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POETRY. FOR THE CHEROKEE PHCENIX. A©zy<s)A. rg-G4"act hwj fA, *yAi, dfyc»AWo-A jcxzy TC=PCT Dtf IiAAG. <BGBAPot>A; IpV 5<?A9° op-tT’Xr o® t» I oeyho^-a, V?PJl h-?oP, TCsd6Fc3>S.«AA IiAA-G. GBO-SA Dtf RGG4"a<r, «yjiiri>; K8B0-5A f A<»yo-5-GR> acitycea^s hAA>G. e«v* TyAB <Bdi9*Z CPAS!* CPBO-AZ, S&. RT Tv-ehlP, D4Z V4"4" PAPCT4<»A ’TiAAG. TRANSLATION. The preceding hymn was suggested by 4he hymn to the Trinity, 107 of Worcester’s selection, but is not a translation of it.— The following is a free translation from the Cherokee, in the same metre. W. Exalted Majesty, Our Father, throned on high, Whom we adore, Our Maker and our King, Thy sacred name we sing, And grateful praises bring Forevermore. Anointed Jesus hear, While we, in humble prayer, Thy grace implore; Thou who for us didst die, Yet liv’st exalted high, On thee our hopes rely Forevermore. Thou Sanctifier come, And make with us thy home, Spirit of power, With thy celestial art Purge every sinful heart, Nor from our way depart Forevermore. Our Father and his Son And Spirit,* Three in One, Let all adore; To God, the heavenly King, Our thankful tribute bring-, Rejoicing as we sing Forevermore. * Ojrr Father &. his Son & Spirit. Nouns Of relationship are not used in Cherokee except in connexion with inseparable pos sessive pronouns. Thus we cannot say a father, the father, the son, but my father, thy, his, our father, Stc. The same is true of most nouns which, in their nature, im ply a possessor, i. e. a person or thing to which they belong, as, for example, the members of the body. No wortl signifies indefinitely an elbow, a finger, but my el bow, his elbow, my finger, his linger, &.c. REPORT Of a joint Committee in the Legisla ture of Georgia, on the Cherokee Lands. THE Joint Commitee upon the State of the Republic, to wham was fefered so much of the late Governor’s communication, as regards the acquisi tion of the Georgia lapds at present in the occupancy of the Cherokee Indians, and the absolute and jurisdictional fight of the State to the same Report: That they have bestowed upon this momentous subject, the most mature and deliberate consideration; and al though 6ome of the positions which they feel warranted in occupying, may at, the first view, appear bold and novel, yet they cherish the hope, that by ad verting to the well ascertained, and long established laws of nations, those positions will be found abundanty sup ported. We are aware that ourjrepeated ap peals to the General Government upon this subject, so vitally interesting to the people of Georgia, have been looked upon as impertinent and obtrusive; but your committee believe, that the State has been disposed to suffer in silence, so long as the evils under which she labored were sufferable, and that when her claims shall be fairly investigated, and it is seen how unreasonably they have delayed, an enlightened and just community will pronounce the course she has pursued, to have been marked with great moderation and forbear ance. We nrorwse in the discharge of our present duty, to enquire first, into the nature and present situation of our claim upon the General Government; and second, to investigate the nature and extent of our title to’the territory in question, considered abstractedly from our claim upon the General Go vernment. .By the 4th section of the articles of agreement and cession, entered into on the 24th of April, 1802, between the Commissioners of the United States on the one part, and the Commission ers of the State of Georgia on the oth er part, it was expressly stipulated and agreed, that the United States should at their own expense, extinguish for the use of Georgia, as early as ike same couiil be peaceably obtaineu on Tea onable terms, the Indian title to all me lands within the State of Georgia. It will hardly be contended, that this was a mere naked promise, and there fore to be violated at pleasure by the United States, for the contract imports upon its face a most ample and sulli- cient consideration. We are not ignorant of the fact, that the General Government having the power in her own hands, is disposed to put her own construction upon this promise, and to make herself the sole and exclusive judge of what may be considered “reasonable terms;’but we respectfully contend, that if she designs to keep up even the show of justice, she will suffer this to be controlled by the same rule of construction applicable to all other contracts—that is to say, that the words used, shall be understood in that sense which is best calculated to effectuate the true intention of the contracting parties. The reciprocal objects intended to be accomplished by the United States and Georgia, by the contract in ques tion, were few and simple. They in tended that Georgia should cede to the United States a vast extent of territo ry therein described; that the United States should at their own expense, and upon their own responsibility, ex tinguish for the use of Georgia what ever claim or title the Indians might have to the lands lying within her lim its; and that this should be done “as early” as it could be upon peaceable and reasonable terms. We consider it certain from the terms of the contract itself, and par ticularly from the consideration which was paid, that it was the intention of both parties that the Indian title should certainly,at some time or other be ex tinguished. The time was left indefi nite and uncertain—not because it was contemplated that any circumstance should occur, or state of things exist, that should deprive Georgia of those lands; but, because this State reposed such unbounded confidence in the jus tice and good faith of the General Government as induced her confidently to believe,that no opportunity would be permitted to escape, and that no fair and honorable exertion would be withheld for the speedy and punctual fullilment of the promise. We admit that after much anxiety and delay, Georgia is about to reap the full benefit of the contract in ques tion, so far as it regards her lands sit uate within the Creek Nation of In dians—But the manner in which this has been accomplished, compels us to say, that we are less indebted to the General Government for the result, than to the exertions of our late able and patriotic Governor. Although Georgia is about to obtain the last foot of Creek lands to which she is entitled, yet it must be remembered that there is still a considerable portion of Chero kee lands to which she has precisely the same title, in relation to which the gen eral government is under the same obli gation, & which nevertheless still re mains in the possession of the Indians. By what motive or reason the general government can be influenced, in so pertinaciously & unjustly refusing en tirely to redeem her pledged faith to Georgia, we are unable to-perceive. The whole civilized world knows, that Georgia acted a gallant & distinguish ed part during the revolutionary war, in achieving our liberty and independ ence; and our sister States will do us the justice to testify, that since that time, Georgia has not withheld her treasure or her sword from the de fence of our common country, and na tional rights. We mention these things, not by way of boasting, or out of vain glory; hut, to shew that Geqr- giahas violated none of the obligations by which she was hound to her sister States, and therefore, , that there is the less justice in their violating their obligations to her. It will be remembered, thitthe ar ticles of agreement and cession were entered into in 1802, and that they im posed upon the United States the obli gation of procuring the relinquishment of the Indian title, so soon as the same could be done “peaceably” and upon “reasonable terms.” Immediately up on the ratification of these articles, it became the duty of the general gov ernment to improve every opportuni ty that might present itself, and with all her influence and energies faithful ly applied, to have sought diligently for opportunities to effect such relin quishment. She did not ao so.—But on the contrary, manifested so much indifference, and for so long a time, that Georgia became dissatisfied, and look occasion respectfully to call the attention of the general government to this subject—a liberty that she has several tunes since found it necessary to exercise—but which has either been treated with silent contempt, or has subjected her to reproach and calum ny. That the United States have vi olated most palpably their contract with Georgia, we think is made evi dent, when it is remembered, that since the ratification of the articlos of agreement and cession, the Indians have been removed entirely from Ohio, Kentucky, North and South-Carolina, Tennessee, Missouri, and almost all Arkansas; and that since that time, live or six times as much land as be longed to Georgia, and was in the pos session of the Indians, nas been acquir ed in Alabama for the use of the Uni ted States, aud that too, upou “pea ceable terms;” besides large cessions in Mississippi, Illinois, Michigan, and Florida. And it is a fact so notorious, that we presume no one will venture to dispute it, that upon the termina tion ol the late war with Great Bri tain and the Indians, the United States had it completely in their power to procure for the use of Georgia, every toot of land to which she was entitled; not only upon “peaceable aud reason able terms,” but upon just such terms as they might have pleased to pre scribe—But this was not done, or at tempted to be done.—On the contra ry, the United States by negotiation, effected for their own use and aggran disement, large cessions of territory in another part of the nation, and there by threw the Indians in greater num bers upon our own territory, and so- circumscribed their limits, as greatly to diminish the prospect of their wil lingness to make further sessions, ei ther for the benefit of Georgia, or for any other purpose. And since that time, it has been the constant and fa vorite poiicy of the United States, not to hold out inducements to the Indians to yield up the possession of the Geor gia lands; but to so add to their com forts, and so instruct them in the busi ness of husbandry as to attach them so firmly to their country and to their homes, as almost to destroy the last ray of hope that they would ever con sent to part with the Georgia lands. It is now alledged, we understand, that it is impossible for the United States to obtain the lands in question for the use of Georgia, upon “peacea ble and reasonable terms;” and there fore, that they are under no obligation obtain them at all. By whom and in what way we beg to enquire, has this impossibility been produced? Sure ly by the United States, and by their policy, and that too against the consent and remonstrance of Georgia—And is it possible, that the general goverment will consent in this way to benefit her self, and to take advantage ofher own acts, and that too to the injury and op pression of one ofher own members? For the dignity and honor of our com mon country, we earnestly hope not. But should this plea be urged, it can not upon principle prevail; because the United States were hound to obtain for the use of Georgia the lands in uestion, “as early” as it could be one upon reasonable and peaceable terms. If they could not have been obtained sooner, We all know, and our sister States will not deny it, that they could have been obtained upon the terms prescribed at the end of the lute war. The United States then had an opportunity of complying with their contract with Georgia—they let that opportunity pass—it was their owp wilful neglect.; and in failing to ob tain the lands at that time, the con tract according to its very terras was broken; and they thereupon became legally and equitably hound, (and they yet remain so bound) to Georgia, to procure for her the lands in controver sy, no matter how much treasure or blood may be expes\ded in their pro curement. But although the general government is under this obligation, Eg and from which she cannot Wporably release herself in any other apy than by complying with it, yet jud^jfrom our past experience, we ean^nrcely venture to hope, that she will Vpress our injuries and establish our |fehtB. We are apprised that this subj^t en gaged the attention of the last Legis- lature, that the resolutions which they adopted were submitted to the Presi dent of the United States; and we are glad that in reply, he condescended to express to our Senators in Congress a u wish to gratify the State,” but we are sorry that he added “negotiation” (with the Indians) “was hopeless, and that he could not consent to apply force.” We are at liberty to under stand this answer no otherwise, than as a distinct and formal determination, to take no step either of a pacific or war-like nature, to obtain for and se cure to Georgia, her long delayed rights. We have waited upon and trus ted to the justice and liberality of the United States for the fourth of a centu ry, and the result to us is disappoint ment, insult and injury. [to be continued.] Indian Arithmetic.—Their manner of numbering evidences the extreme simplicity of their language. We have asked of all the tribes, with which we have met, their numerical terms, as far as a hundred. In some few, the terms are simple, as far as ten. In others, six is five-one, seven, five-two. and so on. Beyond ten, they universally count by reduplication of the tens. This they perform with great dexterity by a mechanical arith metic, intricate to explain, but readi- ly apprehended by the eye. The principal operations are bringing the open palms together, and then cros sing the hands, which tells as far as a hundred.—Some of the tribes are said to be perplexed in their attemps to number beyond a hundred.—When the question turned upon any profit, that involved great numbers, we have gen erally heard them avail themselves of an English word, the first, we believe, and the most universally understood by savages—‘heap!’— Western Review. CHEROKEE NUMBERS. AAJUGA A4dt)A. BGAE J04o®a BZiISPc»E WP TGTBtf IiV O-AFT. 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March of Intellect.—A gentleman of landed property the county of S. be ing lately on the outstde of a stage coach, had sworiiseveral oaths within a few minutes after taking his seat.—- Addressing a minister, a stranger to him, lie remarked, “We hear, sir, a believer in the march of intellect:’ are you, sir, a believer in the march of in tellect? I belief, sir, these S. clod hoppers know notf|i& of the march of intellect.” The Minister replied, “I have observed, sirHbjt there is not so much profane sweair||| among the pea santry as there useuftfr be. I consid er that one decisu^^mf.' of their in tellectual improvement.” The gen tleman appeared as if he felt the re proof, but had too mueh good sense to manifest any displeasure.—In his sub sequent. conversation which proved him to be an intellectual person of high order, he showed himself capable of going forward in the march of im provement, as he swore no more du ring the fifty miles’journey.-—Lon. M,