olation to a million firesides in Amer
ica might bring the robber’s booty
to his.
There was none of the rough bru
tality of Rob Roy about this man—
all social forms he strictly observed.
A more gentlemanly villain never sat
high up in church. A more polished
scoundrel never offered a bribe. No
man in all the world’s history ever
filled the streets with beggars and
broken-hearted outcasts with more
decorous cruelty than he.
Vanderbilt, with his coarser nature,
might say, “ Tne public be damned;”
Mr. Gould was too well bred to do
so. His contempt for the people who
crouched before him he restrained
himself from expressing. There can
be no doubt that he felt it. How
could he fail to despise a public wnich
allowed him to trample ou its laws,
despoil its laborers and levy illegal
tribute upon its every field of in
dustry.
This man will live in history as
one of the great oppressors of the
human race. By his control of the
stock market, by his compelling labor
to pay profits upon fraudulent and
fictitious issues of stock, by his con
solidations of competing railways into
vast monopolies with irresistible
power over freights, he has put out
the light in thousands of happy homes,
beggared millions of men and brought
distress to the fireside of nearly one
half of the people of America.
This man loved his wife and his
children. But it was a love which
did not throw open the doors of his
heart to others. No thought ever
seemed to enter his mind about the
wife or child of his neighbor. The
cry of the hungry or the homeless
did not reach his ear. The love of
his home was not of that noble kind
which took in all men’s homes. The
love of his wife was not of that lofty
type which created kindly considera
ation for all good wives. The love
for his children was not of that hu
manizing kind which kindled affec
tion for children everywhere. It did
not mar the pleasure of his <‘ evening
at home ” to reflect that a thousand
men had. lost their homes by his
“ Black Friday ” deal. In the smiles
of his own children it did not come
home to him that some other man’s
children would smile no more; but
would give their youth and health
and strength to the terrible task
which he had brought upon them—
the task of giving two dollars in
labor for one of money.
The system which he grew rich on
does not die with him. It lives all
the more vigorously because he has
shown how unlimited are its possi
bilities. His imitators are to be
found on every hand. He has
taught the world again the old les
son that the “law is made for the
weak; it does not punish the
strong.” His life is but another ex
ample of the fact that the great rob
ber, like Alexander or Napoleon, has
nothing to fear in this world. It’s
only the poor devil who steals a pig
that we can handle.
Before the great white throne of
the just God, Jay Gould may come
to repent himself bitterly that he
cannot exchange places with the
hungry wanderer who stole food to
eat.
It is infinite comfort to believe
that there is one High Court where
each case will be tried on its merits.
T. E. W.
IT WAS GRAND.
The Thomson mass meeting was
grand. The boys were there. They
came from every county in the dis
trict, and from Greene, and Screven,
and Johnson, and Wilkes, and Hart.
At least 5,000 people were assem
bled to show their fidelity to the
cause and to express their indigna
tion at the frauds perpetrated upoi
them.
A large delegation from August:
tramped thirty-seven miles througl
the country. The meeting itself wa;
due to a suggestion of our August:
friends. They helped us nobly t<
make it a success.
Resolutions were passed to pusl
the contest. A splendid beginning
was made in getting up the neces
sary funds. There can no longer bt
any doubt that a sufficient sum foi
the purpose will be raised. Our peo
pie all feel that the issue at stake it
not only this election, but all othei
elections; not this year only, but al
other years; not the question as tc
w r ho is congressman only, but the
question who rules this country.
Indeed it was a grand meeting,
The good old town of Thomson
never saw its equal. The State ol
Georgia never saw its superior.
If any further proof was needed
that the fight for the next two years
was already begun, it was furnished.
The campaign is begun. We are
stronger than on the Bth of Novem
ber. We are more resolute than
ever. The great heart of the people
throbs and thrills with the holy mis
sion to which they have set their
hands, and they move forward to
the future with an absolute faith,
which is the sure basis of magni
ficent triumph. T. E. W.
IT DOES NOT DIE.
Not by any means. It has come
to stay. Until its mission is done
the Democratic bosses may snort,
but the reform movement will prance
right along.
Not a single daily newspaper was
our friend. Not one of them would
even give us the benefit of a hearing.
All the machinery was against us;
all the power of “the ins;” all the
force of old habit and old thought;
all the unseen but terrible cohorts of
ignorance and prejudice and section
alism.
All the money was against us ; all
the concentrated hatred of capital,
special privilege and class legislation.
But against them all we made a
fight which compelled the admiration
of the world. We stormed the
heights of monopoly, of unlawful
gain, of pampered and insolent plu
tocracy, with a dash and determina
tion which has stirred our enemies
with the profoiindest fears for the
future. '
Lost the OcttJjer election, did we?
So they say—by some 71,000 ma
jority. Who believes it? Not the
Democratic bosses who stole the bal
lots. Not the managers who threw
out returns. Not the newspapers
who have to “cook” their news with
such care. Not even the candidates
who receive the stolen goods.
Nobody believes it. Least of all
do we of the People’s party believe
it. Therefore we did not die after
the State election. Democratic
prophecies upon that subject went to
seed. To the amazement of the
riugsters, w r e decided that if any
party should die it should be that
which committed frauds rather than
that which suffered by them. We
decided that if we allowed the Right
to die as a victim of the Wrong, we
would be contemptible in our own
eyes and in the eyes of the world.
So we marched right along to the
November election. We met the
combined power of National, State
and City Democracy. They killed
us again—so they said. But some
how or other the Democratic majori
ty in the State had dwindled down
to some 30,000. What went with
balance of the 71,000? Where is
the Democrat who does not know
that even the 30,000 majority is
purely fictitious ? We knew it then
and we kn<Tw it now.
So we decided, again, not to die.
We unanimously postponed the fu
neral. We certainly did—and the
Democrats now realize it. They be
gin to grasp the facts. They are
slowly and somewhat painfully try
ing to chew the rock in the hay.
The rock is there, boys, as sure as
you live.
No, indeed, it does not die. It
gathers strength from eve/S fraud its
foes commit. The crimes of the
Democrats prove the necessity for
reform. The fears they have of us
and our future are better proven by
the impossibility of getting a fair
fight out of them than by anything
else.
If we are so weak, why not give
us a fair fight ? Why steal our votes
and suppress our returns ? Why use
so much whisky and money ? Why
tell so many lies ?
The reason is plain. They are
afraid of us. They know that we
have more than half the votes in this
State, and they know we will fight
them to the end.
No, indeed, it does not die. In
every cotton patch the pledge has
been made that it shall not die. In
every corn field, in every shop, in
every mill the deep determination
exists that it shall not die. The
truth of yesterday is the truth of to
day. The right of last year is right
now. Y e swore to carry the banner
through and we swear it again to
day.
Its the war of the man against the
dollar; of the people against the
ring. When we surrender, we base
ly give up our liberty and our man
hood. We would despise ourselves
and our enemies would scorn us.
Our children would heap reproaches
upon our memories.
No; the duty is clear. The world
must be shown that we meant no
holiday parade when we started on
this march.
The People’s party is dear to us
as our lives, and it shall not die.
T. E. W.
THE SILVER CONFERENCE.
The Rothschilds are known as the
the money-kings of the world. For
several generations they have had
almost despotic control of national
finances. One of their great banks
was established at London, another
in Paris, another at Vienna and
another at Frankfort-on-the-Main.
No war is undertaken without
their having more or less to do with
it. -It may be said, with much truth,
that their aid is necessary before any
European government would dare to
incur the expenses of war. Few
great national loans are negotiated
without their co-operation. In all
the stupendous robberies of funding
and refunding they have never
failed to have a royal share of the
spoils.
They virtually own the Suez
Canal and the land of Egypt. The
English government maintains Egyp
tian authority in order that the
officials of Egypt may collect the
taxes of the wretched slaves of the
Nile Valley and pay it over to the
Rothschilds. On a big scale, it rep
resents the English government as a
constable of the Rothschilds, taking
possession of mortgaged property
and paying over the rents to the
creditor.
Such being their power in the
financial world, it is little wonder
that they oppose thp free coinage of
silver.
One of them is in attendance
upon the monetary conference now
in session at Brussells. Naturally he
wants to boss the job. He makes a
proposition which is a good thing for
the money-kings. It is that the
nations all enter into an agreement
to limit and restrict the coinage of
silver to a still greater extent than
at present. He further proposes, in
effect, that the price of silver shall
never be allowed to exceed 86 cents.
Thus the power of gold to oppress
would be continued forever.
Good thing—for the Rothchilds
and their class.
Hon. R. P. Bland, who is a recog
nized authority on this question,
says that Rothschild’s proposition, if
adopted, would cost this country
$100,000,000 per year.
How strange it is to see European
money-kings ruling this country.
T. E. W.
A POOR NEGRO WOMAN
At the Thomson mass meeting last
Friday the collection was being taken
up for the contest fund. A colored
man, named Joseph Pearson, said
“Here’s a dollar for me and here’s
half a dollar for my wife, who is
dead. She told me on her death bed
that she wanted to give something to
help Mr. Watson get his rights.”
In the ninety day compaign I made
in the Tenth district, memorable
things happened ’almost constantly.
Such devotion, such self-sacrifice,
such enthusiasm, were never seen.
On all hands, I had the most touch
ing proofs of the attachment of the
people, and hundreds of instances
live in my recollection, and will al
ways abide there. But I think I
may be pardoned for saying that
this message and this offering from
the death bed of a poor colored wo
man has something in it specially
sacred. It stirs very deeply, very,
very deeply, when I think of this
good old woman, lying in pain and
in the awful shadow of death, and
yet having her heart so full of zeal
in the cause as to make her last act
on earth a proof of her devotion to
it, and her last message one of cheer
to me.
Who would not be proud to work
for such a people? Who would not
be proud to fight their battles and
share their fortunes? When the
prayers of the living and the last
words of those who die, strengthen
us, inspire us, sanctify us to the task,
how can we fail ? T. E. W.
SCRAPS AND TAPS.
Mr. Bill Fleming shows signs of
becoming nervous. For an Augusta
politician, this is a hopeful sign. We
hope to hear from Bill again. Pow
erful smart boy, Bill is. Too un
assuming, though.
* * *
Cleveland is still on that island.
Democratic office-hunters are trying
to invent new cuss-words for the
situation. Bob Lewis and Boykin
Wright say they were only joking
when they talked about wanting
office. Os course.
* * *
Even Judge Twiggs wants an
office. What is this country coming
to anyhow?
And Major Barnes wants to be
assistant post-master-general.
And Phil Carroll wants to be sent
as special commissioner to anything
that is run on the good old principle
of “much pay and no work.”
And then there are Major Gary,
and Wilberforce Daniel, and Ed
Hook. They all want something
nice and easy.
Sonny Collins seems to be the only
patriot m the bunch. He deals out
whisky and money, and he organizes
bands of repeaters just because he
loves to do the virtuous thing in be
half of a virtuous Sunday-school
exhorter like Nir. Black. Collins is
good because he can’t help it. His
purity is just in him, and you can’t
root it out.
♦ * *
We regret to see Mr. ’Rastus
Smith, of the Atlanta Journal, show
mg some jealousy toward Mr. B. M.
Blackburn. Mr. Smith persistently
contends that he carried this State
for Cleveland, when it is well and
widely known that Mr. Blackburn
did it. Mr. Smith has shown a de
gree of stubbornness upon this sub
ject which almost amounts to mule
headedness.
This is wrong. Just because Mr.
Blackburn is a comparative stranger
from a country town (whose name I
cannot at this moment recall), it is
no reason why he should be run
over in this high-handed way. We
trust Mr. Smith will come to his
senses.
* * *
The Democrats in the Legislature
are still trying to find some decent
way of violating the constitution in
behalf of the Chicago fair. Our
constitution is a world of truble to
treasury looters, but they generally
break in somehow or other. This
Chicago fair donation would be a
most undeniable setting aside of our
organic law.
* * *
There seems to be some danger
o
that Joe James will fade from public
remembrance. This would be the
worst thing that Joe could do.
Fading is a bad habit. Take mv ad
vice, Joe, and do not fade.
* * *
The Democrats of the Atlanta
district are piously studying the mys
teries of Gideon’s band. Their con
gressman is a member of it. How
pleasant this is to Mr. ’Rastus Smith,
of the Atlanta Journal.
* * *
Sonny Collins thinks of joining
Mr. Black’s Sunday-school class. He
says he never saw anybody who
could run religion and free whisky
together as well as Mr. Black did.
* * *
And so Jay Gould is really dead.
The fact is, he never did recover
from Northen’s refusal to receive an
introduction to him in Atlanta. He
pined away after that. He could
not hold up his head unless he
hired help. He took the thing to
heart and moped over it and talked
about it in his sleep.
This may have been foolish in Mr.
Gould, and I rather think it was.
There are some few men who find it
possible to live without knowing Mr.
Northern It is hard on them, but
they tough it out. Mr. Gould ought
to have been one of these men, but
he wasn’t; hence he died.
Mr. Nor then is still living. Do
not set your heart on getting an in
troduction to him. You might not
get it. Then you would have noth
ing to do but dwindle away and die<
just as Mr. Gould did. T. E. W.
MR. FLEMING CORRECTS.
The People’s Party Paper is in
receipt of the following “correction”
from Hon. W. H. Fleming, of Rich
mond county:
Several recent issues of your paper
have not reached me, but the one for this
week came duly to hand to-day. In the
first column on page 5 there is an article
headed ‘Change the Law” which mis
states the facts in reference to myself.
It says “fourteen People’s party mem
bers of the General Assembly broke the
ring slate by defeating Fleming fol
speaker,” etc.
Now the fact is that if there was a
“ring slate” I was defeated because I
was not on it. The alleged “slate
seems to have succeeded without a sin
gle break. Besides that, the Peoples
party members, I am proud to say, were
my friends and supporters in my race
for speaker. The cause of my pride m
their support is that although I had
fought them politically, my fight had
been an honorable one, and they said as
much to me, and gave me their support
because they had confidence in my hon
esty and fairness. To the best of my
knowledge and belief every member of
the House from the Tenth district was
my supporter for speaker. Therefore,
the statement above quoted is clearly
wrong.
Again, in the same article occurs the
following language : Get “Bill Fleming
to quit visiting negro politicians at night
to buy their votes or influence.” This
statement is absolutely without founda
tion. I have not the faintest idea to
what visit it refers.
I would not have you think that I am
over-sensitive to criticism. It is not that.
But people base their opinions on what
they suppose to be facts, and a man who
allows public misrepresentations of him
self to remain uncontradicted will as
suredly find that he is misjudged by
others, and he will have himself partly
to blame. He should let the truth be
known. Yours respectfully,
W. H. Fleming.
P. S. As the article to which I refer
was not signed “ T. E. W.,” I take for
granted it was not penned by Mr. Wat
son. W. H. F.
The Augusta Chronicle and other
Democratic organs, chafing under
the defeat of Mr. Fleming, Boykin
Wright, Bob Lewis and other parti
zans; attempted to throw the blame
of their defeat on the People’s party
members of the General Assembly,
some of them going so far as to say
“the negro vote is less dangerous
than the third party balance of
power in our House of Representa
tives.”
Now comes Mr. Fleming, who
says, “If there was a ring slate, I
was defeated because I was not ou
it. The alleged slate seems to have
succeeded without a single break.
Besides that, the People’s party
members, I am proud to say, were
my friends and supporters in my
race for speaker.” “I am proud of
their support.” “I fought them po
litically, but honorably. They
acknowledged it and gave me»their
support because they had confidence
in my honesty and fairness.”
According to the Democratic press
our boys made a slate and wiped up
a Democratic Legislature. Accord
ing to Mr. Fleming there was a slate
but our boys didn’t make it, and he
wasn’t on it; our boys supported
him and he was defeated.
Democratic newspapers will lie;
they can’t help it, and Air. Fleming
convicts them. And yet, they want
the “law changed,” and base their
wishes on a clear-cut home-made lie {
What Democrat can believe them
hereafter ?
Mr. Fleming denies “visiting negro
politicians at night,” etc. We with
draw that portion of the article.
We would not do the gentleman an
injustice knowingly. When we
wrote the article we did not know
that Mr. Lamar Fleming (a kinsman
of Bill’s) was one of Mr. Black’s
campaign managers. We knew Bill
was. It was the other Mr. Fleming
that made the nocturnal visits to
“negro politicians.” Bill wouldn’t
do that.
Boykin Wright did not go down
into, the wire-grass to capture An
thony Wilson, but Boykin’s pa went
and induced Anthony to visit his
son, Boykin, in Augusta.
When you start on a hunt after
a Tenth district Democrat’s dirty
work, you scent the whole kith and
generation. But Bill is clean. Now,
Bill, you see the “foundation” stone
of that “statement.”
We return thanks to Mr. Fleming
for calling our attention. We hope
we have answered fully, fairly and
clearly. Mr. Fleming is one of the
brainiest young men in Georgia. He
is an open foe. To his brain and
manipulation Mr. Black owes more
than he can every repay. In fact,
Bill Fleming was the brains of Mr.
Black’s campaign.
We will perhaps have something
to say on this line m the near future.
We want to know why Mr. Black
failed to keep his agreements and
contracts with Mr. Watson during
the campaign and at the ballot
boxes. Mr. Fleming knows all
about it, and if we should make any
mistakes he will certainly call our
attention to them.
Mr. Fleming takes no exceptions
to our assertion in the aiticle com
plained of that ‘dt was the fear of a
legal ballot and an honest count”
that cleaned up the Augusta office
seekers and lobbyists, so we presume
we drove in a tack right there.
Tuesday the people of Claytor
county nominated a full county ticket
and will keep in practice by electing
it in January. For Ordinary, Judge
Oliphant; for Sheriff, John W. Par
ker; for Clerk, Will Mann*; for
Treasurer, John C. Kemp; for Tax
Receiver, J. G. Betsill; for Collectoi
1. A. Moore ; for Surveyor, B. Dean*
for Coroner, James McMullin. The
convention was composed of five
from each militia district.