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CURED AT 73 YEARS.
JDr. Miles’ New Heart Cure Victorious.
No other medicine can show such a record.
Here is a veritable patriarch, 73 years of
Age, with strong prejudice to overcome, who
had Heart Disease 15 years. He took the New
jPeart Cure and is now sound and well.
wwWw'
Samuel O. Stone.
Grass Lake, Mich., Dec. 28,1894.
I have been troubled with heart disease 15
years or more. Most of the time I was so
bad it was not safe for nue to co out alone,
as dizzy spells would cause falling. I had
severe palpitation, shortness of breath and
sudden pains t hat rendered me helpless. All
physicians did for me was to advise keeping
quiet. In August last I commenced taking
Dr. Miles’ New Heart Cure,
and before I had finished the first bottle I
found the medicine was a God-send. I have
now used four bottles in all and am feeling
entirely well lam 73 years of age and have
held a grudge against patent medicines all
my life, but I will not allow this to prevent
giving my testimony to the great cure your
valuable remedy has wrought in me. I do
this to show my appreciation of Dr. Mlles*
New Heart Cure. SAMUEL O. STONE.
Dr. Milos Heart Cure is sold on a positive
guarantee that the first bottle will Benefit.
All druggists sell it at sl, 6 bottles for $5, or
it will be sent, prepaid, on receipt of price
by the Dr. Miles Medical Co., Elkhart, Inch
Dr. Allies’ Heart Cure r “h4"i,.
A $25 Cooking Stove I
■wii
WITH A COMPLETE OUTFIT FOR H
$12.00. |
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Zu/ZE* FADGETT, |
846 Bp.oad Street, Augusta, Ga. R
VICTORY in’96!
jEK-A A Continuous Campaign of Education from
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\ 88)2 Marietta St, Atlanta, Ga.
practice in all Courts. Prompt at
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Practice in the Superior, Supreme and
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Price, 15 cents.
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Milledgeville, Ga,
’Corner Drug Store.
The Cause of Discontent.
In his enterview cabled to The
World and published on Wednesday
Mr. Bayard seeks for the cause and
origin of the popular discontent
which culminated in the free-silver
craze at Chicago.
He says truly that “a system of
plunder by taxation has created a
national distress for which repudia
tion and ruin are supposed to be
remedies.” He argues that the opera
tion through twenty years and more
of the system now known as Mo-
Kinleyism produced widespread dis
tress among the farming classes,
with the inevitable result of breeding
a discontent which now blindly turns
for relief to remedies that are, in
his well-chosen words, “radical, im
practicable, illusiory and dangerous ”
All this is true enough, but it is
only a part o! the truth. If we are
to search out the genesis of this revo
lution, for instruction and guidance,
we must seek not one but all the
causes and conditions that have
given it birth, Mr. Bayard reminds
us that he said four years ago all
that he says now. There has been a
four years’ failure, then, to apply
remedies, to correct abuses, danger
by righting wrongs.
This is the lamentable fact. The
World also four years ago pointed
out the potent causes of the growing
discontent, and it has not failed at
any point to warn the Administra
tion, the legislative branch and the
money power of the disastrous con
sequences of the blunders they were
making, and which, in spite of its
warnings, they have made. The
lamentable event at Chicago, and the
■ disordered condition of the popular
mind out of which that event grew
as a necessary consequence, are un
fortunately literal fulfilments of The
World’s oft-repeated prophecies
As Mr. Biyard must also know,
I the existing Administration came into
being by virtue of a great popular
uprising against long-endured mis
government. It came into power
specially pledged to reforms that it
has strangely refused even to at
tempt. If any one doubts that this
failure has been one of the chief fao.
i tors of the discontent which finds so
dangerous a manifesta ion in the
Chicago platform, he has only to
read that platform in order to satisfy
himself. He will find the greater
part of its arraignments directed not
; against-tlra--political
1 Democracy, but against the sitting
Administration of the Democratic
party itself.
When this Administration began
all the reins of power were in its
hands—the reins of goverrment as
well as the reins of party direction.
Mr. Cleveland was not only Presi
dent : he was the enthusiastically
chosen champion of his party, its
absolutely trusted head, its Moses,
who had assumed the task of leading
the people out of the wilderness of
plutocracy, “plunder by taxation,”
class legislation, trust extortion and
government by corporate influence.
The people had given him a Con
gress Democratic in both branches
with which to carry out the reforms
promised by Democracy and by him
self. How did he use his great op
' portunities ?
The Chicago platform of 1892
’ promised a policy of bimetallism by
international agreement, and pledged
the President to seek such agreement
by every means in his power. Yet
even when Congress by resolution
called upon him to invite another con
ference to that end he refused to
fulfil his own and his party’s pledge,
or to grant the obvious desire of the
great body of the people. With
that extraordinary contempt for all
opinions but his own which has come
to be a conspicuous feature of his
character since he fell under Wall
street influences, he calmly put aside
the Congressional demand without
so much as a word of explanation.
A sincere eSort cn his part to carry
out this pledge, such as Congress
suggested and The World strenu
ously urged, would have rendered
the present silver craze impossible.
The people, even those of them who
were most impatient, were satisfied
to wait if only they could see the
promised eSorts being made. It was
only when they saw all promises
broken, all pledges contemptuously
ignored, and the leader chosen to
free them from the thrall of plutoc
racy fallen under its control, that
they went mad and gave ear to the
preachments of Populism.
Again, as Mr. Bayard must know,
another pledge of the party, and one
which secured enormous support for
it in 1892, was that it would enforce
the and-trust laws, which had been
PARTY PAPER, ATLANTA, GA.,
put upon the statute-books in answer
to a universal popular demand, but
which the Harrison Administration
had left a dead letter. To this
pledge Mr. Cleveland additionally
bound himself by voluntary utter •
ance in his inaugural address. Yet
before the people who listened to
that address had left Washington, he
put at the head of the Department
of Justice the favorite attorney of
the trusts—a man who had grown
rich in their employ and who had
given to them in writing his opinion
that the trust laws were “unoonstitu
nal, null and void.” The World in
stantly cried aloud in protest against
this betrayal of the people, but its
warnings were unheeded.
So far from proceeding against his
old clients under these laws, Mr.
Olney, as an attorney for the trusts
might have been expected to do,
wrote into his first official report a
sneering and sarcastic passage to
show that only absurdly credulous
persons could for one moment take
the anti-trust laws as serious enact
ments, or imagine that Congress had
power to place any effective restric
tions upon conspiracies of monopoly
in restraint of trade; and Mr. Cleve
land, instead of turning the traitor
out of his Cabinet, transmitted his
report to Congress with his own ap
proval.
These were but the beginning of
disappointments to the people’s
hopes. The commission they had
secured to protect interstate com
merce against extortion by railroad
pools not only did nothing effective
in that direction, but latterly has
even made itself the friend and ad
vocate of railroad highwaymen in
their schemes, as the attorney-Gen.
eral had been the guardian and pro
tector of the trusts. In the Senate
the shameless spectacle was present
ed of the Sugar Trust using dis
tinguished Demooratio Senators as
its agentsand attorneys, and through
them dictating schedules that enabled
it rob the Treasury of fifty millions
of needed revenue, while the Secre
tary of the Treasury stood by
actively abetting the plot and venal
Senators speculated through Wall
street brokers in the results of their
own legislative action.
This growth of corporate and
plutocratic influence at Washington
has been constant. The shameful
history of the first -jf
bonds to the Morgan syndicate for
six millions less than their value in
the open market is still fresh in the
public memory. So is that of the
second attempt to repeat the robbery
on a much larger scale last January
—an attempt averted only by The
World’s extraordinary activity in ex
posing its iniquity and arousing
a re sistlesa popular protest
against it. In the one case the peo
ple saw the Government actually in
the control of the money power, led
by Mr. Pierpont Morgan. In the
other they saw how grudgingly it
allowed itself to be saved, and how
even in yielding it was at pains to
save to the money power as much as
possible of its coveted plunder.
Equally irritating to the popular
sense of justice was the overthrow
of the income tax. The enactment of
a law imposing a trifling impost of
two per cent, upon superfluous in
comes was the one apparently earn
est attempt made in all these years
to do some small measure of justice
to the people—to distribute the bur
den of Government support with
some show of equity, to make the
corporations, the bankers and the
beneficiaries of tariff bounty pay
some part at least of their just share
of the taxes. Yet no sooner was
this law enacted than a fierce and
determined assault was made upon
it. The masses of the people, who
pay taxes on nearly everything
they consume, were made to
understand that the owners of super,
fluous wealth were not going to pay
their share, or even a small part of
it, if by any means they could avoid
it. They hired great lawyers to as
sail the law and break it down
They subsidized influential news
papers to oppose it. They raised
the false ory “socialism” against it.
They ignored the facts of history and
the principles of scientific taxation.
In face of the fact that every great
nation on earth has an income tax,
and finds it the most equitable of
imposts, they shrieked false cries of
“confiscation” and “punishment of
thrift” against it. They refused to
accept defeat even when the Supreme
Court decided against them. They
brought the matter into issue again,
and did not rest until a Judge
changed his view and thus made tne
Court reverse its decision.
All this was a craze as pronounced
as that which inspired the Chicago
platform, and it largely contributed
to the construction of that platform
It was a slap in the face to the popu
lar demand for equitable relief. It
was one of the chief of those out
rages upon justice which have
prompted the Democracy of the
country to turn to the wild vagaries
of Populism in a mistaken hope of
betterment 1 It not only brought
the Supreme Court dangerously,
though unjustly, within the range of
the growing popular indignation but
furnished a new grievance as fresh
fuel to that indignation.
The very men who assailed and
destroyed the inodme-tax law were
those who should have been most
eager to cherish it as a testimony to
the people of theipown loyal citizen
ship and of the impartiality of the
law. By their Irazy course they
saved their paltry two per cent, of
taxes, and doing so they helped
mightily to convert the popular sense
of injustice into a madness that
threatens a much greater cost to the
owners of superfiabus incomes than
the tax would have involved even if
it had been many times higher than
it was.
It is out of this four years’ failure
of distinctly promised relief, this
long-continued betrayal of the peo
ple’s confidence, this unbroken con
tinuance of wrong and injustice, that
the revolutionary reaction has grown.
For all the evil it may entail upon
the country before it shall pass away
we have to thank those who have
provoked it by thjir stupid failure
in duty, and those who have fed it
by their stupendous folly.
Mr. Bayard knows all this history
as well as we do. It, of course, does
not justify the wild proposals of the
Chicago platform, but it helps to
explain their origin. Even groat
wrongs do not justify wrong reme
dies. “People think of the evils of
the French revolution without re
membering the excesses that led to
themN. Y. World.
Chattooga Meeting.
The People’s party of Rittooga
county met pursuant to call of the
chairman and elected G. A, Ragland
chairman of the meeting and J. J.
Potter secretary.
The following resolutions were
read and adopted:
We demand in county affa'rq a
d,ecrear.e of extravagance in all things
pertaining to the county.
We desire the old-time prosperity.
We demand that our jury super
visors be elected by the people.
We demand that the names of the
most upright and intelligent citizens
of the county be placed in the jury
box without regard to party; and
that the jury boxes, both grand and
traverse, ba freed from partisan pol
itics.
We also demand the election of
judges and solicitors by the people.
That such elections be removed from
the legislative halls that evils of the
present system may be avoided and
the ermine kept clean from political
trades and The pres
ence of candidates for the judge
ships and solicitors places at politi
conventions, is not only a scandal to
the state, but a menace to civil lib
erty.
We demand the abolishment of the
fee system that th? people may see
where the money belonging to the
state and county goes and how it is
distributed.
We demand a better system of
school laws of our state that the
money appropriated for sc'-00l pur
poses for children in the school age
may be used to pay teachers, and
them only, and the board of educa
tion work free of charge and for the
love of our sons and daughters and
the advancement of our schools.
We the People’s party in conven
tion assembled, do also reaffirm our
allegiance to the Omaha platform.
Committeee on nominations and
indorsements: F. G. Little, J- J. P.
Henry, J. T. Weaver, Mr. Roberson,
Mr. Graham and John Lewis.
The chairman then stated that
nominations were in order. J. J,
Potter placed C. C. Benefield in
nomination for the State Senate for
the 42d Senatorial district. No other
nominations being made, C. C. Bene
field was nominated by acclamation
A motion was made and adopted
that the proceedings of this meeting
be published in the People’s Par;y
Paper, Trion Echo, Chattooga News
and the Advance Courier.
G. A. Ragland, Chm.
J, J. Potter, Secy.
Anyone wishing to take a course
in a commercial colleee will do well
to confer with the People’s Parti
Paper. We can save you money.
Ma (
Pursi j~ i
man of ■MMKmmittee the
Peoples Party 'of Monroe county
met in mass moating at Forsyth last
Saturday.
Speeches were made by Capt. L.
A. Ponder and Col. W. S. Whitaker.
The following named persons were I
elected delegates to the State con- i
vention, B. M. liarthorn, J. F. Wai- I
ker, J. G. Bittick, W. H Westbrook,
Allen Hartsfield, C. O. Goodwyne, :
J. A. Graham, J. T. Means, C. F. j
Turner, Otis Sullivan, J. A. Danielly, ■
J. E. McElmurry, W. C. King, W.
W. Browning, C. F. Evans, R, S.
Chambless and L. A. Ponder and
Jno, W. Hooten from county at
large.
Delegates to the Congressional :
canvention, D. E. Willis, J. 11.
Edwards, E. Z. Pharr, W. B. Meek i
and others.
Delegates to the Senatorial con
vention, J. H. Fletchers, S. J. Lind
sey, Homer Ponder and J. M.
Fleoher.
The meeting adjourned to meet :
on Saturday the Bth, day of August
to nominate Representatives and
county officers.
L. A, Ponder, Chm. j
Jno. W. Hooten, Sec. ,
STHE STORY $
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4 It is elegantly printed, 5
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Excursion Tickets to California and Col
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Fa Maps, Folders, Sleeping Car Reservation and
any information about Rates, Schedules, etc.,
write apply to
C. B. WALKER, J. A. THOMAS,
Ticket Agent, ticket Agent,
Union Depot, No. 8 Kimball House,
ATLANTA, GA.
J. H. LATIMER, G. T. P. A., J. W. HICKS, T. P. A.,
8 Kimball House, 8 Kimball House,
JOS. M. BROWN, CHAS. E. HARMAN,
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MONEY TO LOAN.
3 to 6 Tears on Improved Fanns in
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Agents wanted.
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61 South Forsyth Street, - - ATLANTA, GEORGIA.
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? ..THE.. :
CAUSE AND CURE
GERMAN AND ENGLISH. j
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5 Address all orders to *
£ JACOB S. COXEY,
Massillon, Ohio.
«»-cj r# oo o.
TEN DOLLARS
Buys a Share of Stock in Our Pub
lishing Company. Thos. E. Watson,
President, Atlanta, Ga. Only 1000
Shares will be put on the market.
The best printing stock in the South
The Schulte Publishing Company
will send to any of our readers men
tioning this paper a copy of “The
Condition of the American Farmer,”
on receipt of a two-cent stamp to pay
or postage, efeK .
3
