Newspaper Page Text
Bf/N
ACCEPT.
WILL GO UPON THE COMBIN
ATION TICKET WITH
BRYAN.
HE IS OUT OF THE RACE'
For Congress in the Tenth Dis
trict and Predicts Success for
the Combination Ticket
in November.
Augusta Chronicle.
Thomson, Ga., July 25.—(Special)
—Hon. Thomas E Watson will ac
copt the Vice-Presidential nomina
tion, he made this positive statement
today. Although two weeks ago, he
said he was opposed to any sort of
fusion, yet under the circumstances,
as at present developed, he was
heartily in favor of it He was ori
ginally in favor of a straightout Pop
ulist platform and a straightout Pop
nbst ticket, and against the endorle
nient of Bryan and Sewall, for the
reason that an endorsement of the
entire Democratic ticket, without
putting a Populist ticket in the field
at al l , would virtually kill the Popu
list party forever. The strength of
the faction for complete fusion, how
ever, developed at St. Louis, was im
mensely greater than he thought it
would be. The advocates of total
fusion were so strong that a oompro
mise was the only thing that would
save the Populist party. “Wa had
come in front of a crisis. A mistake
would have killed our party. Under
the cisoumstanoes, partial fusion was
the wise course and yesterday in
response to wires from St. Louie, I
replied that if it would promote har
mony I would consent to allow the
use of my name for the Vice Presi
dential nomination. Having done
this, I will feel honor bound to accept
the nomination.”
“That means that you are out of
the race for Congress in this district.”
Mr. Watson smiled and said, “That
is about what it amounts to.”
I tried to get Mr. Watson to talk
upon this branch of the subject, but
he said he would rather not.
“Will a contest be made for Con
gressman from the district by the
party?” I asked.
“Oh, I suppose the boys will keep
up the fight, though I would rather
not talk on the subject.”
“Who will be the Populist nomi
nee?” I asked.
“Let’s eat some more grapes,” said
Mr. Watson.
At any rate Mr. Watson is out of
the race for Congress himself, for
certain and sure.
Mr. Watson was in a cheerful
mood, and it wts easy to see that he
was pleased with the turn of affairs
but he wore the honor that has been
put upon him with his usual quiet
dignity.
We went into Mr. Watson’s work
shop, which io a perfect conservatory
of choice books and pictures, and
talked for two hours over the nomi
nation and the situation. Mr. Wat
son talked slowly and earnestly, in
his soft, smooth, sympathetic voice.
His sentences were clear as bells.
He spoke right out frankly, evenly
and eloquently; and though he was
giving a talk that was to go to all the
people of the United States, being
the first that he had given since his
nomination, he never hesitated or
hawed.
At the beginning of our interview
Mr. Watson did not know whether
Mr. Bryan would be the nominee of
the party in St. Louis; and when the
news of the nomination of Mr. Bryan
came, Mr. Watson did not know
whether Mr. Bryan would accept the
nomination, although he had received
a telegram from St. Louis stating
that Mr. Bryan would.
The interview with Mr. Watson
was as follows, verbatim ;
“Will you accept the nomination
with Mr. Bryan ?”
“Having been appealed to yester
day from St. Louis to allow my name
to be used for the Vice Presidency,
in order to harmonize all the different
factions, and having consented there
to, 1 feel honor-bonnd to accept the
nomination, since it has been given
to me.”
“What will ba the result of the
combination ticket to the Populist
party ?”
“The Populist party will feel fully
enlisted in support of the ticket; they
will feel that the party is going for-
w ird on something
iog with the silver VH
achieve a result th i, noth
A nomination of this sort
absorb the Peoples party, does not
make it lose its identity, does not
destroy its organization, does not
stultify its record, repudiate its prin
ciples or terminate its mission. If
Mr. Bryan consents to make the race
with me—he for first place and I for
second—our party the Populist
party—will simply be in the attitude
of combining forces to the extent
that they agree; no further. It will
be understood all the time that we
endorse our entire platform, and
mean at the earliest hour to carry it
into effect. In this campaign to have
stubbornly refused to 00-operate with
the silver Democrats would have put
us in the position of refusing to keep
a principle for fear it might possibly
hurt our party. I very firmly op
posed any fusion which would absorb
us; annihilate our party and put it in
the future entirely in the power of
the Democratic organizition. Such
a fusion I believe, would have sacri
ficed the Populist party, and would
not have brought us free silver, be
cause, as I believe, it was the pres
sure which tlje growth of the Populist
party brought upon the Democratic
party that compelled the Democratic
party to go as far it did in the adop
tion of our principles—that is, those
of the Populist party. To have re
moved this pressure by disbanding
our party might have left the Demo
cratic party to drift away from its
pledges, as it had done in 1892 and
1891. But when our Populist party
secures recognition and represents
tion on the Presidential ticket, and
from the highest ticket down to the
lowest, we can preserve our integrity
at a party and can at any moment
take such steps to secure a faithful
carrying out of pledges as circum
stances may render necessary. The
Populist party does not compromise
its principles by saying that it will
accept aid of other parties to carry
out some of its principles. It would
be silly in us to say, we will accept
no man’s help on any plank in our
platform, unless that man cares to
help us on all the planks m our plat
form. During the campaign the
Populist party does not lose its iden
tity, as a distinct party, and after the
campaign is over, instead of being in
a worse condition than at the begin
ning of the campaign it will ba in a
better.
“If Mr. Bryan accepts the nomina
tion, I believe our ticket will be
elected for this reason : ‘All doubt
of the West going for the Populist
party is on account of the Democratic
vote—that vote is enough with the
Populist vote to assure the success of
the combination ticket. All doubt
of the South going for the Demo
cratic party is on account of the Pop
ulist vote, and a union of the two in
both sections, means the defeat of the
Republicans. Therefore at the very
beginning the ticket seems to be as
sured of the solid support of the West
and the South.’ ”
“How will the Populist vote be
recorded ?”
“If Mr. Bryan runs with me there
would probably be a division of
electors between the two parties
based upon their respective notes in
the last Presidential election.” t
“How will the two platform be re
conciled?”
They do not need any reooncilia
tion. The Democrats and the Popu
lists alike endorse the Democratic
platform as far as it goes—the Popu
list platform goes farther—that is all.
There is no reason why I should re
fuse to co-operate with a man who
agrees with me on three essential
principles, simply because he will
not agree with me on four. I am
willing to take his help as far as he
will go and thank him for it; perhaps
after keeping company with ma in a
campaign or two he may go a little
further than he at first thought he
would. A man can grow in the re
form principles just as he can grow
in grace,and the fact that the Demo
cratic party has adopted the Chicago
platform shows that Populism is at
work.”
“Do you entirely approve the action
of the Populist convention in divid
ing the ticket ?”
“Under all the circumstances, I
do. It was nut my preference, but
it was the best that could be done.
I was for a straightout Populist plat
form and a straightout Populist
ticket, but such a very great number
of prominent Populists in the con
vention were pledged to an endorse
ment of the entire Democratic ticket
that the to be
io imminent dan.
■ WaJIUWs PART? .PAPER, ATLANWWLY 31, 1896.
have endorsed both Bryan and
TSewall and to have failed to put out
a Pop alia t ticket at all would have
meant the complete abliteration of
the Populist party. My nomination
was really a compromise between
those who wanted both Bryan and
Sewall and those who wanted two
straightout Populists. A crisis was
upon us and our party and its prin
ciples were in the greatest peril, a
vital mistake would have ruined us
forever. I consented to allow my
name to be used in ths belief that
this was necessary to harmonize all
the elements of our party and to
save it from splitting by friends into
factions. Under no other circum
stances would I have agreed to the
nomination, and the circumstances
under which I did accept were such
as I did not dream one week ago
would exist. The strength of fusion
was immensely greater than I had
thought it was. Its complete suc
cess would, in my judgment, have
completely ruined our party.”
“How do you figure that the com
bination ticket will win ?”
“The solid South and West will
carry the election. The total elec
toral vote of the following States will
go for the combination ticket: Ala
bama, Arkansas, California, Colorado,
Florida, Georgia, Idaho, Kansas )
Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, M's
sissippi, Minnesota, Missouri, Mon
tana, Nebraska, Nevada, North Caro
lina, South Carolina, South Dakota,
Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Virginia,
Washington, West Virginia, and
Wyoming, or a total of 331 votes—
necessary to a choice 224. So with,
out any of the Eastern States we
ought to carry the election, but there
is other debatable ground, and we
have a fighting chance in other
States. In regard to Kentucky, I
have no doubt that the combination
ticket will defeat the Republicans
there, if it is said upon the one hand
that Maryland, West Virginia and
Kentucky are doubtful, I answer
that on the other hand Indiana and
New York are also doubtful, to say
to say nothing of others. I think it
is very probable that this campaign
in favor of silver will be similar to
the landslide of 1890. There is no
telling how far the movement will go.
It is gaining a footing in localities
which have heretofore been looked
upon as the strongholds of capitali
zation. Ido not think that in the
Democratic party the number of free
silver men are increasing, but I do be
lieve that the free silver sentiment is
gaining and converting every day
from the Republican party in the
North and Northwest and the East;
and I should not be surprised to see
the free silver movement capture
some States that are now considered
reliably Republican.”
“What do you wish to say to the
country ?”
“We are certainly justified in ap
pealing to th a record, and that re
cord shows that the most prosperous
times this country ever knew were
when we had free coinage of both
silver and gold and had a tariff for
the purpose of revenue only and not
for the purpose of enriching a class
at the expense of another class, and
when the National banks were not
allowed to create money; and when
taxes were kept down to the actual
needs of the Government, adminis
tered with that prudential economy
that ought to charaaterizs the con
duct of any individual in the treat
ment of his own business. Oar
troubles have come upon us through
misgovernment; our National expan
ses have been allowed to become
ruinously high; our tariff schedules
have been fixed by the trusts and
combines which fattened upon ns;
our National banks have usurped the
power of supplying money; our sup
ply cf money has been diminished by
the exclusion of silver from the
mints, until we have no longer a
sufficient amount of money with
which to transact the business of the
country to yield a fair price for labor
and for labor’s products. In other
words our Government needs resto
ration to its old-timed principles, and
I am willing to devote whatever in
fluence and whatever talents I may
possess to the achievement of that
purpose.”
“Will you take an active part in
the campaign.”
“I am ready to offer my services
to the Executive comm .ttee—yes, the
executive committee composed of
Democrats and Populists—to further
the interests of the ticket and the
principles it represents.”
“What do you think of Mr.
Bryan ?”
As I said in my paper two weeks
ago, when I had no idea of being
connected with him in the campaign.
Mr Bryan is a man of unblemished
character and of a very high order
of ability. We were friends when
we were in the House together in
the Fifty-second Congress. He and
I voted together, I think, on every
proposition that came before the
House, and he was one of the three
Democrats who had ths nerve to
vote against Mr. Cuthwaite’s motion
to reject me from Congress without
a hearing—a thing that had never
been done before, consequently my
personal feelings towards Mr. Bryan
are exceedingly kind.
What do you think cf the Demo
cratic platform?
The Chicago platform is a return
to the old Jeffersonian landmarks,
and considering the sinceiity of the
gentlemen who pledged their support
to that platform, Ido say that so
far as platform making is concerned,
the Democratic party is immensely
improved.
“I have no prejudice against any
section in the Union. I was born on
the sth, of September, 1856, and
was therefore too young to have any
connection with the Civil War. I
am a Southern man in sentiment and
in feeling, but I have no sectional
bitterness with any at all. From
the very foundation of our Govern
ment I think the North and the East
have been represented in Congress
by shrewd business men who paid
very strict attention to getting such
laws as would benefit their sections
passed. Ido think that our national
banking laws, our funding system,
have to a very great extent built up
the North and Eist at the expense
of the South and West. While I
would not, if I could, do an injury to
this section, I would like to see the
fair thing done; those laws that dis
criminate agaitst the South and
West should be removed from the
statute books. Our system at present
of wealth as against the citizens, and
in favor of the dollar as against the
man. I see no reason why the law
cannot give ample protection
to property without doing
any injustice to fie laborer and pro
ducer, and I should be happy to see
that policy sucitsssful. The South
and the West, practically, produce
all the wealth of this country—the
North and East, practically, produce
none of it. It is the literal fact the
producing sections accumulate little
or nothing, while the non-producing
sections acoufflOslate fabulous profits.”
‘ I fully endorse the St. Louis
platform just 'as adopted by our
party. It is the best platform our
party has ever put forward, and I
believe it more fully meets the re
quirements of the political situation
than any declaration of principles
now before the country.”
“How about the sub-treasury,
which has been dropped from the
platform?”
The sub treasury was simply a
means of distribution. It has been
greatly misunderstood, and with my
people the ridicule that was heaped
upon it was sufficient to prevent
them from making any examination
of it at all. Oar great complaint
was that there should be more money
put into circulation. Necessarily
then the question arose. ‘How are
you going to distribute this money
among the people after the Govern
ment creates it ?” In reply to this
practical question we offered the
subtreasury plan as a method of dis
tributing the money. The idea was
to lend the people money at a low
rate of interest, upon security to be
appoved by Government officials
that security consisting of land,
or of cotton, or of wheat. The
idea is by no means a new one
and in nearly every European country
it has been practically adopted. The
English Government lends money to
those who w-sh to buy land, and this
policy of encouraging the people to’
own their own homes has the sanc
tion of the great name of Mr. Glad
stone.
“Frederick the Great adopted the
same policy after the wreck and ruin
of the Seven Years’ war. Modern
Germany owes much of its greatness
to a similar policy of the great states
man Steyn. In Norway and in Den
mark, I believe, the government has
a land-booth which lends money to
the farmers on their lands. The
governments of France, of Russia
and of Greece lend money to farmers
on their produce. There was noth
ing more absurd in our proposition
that the government should lend
money upon land or upon warehouse
receipts for cotton or upon an eleva
tor receipt for wheat, than there is
in the practice of the Government
in lending money to the national
of 1 cent per annum;
or
year of the people’s taxes to the
whiskey trust, for a period of five
years. Therefore, I sa? that we
have nothing to be ashamed of in
having proposed the sub-treasury as
a method of distribution, bat inas
much as it provoked great opposition
and ridicule, we dropped that mere
detail clinging to the principle of an
increased supply of money, leaving
the government to decide upon what
ever method of distribution might
best suit the Government.”
With this Mr. Watson said he
thought he had talked enough and
proposed that we should eat some
grapes.
While we were talking Mr. Wat
son received a telegram of congratu
lation on an average of every three
minutes. The poor telegraph opera
tor at Thomson has not been worked
so hard in many a day.
Mr. Watson is evidently under the
impression that Mr. Sewall will not
and should not accept the Demo
cratic nomination when it if officially
tendered him. He did not say this,
but it was easy to see that he thought
that this would be the better course.
He was very sincere in the expres
sion of his opinion that with the
Democratic strength solidly for
Bryan and the Populist strength
solidly for him,the combination ticket
would sweep into power in Novem
ber. Mr. Watson is also evidently
pleased with the nomination, and the
turn things have taken. As he sees
it at present, he stand a good chance
of becoming Vice President of the
United States. He is also relieved
of continuing a very painful fight for
Congress, and this is probably a
load off his mind.
I think Mr. Watson was breathing
easier today than he has for some
time. I think his step was lighter
than it has been wont to be for some
time. Why should it not be? He is
now the acknowledged head of the
Populist party in the United States,
although it is only ths Vice Presi
dential nomination that has been
given to him. Why should a man
not feel hap py why has b’oen so con
spicuously honored by his p|arty? I
am sure that Nr. Watson that
receiving the Vice Presidential nomi
nation is better than ranni'cjg for
Congrets and, possibly, getting
elected, There is more in the ’nomi
nation than a mere elaotion to/ Con
gress, oven if he should not be effected,
he probably feels. I believe he
looks at the matter in this way and
is satisfied. lat the same time be
lieve that Mr. Watson has a wish at
heart in common with thousands of
others in the Tenth District that ex
treme bitterness should cease; and
since the approach of the Democratic
National platform to that of the
Populists is so great, as he sees it,
with so little difference, I believe he
cherishes the hope that the two fac
tions may somehow, by divine dis
pensation, be ere long walking side
by side again.
The people of Thomson are pre
paring for a demonstration in cele
bration of the promotion of their fel.
lowtownsman,and it appears that this
demonstration will be joined in
largely by Democrats and Populists
alike. Hugh C. Middleton,
Convention Called.
The 34th, Senatorial Convention
composed of delegates from the
Counties of DeKalb, Henry and
Gwinnett is hereby called to meet
at 164 Whitehall street, Atlanta at
10 o’clock, August 6 th, next, for
purpose of nominating a candidate
for Senator from said district.
W. W. Wilson.
Harris County.
The executive committee of the
Peoples Party of Harris county are
requested to meet in Hamilton on the
Ist Tuesday in August next at 10 a.
m , for the purpose of transacting
important business. A full turnout is
desired. R. B. Tbaylob,
Chairman.
Walker County.
Editor People’s Party Paper:
The executive committee of the
Peoples party of Walker county met
at the court house June 2d, and fixed
Saturday, Aug. Ist, as the date for
holding district mass meetings for
the purpose of electing delegates to
a county convention to be held Satur
day, August 8 th.
The purpose of this convention is
to nominate or endorse candidates
for the various county cilices, also
representative and S tate senator.
Dade and Catoosa counties are in
vited to send delegates to this con
vention to aid us in nominating a
candidate for senator.
C. A. Chambers.
Ascalon, Ga. June 6, 1896.
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