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VOL. I. CONGRESS. THE MI LI — lor was made at the REELECTOR. MILLEDGEVILLE, G. TUESDAY, JANUARY 20, 1818. NO. 11. SPEECH OF MR. FORSYTH, On the amendments proposed by Gen. Harrison to the bill for the relief of certain surviving officers of the revolutionary army. Mr. Fobsytii regretted that the amend ments proposed by the gentleman from Ohio had not been printed, as the object he had in view was not understood by tho committee, Every gentleman who had discussed the subject since they were introduced appeared to think it was proposed to extend the pro visions of the bill to all the surviving officers of tho revolutionary army. This was not the rase. The proposition is to change the application of the principle, and, to a cer tain extent, to enlarge the provisions of re lief j but the principle of the bill and the mendments were essentially the sajue. Both contemplated relief to indigence only. If he understood the proposition, (and if he did not lie hoped to be corrected) (lie alter ations proposed were: To render it unneces sary for the persons claiming the benefit of the act to establish the fact of their poverty by proof. Every indigent officer and sol dier who asked as such, were to receive the pension offered by the governmftlt on the production of the evidence of service during the revolutionary w ar—It was left to his own honor to determine how far his poverty enti tled him to the bounty of government: To graduate the amount of pension by the rank of the oflicer, clogged with the limitation ol the original bill, that no pension should ex ceed the half pay of a lieutenant colonel : To give to every revolutionary officer in the service of the United States since the peace of 1783, and who had been disbanded, pay according to the rank he last held in the ar my. Mr. F. was friendly to the first pari of this proposition ; lie did not think that it was either ridiculous or disgraceful for an individual to confess his indigence, and ac cept a support from the government of this country, but was anxious to save those who ought to be relieved from the humiliating ne cessity of searching for evidence of the pre cise. quantum of their poverty, or producing fijjggeons’ certificates of the state of,their "bodily strength. He was aware that sain* impositions would be practised, but he pre ferred that the government should lose a few hundred dollars to tho risk of depriving a single suffering officer or soldier of the pit tance proposed to be allowed, from the ope ration of even a false delicacy. ' As however, the original bill, by mere verbal modifica tion, would produce the same end, he should vote agninst the amendment proposed ; be cause of its connexion with the other altera tion he deemed inadmissible. The gradua tion of the pay according to rank was a work of unnecessary detail ; it could make the li mitation but a Tew dollars difference to the .officers of the highest rank, and heaven knows 20 dollars per month was but a poor subsistence for any matt who had ever been accustomed to live like an officer. Besides, the committee were relieving the wants ol the suffering, not regulating the emoluments of rank ; and he was confident no general officer would regret that, after being reduc ed to the half pay of a lieutenant colonel, an ensign should have the same allowance that was given to himself. Mr. F. was at a loss td understand the ground upon which tlie^st proposition was defended ; upon what ciplc the rank of an officer of the army s^P sequent to 1783, was to be considered as en titling him to the emoluments given to those of the same rank prior to-that period. If a discrimination was to be made, it ought to 1bc in favor of those who never had been sub sequently employed. Those retained in ser vice, or subsequently reappointed, had ton certain extent, enjoyed the bounty of the government; instead of deserving more, they were, on that account) entitled to less than their fellow officers who have not expe rienced the same good fortune. Mr. F. was therefore opposed to the proposed change. With the great majority of the House, he was disposed, after the verbal modification to which he had alluded should be made, to vote for the bill without scanning too curi ously the motives of his conduct. It was e- nough for him to know, that there were men, the rcrollcction of whose services always in spired the most grateful emotions, in want, to desire to relieve them. Sb far as it could be done without the violation of principle or the establishment of a dangerous preced^, if his voice could effect it, it should be done. He must protest, however, against tho doc trine advanced by several gentlemen, that these individuals had claims upon the justice ef the country for pecuniary assistance.— An honorable gentleman from Kentucky, (Mr. Trimble) and the honorable gentlman from Maryland, (Mr. Smith) had told the committee that some remuneration was due, sinre the commutation of live years full pay for the promised half pay for life was forced npon the officers at the close of the war.— The preamble of the resolution of Congress offering this alternative declares that the of- tlic request of tho army ; a boon granted to their solicitation, and for Jj^'asons stated Ik their petition to that body. i^.t this day it is too late to complain of their choice. The government, according to its ability, dealt witli them as with all its credit ors, and distinction cannot he made in their favor without injustice to ull those to whom it was indebted. It is unfortunately true, that before the United States could redeem its mottled obligation, the original claimants had parted with their rights ; and, although the treasury paid every shilling in the pound principal and interest, those who earned did not receive the allowance. The time was, when a just discrimination in their favor might have been made : but the op[>ortunity was sacrificed to the chimerical notion nfiay- ing deep be broad the foundation of the public credit, by securing immense wealth to thos who had speculated upon the supposed pub lic insolvency. The obligation of money was paid to those to whom the right of re ceiving it w as assigned. That improvidence, or necessity, or the want of just confidence in the resources of the country, induced the. original owners to part with their demands, is to be deeply regretted ; but the fault was not our9, and it is not in our power to reme dy it. We owe the revolutionary officers 110 debt. Mr. F. said lie spoke not of the mo ral obligation for the achievement of inde pendence and the security of public and in dividual liberty'. The benefits which they bad bestowed were infinite, and no pecuni ary recompense could discharge the vast a- inount. But even here a suitable recompense bail been afforded. Those who resisted tin- invasion of the rights of the people, and se cured their enjoyment, who established tin- independence of their country, have enjoy ed, in common with their fellow-citizens, those, inestimable blessings. Nay, more— they have been, at all times, the peculiar ob jects of the patronage of the government, and of the people’s love. Revolutionary service is the passport to office and to the confidence of their fellow-citizens. There are some instances of a contrary character, but they arc only exception to a general rule, arising from some unfortunate political o- pinions or from tho character of the indivi dual. Of the truth of this statement, a re ference might be made to the history of the public officers in the general government.— Even under his eye there were striking ex amples of it. What gave to the honorable chairman who reported the bill, (General Bloomfield) the undcvialing support of his fellow-citizens in New-Jcrsey ; that raised him from office to office, until lie was elect ed to the executive chair, and from thence as their representative in this hall ? Was it his pure integrity, his good sense, his up right character, and undeviating political consistency ? There were many men in N. Jersey who, in all these qualities, might hope to equal him ; hut to all these lie added the important requisite of revolutionary service. The other honorable member of the commit tee, who was the zealous advocate of the bill, (Gen. Smith) what had secured to him, for so many years, the confidence of the state of Maryland, or of the district in which lie lives? He served during the revolutionary war.— Living in a city, Mr. F. would not call it factious, but certainly distinguished by the violence of its political feelings, what has at all times enabled him, if not to satisfy its ex pectation#, at least to escape the consequen ces of its resentment ? Is it his powerful intellect and extensive commercial informa tion, his industry and his zeal ? in all these lie has formidable competitors. It is because, even when filled witli resentment at a por tion of his political conduct, they could not consider his claims to their suffrages, with out the glorious defence of Mud Fort, ris ing unbidden to their view. Every state government would furnish similar illustra tions. Revolutionary officers and soldiers gave steadiness to the movements of the Le gislative bodies, added wisdom and dignity to the judiciary, and nerved the arm of ex ecutive power. Even those who have par taken of none of these advantages, who are old and helpless, steeped to the lips in po verty, have they not the consoling, the glo rious reflection, that their toils and their sufferings arc the causes of the prosperity which is smiling around them ? Where is the selfish reptile who, under such circum stances, will not exclaim, “ I am amply re warded” ? This is not the cry of fond en thusiasm, but the dictate of sober reason. The severest mortal agony is amply repaid by the consciousness of having raised our country to its elevated rank, of having contributed to the felicity of millions of the human race. Extracts of letters from a gentleman dt Wash ington City to the editor of the Raleigh Mi nverva. December 10.—You will have seen before this can reach you the debates of congress in full upon the severe’ motions of Mr. Robert son and Mr. Rhea ^respecting the South-A incrican republics, and of tlie suppression of the establishment at Amelia Island by our President; but you ennnot have in your happy retirement from this mighty stir of politics and opinions, a conception of the extent to which a spirit arising out of those patriotic Alembics is covertly spreading a- mong the people, not excepting some of the people’s representatives In congress. I am persuaded that not one man in the union more devoutly wishes than I do, for the libe ration of Soutli-America from the hateful grasp of the tyrant and bigot of Spain ; but 1 will not suffer iny wishes to degenerate into blind enthusiasm, or my reason to be made the pandur of iny will. 1 begin to fear some thing arising out of Soutli-America. I think I see, that like tho affairs of France, in the reign of Terror, it will be made a nucleus a- r iund w hich a portion of our population will accumulate under the name of a party, and again produce discord and heart-burning and all but throat-cutting in this country. 1 can discern the sparks from which a confla gration may arise, but still lay hidden under the ashes, though occasionally giving forth a lively fire when trod upon—I see, or imagine, what Horace calls «Igncj Suppoeitos cineri doloso.” And that our countrymen will, in all likeli hood, be. by the generosity of their hearts, committed on a very hazardous game, or as (lie same old gentleman of Rome says, “ Periculofic plenum Opus Ale*,” —- The fact is, that some inconsiderate parti- zans in this business speck more boldly than becomes them—they even go so far as to re probate the conduct of the president for sup pressing tho hordes of pirates who have got standing aside upon our threshold, witli one leg in and the other scarcely out of our terri tories—while some, on the other hand, blame hint for holding out any hope at all to the South-Americans. With men of both opin ions I have frequently conversed, and rea soned, and I Hatter myself that I am cor rect in thinking that they are both wrong.— 1 know*that men of high standing in reputa tion for talents and virtues think on both sides, and this it is that excites my regret; for it would seem almost as if it were a law of nature tliatincn so gifted and circumstanc- d should be restless and ambitious; and when they are, their natural inflenco is so powerful that they can draw'about them hosts capable ol disturbing the public tranquility. 1 do not like to see our chosen legislators c- qually prompt to legislate for a distant race about whom they know little or nothing, as lor their constituents. —My prayers shall be offered up, and when it. shall lie put beyond doubt they arc proper objects for it, my mcamrshail be forthcoming to aid the South- Americans—but till then 1 cannot think it wise, at the very moment too that our chief magistrate has set an enquiry on foot, sent out men of trust and talents to take sound ings, for partizaus to be engaging the opin ions of the public on one side, anil inflaming them to a particular bent of the will, which the result of the president’s enquiry may render it necessary to tho public safety to resist. Remember the contents of this letter—I may have occasion hereafter to speak to you ..tuck more about them. December 13.—The proceedings of the house of representatives have for some days been characterized by a steady devotion to domestic happiness and utility. Col. John son’s resolutions for the relief of the Widows and orphans of soldiers who died in the ser vice of the country and for disbanded officers —and for establishing a corps of invalids, are worthy of the heart of the man who pro posed them : and 1 am happy to observe that the climax of national justice and benevo lence to that department of our fellow-citi zens is likely to be coped by a resolution which passed on Friday last, to grant half pay to the surviving officers, non-commis sioned officers and soldiers of the revolution ary war. This last act of justice to be sure lias been delayed till reparation has, by lapse of tilhc, been rendered impracticable; we cannot bring it to the inhabitants of the grave, of compensate the dead for the mise ries and abject distress they suffered from the tardiness and penury of our quandam purse-holders 5 while to many of those who survive, it can bring littlo enjoyment.—Af ter leaving them to starve for thirty years we now offer them meat when they have not teetii to eatit. The repeal of the internal taxes has been hailed with shouts of applause by some and with murmurs of disapprobation by others : but I observe that the wiser men are among the latter :—It is popular, however, and that is every tiling. If twenty people inhabit a house, and nineteen of them vote to burn it down, can any one be found at this noontide hour of the world’s enlightenment to say that it would be cither wise or beneficial to let it stand !—I hope not! And now 1 am arrived at a measure which, if it shall pass will constitute an a:ra in tho legislation of the union, under the advanta ges of which a thousand errors and back- slidings will be forgotten. A bill has been twice read and committed for Monday, esta blishing an uniform system of bankruptcy throughout the United States. Whether it will pass is still to be questioned. There has been sucli an old grudge against that meas ure, that I own I shall be surprised if it docs pasS. Though it is in itself so demonstrably necessary, that nothing can be said in argu ment against it, and though lor want of law of the kind the several states have been dis paraged by insolvent laws of the most fool ish, fraudulent and discreditable kinds, still there was so great a dislike lo it, some mys tery like those of freemasonry, which none but the initiated could get at, that it always was voted out, without any reason assigned, or assignable, but the old law of despotism, ** sic volo, sic jubco—stat pro rationo vo* luntas.” December 20.—Were I to recount to you only the finished business done in the ILhisc of Representatives for the last week, I might cortiprisc the whole in a very few lines. The Commutation bill has exhausted the greater part of the last six days and is still undecid ed. The original bill was suon found not to answer the intentions of the house, and Mr. Clay substituted another by way of amend ment, which has kept the house employed for four days, and in the process has itself undergone so many counter-amendments of one kind or other, that it was found necessa ry, at last, to postpone the decision of tho question whether it shall ever come to any thing or not, and to print the whole for the members in the mean time to ponder and un derstand it. With all due deference to the wiser heads who projected it, it is, and must lie, but a nugatory affair—for, do what they will the speculator alone will profit by it— The soldier, for whose benefit it is supposed to be. intended, will not, in one instance out of twenty, derive any benefit from it, unless the power to get more gloriously drunk for a few weeks can be considered one. Of a very different complexion is a bill brought in by old general Bloomfield to grant half pay to the officers and soldiers who ser ved in the revolutionary war—The half pay, as it is called, proposed at first, was seven teen dollars a month to officers and six to soldiers—But Mr. Tucker moVcd to make it twenty for officers and eight for soldiers, which was acceded to by the committee ; anil the only topic upon which there appeared to be any difference of opinion arose out of cer tain qualifications in the bill limiting tho grant to persons in indigence, and obliging the claimants to go before a magistrate anil make oath to their being in indigent circum stances. How such an unworthy, humiliate ing notion could enter into the heart of any man, the great maker of hearts alone can tell.—Gen. Smith said that it was delicacy on the part of the committee, which was chiefly composed of revolutionary officers, and did not wish to profit by the bill The general, however; ahd those officers, ought to have remembered that the grant was an act of justice, to which all who earned it, whether rich or poor, were equally entitled, and that they had no right to make such a sweeping exception for the indulgence of their own delicacy. This tardy act of justice, while it does credit to the present administration and con gress, throws a dark shade upon those whose duty it was to have done it, while yet the greater number of those officers and soldiers were alive to benefit by it. But according to general Bloomfield’s statement, seven- eighths of the officers, and nine-tenths of the soldiers are dead, and of those to whom this late mouthful of broad is extended, very few have teeth left to cat it.—There is little doubt however, that the bill will pass—but as the house is not in quito so great a hurry ns tho veterans who are the objects of the bill to have it passed, the committee rose and re ported progress and obtained leavo to sit a- ain. ThC compensation to members of congress is now under the consideration of a commit tee. As a proposition which was made by Mr. Bassett a few days ago, to fix it at the same rate as that which it held in 1813, was pretly peremptorily rejected by the house, the probability is, that a just, because a lar ger, compensation will be proposed, and that the vox pojmli share of the house, will bor row a strain or two from the lungs of Stentor and make the welkin ring with sympathet ic lamentations for the mouth of labor, and 0- tlicr prettinesses. I scarcely know in what terms to relate to you a fact that has occurred on Friday last. It is indeed such a one, that if the truth were not ready at hand to be given in evidence I should expect to be indicted for scandaluin magnatum.—Only think of it—The rules of the house have been extended for the purpose of admitting upon the floor a—what ?—Aa