Newspaper Page Text
VOL. I.
CONGRESS.
THE
MI LI
— lor was made at the
REELECTOR.
MILLEDGEVILLE, G. TUESDAY, JANUARY 20, 1818.
NO. 11.
SPEECH OF MR. FORSYTH,
On the amendments proposed by Gen. Harrison
to the bill for the relief of certain surviving
officers of the revolutionary army.
Mr. Fobsytii regretted that the amend
ments proposed by the gentleman from Ohio
had not been printed, as the object he had in
view was not understood by tho committee,
Every gentleman who had discussed the
subject since they were introduced appeared
to think it was proposed to extend the pro
visions of the bill to all the surviving officers
of tho revolutionary army. This was not
the rase. The proposition is to change the
application of the principle, and, to a cer
tain extent, to enlarge the provisions of re
lief j but the principle of the bill and the
mendments were essentially the sajue. Both
contemplated relief to indigence only. If
he understood the proposition, (and if he
did not lie hoped to be corrected) (lie alter
ations proposed were: To render it unneces
sary for the persons claiming the benefit of
the act to establish the fact of their poverty
by proof. Every indigent officer and sol
dier who asked as such, were to receive the
pension offered by the governmftlt on the
production of the evidence of service during
the revolutionary w ar—It was left to his own
honor to determine how far his poverty enti
tled him to the bounty of government: To
graduate the amount of pension by the rank of
the oflicer, clogged with the limitation ol
the original bill, that no pension should ex
ceed the half pay of a lieutenant colonel :
To give to every revolutionary officer in the
service of the United States since the peace
of 1783, and who had been disbanded, pay
according to the rank he last held in the ar
my. Mr. F. was friendly to the first pari
of this proposition ; lie did not think that it
was either ridiculous or disgraceful for an
individual to confess his indigence, and ac
cept a support from the government of this
country, but was anxious to save those who
ought to be relieved from the humiliating ne
cessity of searching for evidence of the pre
cise. quantum of their poverty, or producing
fijjggeons’ certificates of the state of,their
"bodily strength. He was aware that sain*
impositions would be practised, but he pre
ferred that the government should lose a few
hundred dollars to tho risk of depriving a
single suffering officer or soldier of the pit
tance proposed to be allowed, from the ope
ration of even a false delicacy. ' As however,
the original bill, by mere verbal modifica
tion, would produce the same end, he should
vote agninst the amendment proposed ; be
cause of its connexion with the other altera
tion he deemed inadmissible. The gradua
tion of the pay according to rank was a work
of unnecessary detail ; it could make the li
mitation but a Tew dollars difference to the
.officers of the highest rank, and heaven
knows 20 dollars per month was but a poor
subsistence for any matt who had ever been
accustomed to live like an officer. Besides,
the committee were relieving the wants ol
the suffering, not regulating the emoluments
of rank ; and he was confident no general
officer would regret that, after being reduc
ed to the half pay of a lieutenant colonel, an
ensign should have the same allowance that
was given to himself. Mr. F. was at a loss
td understand the ground upon which tlie^st
proposition was defended ; upon what
ciplc the rank of an officer of the army s^P
sequent to 1783, was to be considered as en
titling him to the emoluments given to those
of the same rank prior to-that period. If a
discrimination was to be made, it ought to
1bc in favor of those who never had been sub
sequently employed. Those retained in ser
vice, or subsequently reappointed, had ton
certain extent, enjoyed the bounty of the
government; instead of deserving more,
they were, on that account) entitled to less
than their fellow officers who have not expe
rienced the same good fortune. Mr. F. was
therefore opposed to the proposed change.
With the great majority of the House, he
was disposed, after the verbal modification
to which he had alluded should be made, to
vote for the bill without scanning too curi
ously the motives of his conduct. It was e-
nough for him to know, that there were men,
the rcrollcction of whose services always in
spired the most grateful emotions, in want,
to desire to relieve them. Sb far as it could
be done without the violation of principle or
the establishment of a dangerous preced^,
if his voice could effect it, it should be done.
He must protest, however, against tho doc
trine advanced by several gentlemen, that
these individuals had claims upon the justice
ef the country for pecuniary assistance.—
An honorable gentleman from Kentucky,
(Mr. Trimble) and the honorable gentlman
from Maryland, (Mr. Smith) had told the
committee that some remuneration was due,
sinre the commutation of live years full pay
for the promised half pay for life was forced
npon the officers at the close of the war.—
The preamble of the resolution of Congress
offering this alternative declares that the of-
tlic request of tho army ; a
boon granted to their solicitation, and for
Jj^'asons stated Ik their petition to that body.
i^.t this day it is too late to complain of their
choice. The government, according to its
ability, dealt witli them as with all its credit
ors, and distinction cannot he made in their
favor without injustice to ull those to whom
it was indebted. It is unfortunately true,
that before the United States could redeem
its mottled obligation, the original claimants
had parted with their rights ; and, although
the treasury paid every shilling in the pound
principal and interest, those who earned did
not receive the allowance. The time was,
when a just discrimination in their favor
might have been made : but the op[>ortunity
was sacrificed to the chimerical notion nfiay-
ing deep be broad the foundation of the public
credit, by securing immense wealth to thos
who had speculated upon the supposed pub
lic insolvency. The obligation of money
was paid to those to whom the right of re
ceiving it w as assigned. That improvidence,
or necessity, or the want of just confidence
in the resources of the country, induced the.
original owners to part with their demands,
is to be deeply regretted ; but the fault was
not our9, and it is not in our power to reme
dy it. We owe the revolutionary officers 110
debt. Mr. F. said lie spoke not of the mo
ral obligation for the achievement of inde
pendence and the security of public and in
dividual liberty'. The benefits which they
bad bestowed were infinite, and no pecuni
ary recompense could discharge the vast a-
inount. But even here a suitable recompense
bail been afforded. Those who resisted tin-
invasion of the rights of the people, and se
cured their enjoyment, who established tin-
independence of their country, have enjoy
ed, in common with their fellow-citizens,
those, inestimable blessings. Nay, more—
they have been, at all times, the peculiar ob
jects of the patronage of the government,
and of the people’s love. Revolutionary
service is the passport to office and to the
confidence of their fellow-citizens. There
are some instances of a contrary character,
but they arc only exception to a general rule,
arising from some unfortunate political o-
pinions or from tho character of the indivi
dual. Of the truth of this statement, a re
ference might be made to the history of the
public officers in the general government.—
Even under his eye there were striking ex
amples of it. What gave to the honorable
chairman who reported the bill, (General
Bloomfield) the undcvialing support of his
fellow-citizens in New-Jcrsey ; that raised
him from office to office, until lie was elect
ed to the executive chair, and from thence as
their representative in this hall ? Was it
his pure integrity, his good sense, his up
right character, and undeviating political
consistency ? There were many men in N.
Jersey who, in all these qualities, might hope
to equal him ; hut to all these lie added the
important requisite of revolutionary service.
The other honorable member of the commit
tee, who was the zealous advocate of the bill,
(Gen. Smith) what had secured to him, for
so many years, the confidence of the state of
Maryland, or of the district in which lie lives?
He served during the revolutionary war.—
Living in a city, Mr. F. would not call it
factious, but certainly distinguished by the
violence of its political feelings, what has at
all times enabled him, if not to satisfy its ex
pectation#, at least to escape the consequen
ces of its resentment ? Is it his powerful
intellect and extensive commercial informa
tion, his industry and his zeal ? in all these
lie has formidable competitors. It is because,
even when filled witli resentment at a por
tion of his political conduct, they could not
consider his claims to their suffrages, with
out the glorious defence of Mud Fort, ris
ing unbidden to their view. Every state
government would furnish similar illustra
tions. Revolutionary officers and soldiers
gave steadiness to the movements of the Le
gislative bodies, added wisdom and dignity
to the judiciary, and nerved the arm of ex
ecutive power. Even those who have par
taken of none of these advantages, who are
old and helpless, steeped to the lips in po
verty, have they not the consoling, the glo
rious reflection, that their toils and their
sufferings arc the causes of the prosperity
which is smiling around them ? Where is
the selfish reptile who, under such circum
stances, will not exclaim, “ I am amply re
warded” ? This is not the cry of fond en
thusiasm, but the dictate of sober reason.
The severest mortal agony is amply repaid
by the consciousness of having raised our
country to its elevated rank, of having
contributed to the felicity of millions of the
human race.
Extracts of letters from a gentleman dt Wash
ington City to the editor of the Raleigh Mi
nverva.
December 10.—You will have seen before
this can reach you the debates of congress in
full upon the severe’ motions of Mr. Robert
son and Mr. Rhea ^respecting the South-A
incrican republics, and of tlie suppression
of the establishment at Amelia Island by
our President; but you ennnot have in your
happy retirement from this mighty stir of
politics and opinions, a conception of the
extent to which a spirit arising out of those
patriotic Alembics is covertly spreading a-
mong the people, not excepting some of the
people’s representatives In congress. I am
persuaded that not one man in the union
more devoutly wishes than I do, for the libe
ration of Soutli-America from the hateful
grasp of the tyrant and bigot of Spain ; but
1 will not suffer iny wishes to degenerate into
blind enthusiasm, or my reason to be made
the pandur of iny will. 1 begin to fear some
thing arising out of Soutli-America. I think
I see, that like tho affairs of France, in the
reign of Terror, it will be made a nucleus a-
r iund w hich a portion of our population will
accumulate under the name of a party, and
again produce discord and heart-burning
and all but throat-cutting in this country. 1
can discern the sparks from which a confla
gration may arise, but still lay hidden under
the ashes, though occasionally giving forth a
lively fire when trod upon—I see, or imagine,
what Horace calls
«Igncj
Suppoeitos cineri doloso.”
And that our countrymen will, in all likeli
hood, be. by the generosity of their hearts,
committed on a very hazardous game, or as
(lie same old gentleman of Rome says,
“ Periculofic plenum Opus Ale*,” —-
The fact is, that some inconsiderate parti-
zans in this business speck more boldly than
becomes them—they even go so far as to re
probate the conduct of the president for sup
pressing tho hordes of pirates who have got
standing aside upon our threshold, witli one
leg in and the other scarcely out of our terri
tories—while some, on the other hand, blame
hint for holding out any hope at all to the
South-Americans. With men of both opin
ions I have frequently conversed, and rea
soned, and I Hatter myself that I am cor
rect in thinking that they are both wrong.—
1 know*that men of high standing in reputa
tion for talents and virtues think on both
sides, and this it is that excites my regret;
for it would seem almost as if it were a law
of nature tliatincn so gifted and circumstanc-
d should be restless and ambitious; and
when they are, their natural inflenco is so
powerful that they can draw'about them hosts
capable ol disturbing the public tranquility.
1 do not like to see our chosen legislators c-
qually prompt to legislate for a distant race
about whom they know little or nothing, as
lor their constituents. —My prayers shall be
offered up, and when it. shall lie put beyond
doubt they arc proper objects for it, my
mcamrshail be forthcoming to aid the South-
Americans—but till then 1 cannot think it
wise, at the very moment too that our chief
magistrate has set an enquiry on foot, sent
out men of trust and talents to take sound
ings, for partizaus to be engaging the opin
ions of the public on one side, anil inflaming
them to a particular bent of the will, which
the result of the president’s enquiry may
render it necessary to tho public safety to
resist.
Remember the contents of this letter—I
may have occasion hereafter to speak to you
..tuck more about them.
December 13.—The proceedings of the
house of representatives have for some days
been characterized by a steady devotion to
domestic happiness and utility. Col. John
son’s resolutions for the relief of the Widows
and orphans of soldiers who died in the ser
vice of the country and for disbanded officers
—and for establishing a corps of invalids,
are worthy of the heart of the man who pro
posed them : and 1 am happy to observe that
the climax of national justice and benevo
lence to that department of our fellow-citi
zens is likely to be coped by a resolution
which passed on Friday last, to grant half
pay to the surviving officers, non-commis
sioned officers and soldiers of the revolution
ary war. This last act of justice to be sure
lias been delayed till reparation has, by lapse
of tilhc, been rendered impracticable; we
cannot bring it to the inhabitants of the
grave, of compensate the dead for the mise
ries and abject distress they suffered from
the tardiness and penury of our quandam
purse-holders 5 while to many of those who
survive, it can bring littlo enjoyment.—Af
ter leaving them to starve for thirty years
we now offer them meat when they have not
teetii to eatit.
The repeal of the internal taxes has been
hailed with shouts of applause by some and
with murmurs of disapprobation by others :
but I observe that the wiser men are among
the latter :—It is popular, however, and that
is every tiling. If twenty people inhabit a
house, and nineteen of them vote to burn it
down, can any one be found at this noontide
hour of the world’s enlightenment to say that
it would be cither wise or beneficial to let it
stand !—I hope not!
And now 1 am arrived at a measure which,
if it shall pass will constitute an a:ra in tho
legislation of the union, under the advanta
ges of which a thousand errors and back-
slidings will be forgotten. A bill has been
twice read and committed for Monday, esta
blishing an uniform system of bankruptcy
throughout the United States. Whether it
will pass is still to be questioned. There has
been sucli an old grudge against that meas
ure, that I own I shall be surprised if it docs
pasS. Though it is in itself so demonstrably
necessary, that nothing can be said in argu
ment against it, and though lor want of law
of the kind the several states have been dis
paraged by insolvent laws of the most fool
ish, fraudulent and discreditable kinds, still
there was so great a dislike lo it, some mys
tery like those of freemasonry, which none
but the initiated could get at, that it always
was voted out, without any reason assigned,
or assignable, but the old law of despotism,
** sic volo, sic jubco—stat pro rationo vo*
luntas.”
December 20.—Were I to recount to you
only the finished business done in the ILhisc
of Representatives for the last week, I might
cortiprisc the whole in a very few lines. The
Commutation bill has exhausted the greater
part of the last six days and is still undecid
ed. The original bill was suon found not to
answer the intentions of the house, and Mr.
Clay substituted another by way of amend
ment, which has kept the house employed
for four days, and in the process has itself
undergone so many counter-amendments of
one kind or other, that it was found necessa
ry, at last, to postpone the decision of tho
question whether it shall ever come to any
thing or not, and to print the whole for the
members in the mean time to ponder and un
derstand it. With all due deference to the
wiser heads who projected it, it is, and must
lie, but a nugatory affair—for, do what they
will the speculator alone will profit by it—
The soldier, for whose benefit it is supposed
to be. intended, will not, in one instance out
of twenty, derive any benefit from it, unless
the power to get more gloriously drunk for
a few weeks can be considered one.
Of a very different complexion is a bill
brought in by old general Bloomfield to grant
half pay to the officers and soldiers who ser
ved in the revolutionary war—The half pay,
as it is called, proposed at first, was seven
teen dollars a month to officers and six to
soldiers—But Mr. Tucker moVcd to make it
twenty for officers and eight for soldiers,
which was acceded to by the committee ; anil
the only topic upon which there appeared to
be any difference of opinion arose out of cer
tain qualifications in the bill limiting tho
grant to persons in indigence, and obliging
the claimants to go before a magistrate anil
make oath to their being in indigent circum
stances. How such an unworthy, humiliate
ing notion could enter into the heart of any
man, the great maker of hearts alone can
tell.—Gen. Smith said that it was delicacy
on the part of the committee, which was
chiefly composed of revolutionary officers,
and did not wish to profit by the bill The
general, however; ahd those officers, ought
to have remembered that the grant was an
act of justice, to which all who earned it,
whether rich or poor, were equally entitled,
and that they had no right to make such a
sweeping exception for the indulgence of their
own delicacy.
This tardy act of justice, while it does
credit to the present administration and con
gress, throws a dark shade upon those whose
duty it was to have done it, while yet the
greater number of those officers and soldiers
were alive to benefit by it. But according
to general Bloomfield’s statement, seven-
eighths of the officers, and nine-tenths of
the soldiers are dead, and of those to whom
this late mouthful of broad is extended, very
few have teeth left to cat it.—There is little
doubt however, that the bill will pass—but as
the house is not in quito so great a hurry ns
tho veterans who are the objects of the bill to
have it passed, the committee rose and re
ported progress and obtained leavo to sit a-
ain.
ThC compensation to members of congress
is now under the consideration of a commit
tee. As a proposition which was made by
Mr. Bassett a few days ago, to fix it at the
same rate as that which it held in 1813, was
pretly peremptorily rejected by the house,
the probability is, that a just, because a lar
ger, compensation will be proposed, and that
the vox pojmli share of the house, will bor
row a strain or two from the lungs of Stentor
and make the welkin ring with sympathet
ic lamentations for the mouth of labor, and 0-
tlicr prettinesses.
I scarcely know in what terms to relate to
you a fact that has occurred on Friday last.
It is indeed such a one, that if the truth were
not ready at hand to be given in evidence I
should expect to be indicted for scandaluin
magnatum.—Only think of it—The rules of
the house have been extended for the purpose
of admitting upon the floor a—what ?—Aa
