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VOL. I.
“/US tlf&M
t* aubliabed, every Friday morning, in Macon, (is. on the follow.
CONDITIONS :
If paid strictly in advance - - 9*3 50 per annum
If not so paid * - - 3 00 “ “
l.egal Advertisements will be made to conform to the following pro
r jj„as of the Statut#
Hilt j of Land and Negroes, by Executors, Administrators and Guard
ns.are required by law to be advertised in a public gazette, sixty
dsys previous to the day ot sale.
These sales must be held on the first Tuesday in the month, between
the hours of ten in the forenoon and three in the afternoon, at the
Oeiirt House in the county in which the property is situated.
The sales of Personal Property must be advertised in like manner for
ty days.
Vance to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate must be published forty
days.
Retire that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary for
l*are to sell Land and Negroes, must be published weekly for four
Mwuth*.
Citations or Letters of Administration must be published thirty days
—Cet Dismission from Administration, monthly, six months —for Dis
frira Guardianship, forty days.
Units for foreclosure of mortgage, must be published monthly, for
fnr Stuarts —for establishing lost papers, for the full space of three
u ,nths —for compelling titles from Executors or Administrators where
s bond has been given by the deceased, the full space of three months.
Professional and Business Car**, inserted, according to the follow
tag seal*:
For 4 lines or less per annum - - 85 BO in advance.
“ (5 lines “ “ - 7 00 “ “
uio u u . sio 00 “ “
ry- Transient Advertisements will be charged S l, per square of 12
kei or less, for the first and 50 cts. for each subsequent insertion. —
On these rates there will be a deduction of 20 percent, on settlement,
when advertisements are continued 3 months without alteration.
j All Letters except those containing remittances must be post
paid or fret.
Pujtinasters and others who will act as Agents for the “Citizen”
uiaj retain 20 per cent, for their trouble, on all cash subscriptions for
warded.
OFFICE on Mulberry Street, East of the Floyd House and near the
Market.
€'jje port’s Cnnirr,
For the Georgia Citizen.
To the Susquchannah.
River, in boauty thou inovest along,
Like smooth flowing numbers of some rich song,
The song in my heart—sad dreams in my mind—
With thy own deep music are sweetly combined.
With joy thy plume tufted willows I hail,
And list to the winds low mournful breath’d tale,
Os dark slender maids who saw in thy face
The last mirrored form of a fast fading race.
How slowlv they pressed this emerald sod,
Which naught but wild deer, and Red-men have trod,
To east pale flowers on the bright giancing wave,
Asa last fair gift of the mighty and brave.
They have bid thee farewell; and never again
Shall thoir echoing tread be heard on thy plain—
The shade of thy trees —and song of thy waves,
Shall never unite o’er their lone forest graves.
Oh River ! thou stir’st my heart with sad dreams—
The mem’ry of loved ones blend with thy scenes,
Alono I stand—they will seek thee no more,
Their barks have long parted from Youths sunny shore.
Change hath been busy within those gay hearts,
A* freshness and bloom from Summer departs.
Vet Spring will restore its soft tender green—
Rut over the heart but ono morning doth gleam.
There was one I loved, as only wc lore,
When the souls fresh hopes are glowing above—
Often we sauntered thy green banks along,
With gay joyous laugh, or low hushing song.
That brow is cold ’neath the stern hand of Death,
Flowers o'er her tomb have spread their sweet breath,
hhe went, in her youth, to take her bright crown—
With the just and perfect in blisssitteth down.
Yet other fond friends, beside thee doth dwell,
Where song of thy waves sweeps soft through tho dell,
Oh ! bear them a tale of my heart’s fervent love,
A hope of remembrance when distant I rove.
Ktcrnal—sublime—no change marks thy breast,
In motion forever, thou knowest no rest—
Yet exult not—for the broad foaming sea,
rihall mingle thy waters with others as free.
M. H. OLMSTEAD.
Otego, N. Y.
■JUistfllfliiK.
Human Life.
OR THE FIRST AND LAST MINUTE.
Minutes Pass. —The anxious husband paces slowly across
his study. lie is a father; a man child is born unto him. —
Minutes pass —the child has been blessed with a parent,
whom it cannot recognise ; and pressed to that bosom to
which instinct alone guides it for sustenance—the young wife,
too, has faintly answered to a husband's questions, and felt
lev warm kiss on her forehead.
Hours pass. —The low moaning from the closely covered
P'.adle tel !■ of the first wants of its infant occupant. The qui
et tread of the nurse speaks of suffering around her, while
her glad countenance savs that the very suffering which she
is trying to alleviate is a source of joy, pnd the nameless ar
ticles which, from time to time, she arranges on the hearth
tell of anew claimant for the courtesies and attentions of those
who have progressed further on the path way of existence.
Hays puss. —Visitors are thronging the chamber, and the
Mother, pale and interesting after her recent sickness, is re
viving their congratulations and listening proudly to their
praises of the little treasure, which lies asleep in its rocking
bed at her feet. The scene shifts, and the father is there
with her alone, as the twilight deepens around them while
they are planning the future destiny of the child.
IFrefo pass. —The eye* of the young mother are spark
ling with health, and the rose blooms again on her cheek, and
the cares of pleasure and home engage her attention, and the
father is once more mingling with the world, yet they find
many opportunities each day to visit the young inheritor of
life— to watch over his dreamless slumbers —to trace each
ether’* looks in his countenance, and to ponder upon the fe
licity of which he is the bearer to them.
Mmths pass. —The cradle is deserted, but chamber-floor
18 strewed with play-things, and there is a little odo loitering
among them, whose half-lisped words, and hearty laugh and
sunny countenance tell you that the entrance into life is over
R pathway of flowers. Tho cradle is empty, but the last
Payers of the parents are uttered over the small crib, which
flandsby their own bed side, and their latest attention is giv
'*lo the peaceful breathings of its occupant.
**ar* pass. —Childhood has strengthened into boyhood,
iß 'l boyhood has gamboled along into manhood. Old cottnex
h)ll* are broken—parents are sleeping in their graves—new
-uniaeies are formed, anew home is about him, new eares
:str act him. He is abroad, struggling amid the business of
i'fc, or resting from it with those whom he has chosen from
■ a own generation. Tune is beginning to wrinkle his fore
and thought has robbed his looks of their gayety, and
f u dy lias dimmed his eyes. Those who began life after he
bvi grown up, are fast crowding him out of it, and there are
man y claimants upon his industry and love, for protection
an d support.
tars pass. —His own children have become men, and are
acting h;m, as he also quitted the home of his fathers. H:s
’T's have lost their elasticity. h:s hand has become familiar
with the cane, to which ho is obliged to trust in his walks.
He has left the bustle which fatigued him. Ho looks anxious
ly in each day’s paper among the deaths—and then ponders
over the homo of an old friend, and tries to persuade himself
that he is younger and stronger, and has a better hold on life
than any of his contemporaries.
Months pass.—Ue gradually diminishes the circle of his
actitity. He dislikes to go abroad where he finds so many
new faces, and he grieves to meet his former companions af
ter a short absence, they seem to have grown so old uud in
firm. Quiet enjoyments only are relished—a little conversa
tion about old times——a sober game—a religious treatise—and
his early bed, form for him the sunt total of his pleasures.
VV eeks pass. —lnfirmity keeps him in his chamber. His
walks are limited to the small space between his easy chair
and his bed. His swollen limbs are wrapped in flannels.
His sight is failing—his ears refuse their duty, and his cup is
but half filled, since, otherwise, his shaking hand can not car
ry it to his shrunken lips without spilling its contents. His
powers are weakened—his faculties are blunted—his strength
is lost.
Days puss.~- 1 he old man docs not leave his bed—his
memory is failing—ho talks, but cannot be understood lie
asks the questions, but they relate to the transactions of a for
mer generation—he speaks of occurrences, but the recollec
tion of no one around him can go back to their scenes—he
seems to commune with comrades but when he names them,
it is found that the waters of time and oblivion have long cov
ered their tombs.
Hours pass. —The taper grows dimmer and dimmer—the
machinery moves yet more and more slowly—the sands are
fewer as they measure the allotted span. The motion of those
about him is unheeded or becomes a vexation. Each fresh
inquiry after his health is a knell. The springs of life can no
longer force on its wheels—the “silver cord,” is fast untwist
ing—the pitcher is broken at the fountain—and time “is a
bui den. His children are about him, but he heeds them not
—his friends are near, but he does uot recognise them. The
circle is completed. The eoxrsc is ruu—and utter weakness
brings the cold damp, which ushers in the night of death.
Mintues pass. —His breathings grow softer and slower—
his pulse beats fainter and feebler. Those around him are lis
tening, but cannot tell when they cease. The embers are burnt
out—and the blaze flashes not before it expires. His “three
score years and ten” are numbered. Human life “is finish
ed.”—New England Galaxy.
Death Warrants in Latin.
Ihe practice of writing physicians’ prescriptions in Latin
has frequently led to fatal results and the law should oompel
physicians to write them in the living and not in the dead lan
guages, and then make a death manslaughter in the first de
gree, which ensues from the carelessness of apothecaries.
W e have another case to add to the many fatal ones growing
out of this practice. James D. Ward, of Boston, suffering a
slight feverish turn, the attending physician directed hint to
take a dose of calomel, which the apothecary prepared as he
imagined, but began to vomit soon after taking the medicine,
and sending for the apothecary found that he had mistaken
the medicine and given him corrosive sublimate, a deadly
poison, and Mr. V* ard died. Now let us see what was the
doctor’s prescription —sub muriate hydrar 10. The prescrip
tion for corrosive sublimate is muriate hydrar fort. Now, as
the leading words sub muriate hydrar and muriate hydrar
arealke, the apothecary may very innocently have made the
mistake ; and can sucll similarities of terms in medicine be
permitted to hazard the lives of patients? Would it have
been at all improper—nay would not Mr. Ward have been
spared io the world and his family had his doctor written the
following prescription:
Ten grains o f Calomel.
( an any mistake be made by doctor, ajiothecary and patient
in this ? It seems however, that Latin is used by physicians
to prevent the patieut knowing what medicine he is taking,
when the fact is, to inspire confidence. The physician ought
not only to allow the patient to know the character of the
medicine prescribed, but the effect it is expected to produce.
The doctor, however, apprehends that if the patient knows
too much of his disorder, and tho means necessary to effect
the cure, lie will be his own physician, and thus lessen the
fees ot medical advisers, and as seven times out of eight, the
doctor is called on slight occasions, for which the patient could
himself administer to the disease, a mystery is made to sur
round the healing art by making prescriptions partake of a
masonic influence, and the only injury is, that sometimes the
patient dies in taking the wrong medicine.
The doctor writes “ Saccharum Saturni, VI Grfi Six
grains of sugar of lead. “Sal Glaucerifi Glauber Salts ;
“ Coclcari amplum ,” a large spoonful; “Diaurenio Pilulea ,”
let the pills be gult; u Fiut venesectio ,” To be bled; Give
the medicine “ gelatina quads,” in jelly : “Harum pilula
rum same n ter tres” let three of these pills betaken ; il hora
decucitas ,” on going to bed; “oleum oliva optimum” 11 oz.
of best olive oil.—What pompous display of classi ial lore ;
where would be the injury in saying as much in good substan
tial English ? The law should compel physicians to write
their prescriptions in the language of the country; there
should he no mystery on the subject: every man should be
know what he is swallowing, and should not be murdered by
ignorance or chance in taking the wrong medicine.-—N. Y-
Star.
_..g
Letter from Gen. Cass to Gen. Garibaldi.
Washington, August 14th.
My Dear Sir: I welcome you to this land of
freedom. May it always be the land of hospitality
to the unfortunate exile, driven by the persecution
of arbitrary power to seek refuge in the New'World
from the tyranny ol the Old !
General, you possess the regard and the sympa
thy of the American people, and you well merit
this distinction. You raised the standard of liberty
upon the Capitoline Hill, and history will do justice
to your noble efforts to maintain it there—to revive
the spirit and the freedom of ancient Rome, amid
the monuments of her power and glory. It is not
success that hallows a cause ; it is the principle in
volved in it. You yielded to an overwhelming force
—to another descent of the Gauls upon Italy : but
you preserved your own high character, and you
preserved, also, the respect of every believer in the
rights of man throughout the world. But such ef
forts as those of the Roman people, though unsuc
cessful are not useless. The b.attle of freedom may
be lost onpe and again, but it will yet he won, and
man restored to the rights which God has given him.
I thank you, General, for your kind letter, and for
the enclosure from Mr. Hyatt, though yog need no
introduction to an American. Your glorious exer
tions, followed by misfortuues borne with equanimi
ty, are a passport to the hearts and homes of my
countrymen.
I should be happy to see you in Washington, and
to express to you in person those sentiments of res
pect and regard which I must now put coldly on pa
per, and with which lain, ever truly and affection
ately, Your friend and servant
LEWIS CASS.
Gen. Garibaldi.
A weak mind sinks under prosperity as well as
under adversity. A strong and deep mind has two
high tides—when the moon is at the full, and when
there is no moon.
“Jubepenknl in all tilings -—Neutral in Nothing. ”
MACON, GEORGIA, FRIDAY MORNING, SEPT. 13, 1850,
Indian Dwarfs. —The New York Medical Ga
zette mentions the arrival of two Indian Dwarfs,
brother and sister, from St. Salvador, said to belong
to one of the tribesof Indtans in Central America,
and says:
“They are a greater curiosity than has ever been
exhibited in the line of dwarfs, not excepting Tom
thumb of Barnum notoriety. The stature of the
female is less than his, while the male is somewhat
taller. Both are slender, with long limbs, and bo
dies well formed in all respects, with the exception
of the head, which is extraordinarily flat, the fore
j head retreating a little above the superciliary ridge
and indicating the almost entire absence of the cere
brum, while the cerebellum is normal in size propor
tioned to the side of the head, which is small, and
resembling that of certain species of tho ape. The
eyes are jet black, and are beaming with intelli
gence, while the hair, which is also black, is long,
straight and silken. The skin is swarthy, and they
would appear to be a mixture of Indian and Spanish
blood. The boy is said to fifteen and the girl thir
teen, and both are playful and happy, unless when
crossed in their will, when they cry like infants,
which is all the noise they made'while we were pres
ent, although they understand when spoken to in
Spanish, and we are told that they can pronounce
some words indistinctly. The father and mother
are represented to have been of ordinary size. They
mutually regarded their children with dislike, anil
very gladly rid themselves of any further trouble
by selling them to the gentleman who very humane
ly provides for all their wants. They are soon to
be exhibited to the public, when they will awaken
very great interest.”
To tho People of Georgia.
Fellow Citizens:
After consultation with several gentlemen from
I different parts of the State, during the late Fair of
| the Southern Central Agricultural Association held
j at Atlanta, the following resolutions were adopted :
| Resolved , That a committee of five be appointed
| to prepare and publish an address to the citizens of
| the State generally, respectfully calling their atten
! tion to the importance of common school education,
| and of some united action for the advancement of
that cause.
Resolved, That tho interests of this great cause
call for the united counsel and co-operation of the
entire State; and that for this end we earnestly in
vite each county to take the subject into considera
tion, and to send delegates to a convention to be
held at such time and place as the above committee,
after consultation may designate, for the purpose of
maturing some practicable system of common school
education, to be presented to the next Legislature.
No subject more deeply concerns us as a State,
than that presented in the above resolutions. In all
civilized countries, general education is considered of
vital importance. Properly conducted, it lies at the
foundation of all that is valuable in the political and
social relations of mankind ; and in proportion as
it is general, or limited, thorough, or superficial, so
will the State rank in the scale of real greatness.
The State of Georgia is rapidly advancing in i
many respects, the foremost place among her sisters
of the South. Her natural advantages and resour
ces are unsurpassed ; and the enterprise and indus
try of her citizens are beginning to develope these
resources and to employ these advantages, ller
population is rapidly increasing; and her capital
begins to be largely invested in works of internal
improvement and commerce. A laudable attention
is beginning to be directed to Agriculture and ar
tistic improvements, as is abundantly shown in the
increasing numbers who attend our great Agricul
tural Fair, and the interest taken in its exhibitions.
In past time, the appeal in behalf of these various
improvements has been restricted mainly to the
more wealthy and educated, but now it is made to
every class of citizens. All are now invoked, espec
ially the farmers and mechanics, to enlist in this
common movement for elevating the State in all
the elements of true greatness.
It is to be feared, however, that the most import
ant means of realising these desires and expecta
tions is too much overlooked Before the body of
the people can be efficiently enlisted in these enter
prises, they must be enabled to understand the na
ture and extent of the desired improvements, the
means by which they arc to be accomplished, and
the interest which every citizen has in the results.
In no other way can a general and steady co-ope
ration be secured.
Now this is the business of education, intellectu
al and moral, extending to every class of our white
population.
Georgia has recognised this truth from the earli
est days of her existence as a State. Her first con
stitution adopted in 1777 provides that “schools
shall be erected in each county, and supported at
the general expense of the State.” The endow
ment of the University, and of county Academies,
and appropriations for common and poor schools,
have followed at different periods in obedience to
this provision of our first constitution. And in ad
dition to these provisions by the State, private mu
nificence has furnished the means of establishing
many valuable institutions of learning for both
males and females.
But while these various institutions furnish a
highly creditable provision for Academic learning in
our State, all the attempts of our Legislature to es
tablish common schools have been singularly unsuc
cessful. Various schemes have been adopted, and
then abandoned as failures. So that after all that
has been expended, there is a lamentable deficien
cy of good common schools in the State. The
means of a good common education are not furnish
ed to the mass of our population. And yet such
an education is the right of every citizen under our
Constitution. The blessings derived from all our
higher seminaries are indeed great, and we desire
to see them cherished and sustained : but yet vast
| ly more is due to the great body of the people who
j cannot avail themselves of these higher advantages.
Y\ hat then is to be done \ Shall we allow this
sad deficiency to continue ? Shall this great hin
drance to the elevation of our State still exist -
The failure of our common school systems hereto
fore is mainly attributable to three causes,
Ist. They have not been adapted in their details
to the actual condition and wants of our population.
2d. There has been no adequate supply of w r ell
qualified common school teachers.
3d. There has been too little interest felt gener
ally in the subject itself.
To remove those obstacles, and to put in opera
tion some practicable and efficient plan of general
education, is confessedly a work of great difficulty.
This difficulty is felt especially in those portions of
the State where the white population is very sparse.
But yet something must be done, and we think the
undertaking a practicable one, if entered upon with
i an earnest zeal.
During the sessions of our Legislature there are
I so many exciting questions and conflicting interests,
: that little time is left for the consideration of this
j subject, about which so few feel any real concern.
; Di addition to this, few of our legislators have either
i the material or the thorough acquaintance with the
subject itself, from which to digest any comprehen
sive plan of general education. Committees have
several times been appointed during the recess of
the Legislature, but they have either failed to re
port, or been unable to suggest any practicable
scheme.
Perhaps therefore no suggestion promises better
results than the second resolution under which we
now write, If delegates be sent from the several
counties, chosen with reference to this single mat
ter, we inav hope for some good result from their
united wisdom and zeal. We feel assured that the
Legislature would not be backward to adopt the
well digested recommendations of such a body ; and
that in any event, the meeting and deliberations of
such a convention would tend to inspire new inter
est in the public mind on this important subject.
We therefore earnestly invite each county to take
up the subject, and to send two delegates to a con
vention to be held in the city of Macon on the sec
ond Wednesday of December next, for the purpose
of taking into consideratron the whole question of
common school education. Delegates should go pre
pared with all the necessary statistical information
as to area, number of children, number of schools,
<kc, <kc. The first Tuesday in November will prob
ably be a suitable day for the appointment of dele
gates. Let all the friends of common education,
whether many or few, determine to act promptly in
this business, that every portion of the State may
take part in these deliberations for the common wel
fare. Nothing is more worthy of our prompt and
earnest attention.
Fellow Citizens: This is emphatically the cause
of the people—that which tends to elevate and bless
every one of our population. It deeply concerns
our advancement in all the elements of true great
ness, physical, social, intellectual and moral. And
wc are sure we utter the feeling of every true Geor
gian, when we say, that in all these characteristics
of greatness we desire our State to stand unrivalled,
not by the depression of others, but by raising her
self to that commanding position.
Thomas Scott,
Alonzo Church,
B. Snider,
Jas. A. Nksbit,
Committee.
Jt'dT The Editors of papers throughout the State
are respectfully requested to publish the address,
and to call pnblic attention to the subject.
political.
Judge Warner’s Letter.
The following letter af llon. lliram Warner (one of the
pudges of the Supreme Court of this State) upon the great
of the day, will be read with profound interest by
the community. Like every thing else which emanates from
him, it is clear, forcible, and to the point:— Athens Banner.
Greenville, Aug. 2S, 1850.
Gentlemen: —On my return from Dceatur, I received
your letter of the 10th inst. requesting my opinion in regard
to the following proposition—“whether if the state of Califor
nia as at present organized, shall be admitted into the Union,
and the remaining territory acquired from Mexico, placed un
der territorial governments without restriction on the sub
ject of slavery, would such a state of facts present a proper
occasion for measures of resistance, revolutionary, or other
wise, on the part of the slave-holding States ”?
Being fully aware, that my individual opinion in relation
to this question, can have but little weight with any one in
this period of excitement, yet, I do not feel entirely at liberty
to withhold it, when respectfully requested by any portion of
my fellow-citizens.
The great question, which I have always understood to
have been involved in the controversy between the slaveliold
ing, and the non-slaveholding states, was, whether the terri
tory, lately acquired by treaty from Mexico, should be organ
ized with, or without, the Wilmot Proviso; the non-slave
holding states insisting upon the right under the constitution,
to exclude slavery from that territory, by congressional leg
islation, the slaveholding states insisting, that congress had
no power under the Constitution, to legislate in any man
ner whatever upon the subject of slavery , in that terri
tory.
Assuming that to have been the original ground of
controversy between the respective states of the Union,
will the admission of California under the circumstances
mentioned in your letter, violate the principles, for which
the southern states have contended under the constitution ?
If the state of facts which you present, are equivalent to
the enactment of the Wilmot Proviso, then, the Southern
states ought, in my judgment, to resist the admission of Cali
fornia by all the means in their power, revolutionary, or oth
erwise, for the reasons, that the usurpation of power by
Congress , to restrict slavery in the acquired territory, would
be a palpable violation of the Constitution. But if the state
of facts which you present, are not equivalent to the enact
ment of the Wilmot Proviso, and no principle of the consti
tution is violated by the admission of California, then, a re
sort to measures of resistance, revolutionary or otherwise,
would, in my judgment, bo entirely inexpedient, and impro
per, on the part of the slaveholding states. Before a resort is
had to such extreme measures, the first inquiry to be made is,
do the coils of the government under which we live, outweigh
its benefits. In other words, will the admission of Califor
nia, inflict such an injury upon the constitutional rights of
the people of the slaveholding States, as to justify revolution
on their part, against the government of their country ? Ac
cording to the state of facts which you present, the territory
of Utah is organized without the Wilmot Proviso, and the j
territory of New Mexico is also organized, without the Wil- j
mot Proviso. So far then, the principle for which the south- j
ern states have contended is maintained, the territories of !
Utah, and New Mexico are organized bj Congress, without
any restriction a* to slavery. The people of California (which
constitutes the only remaining portion of the territory acquir
ed from Moxioo) have assembled in Convention, framed a
constitution, and by their own act, have excluded slavery,
and now ask to be admitted into the Union as a State.
It is true, her proceedings have been irregular, and she was
doubtless induced to form a state government by the .mprop
er interference of the agents of the late administration,which in
terference was a gross abuse of official power, on the part
of the administration, for which they should be justly held
responsible. Congress too, had failed to furnish California
with a territorial government, and such failure, let it be re
membered, was not exclusively the fault of the representa
tives of the uon 6lave-holding States. According to my judg
ment, the limits of California are too large, and as a matter of
policy, I would have restricted her boundary to 36d. 30m.—
But notwithstanding all these objections, Congress unques
tionably has the pouter, to admit new States into the Union.
The third section of the 4tb article of the constitution declares,
“new states may be admitted by the Congress into this Uni
on.” But it is said, that the admission oC California open her
j present application by Congress, is equivalent to the enact
-1 ment of the Wilmot Proviso, and therefore, should be resist
ed by revolution, or secession the part of the slaveuolding
States. In my judgment, there is a marked and wide differ
: ence, upon the score of principle, as it regards the exclusion
of slavery from the territory of California, by the people of
that territory, and the exclusion of slavery therefrom, by a
i legislative, enactment of Congress. lu the one case, tho
i people of the territory act for themselves in regard to the
question of slavery, independent of Congress, in the oth
er, Congress usurps an authority to act, in regard to the ques
tion of slavery, in violation of the constitution, and iudejpen
dent of the wishes of the people of the territory—the one, is
the act of the people themselves upon the question of slave
ry—the other, is tho act of Congress upon the question of sla
very—the one is constitutional, the other is unconstitutional.
It should be recollected also, that there are two sides to this
question which aught to be considered in settling this great
principle. Had California adopted slavery by her constitu
tion, and had her admission into the Union been resisted by
the representatives of the non-slaveholding states, on the
ground, that to vote for her admission with slavery in her con
stitution, would he to vote for the establishment of slavery;
what would have been the legitimate answer to such an ob
jection, on the part of tho slaveholdimg States? The an
swer would have been, that the people of California had
regulated the question of slavery for themselves, and that
Congress had no right to interfere in that matter, having no
jurisdiction whatever over the subject, and that to vote for
the admission of a state into tho Union, the people of which
had established slavery by their constitution, would not be es
tablishing slavery in such state, by Congress. Nor do the
representatives from the slaveholding slates by voting to ad
mit a state, the constitution of which excludes slavery, vote
to abolish slavery, any more than the non-slaveholding states
would to establish it.
It is the people of the territory forming the state constitu- .
tion, who establish , or abolish slavery according to their
pleasure; and not Congress by admitting such state into the
Union. The Constitution, then,confers the power on Con
gress to admit new States into the ■ Union, and irregularities \
on the part of the state making the application do not destroy |
that power, so expressly conferred on Congress by the Con- ,
stitution. The constitutional right of Congress to admit
California is one question, the policy of admitting her on her j
present application, is another, and a different question ; the
one is a question of power , the other is a question of expedi
ency. In regard ts the question of slavery, 1 stand on the
democratic platform of non-intervention by Congress, and
in my judgment, it is the only safe, and constitutional
ground, the South can occupy. I am willing to abide the
Missouri compromise line in the settlement of this question j
(not because it was originally right, or constitutional, but be
cause the question has once been settled on that basis) with
non-intervention by Congress, south of it So far as mv in
dividual rights are concerned, I protest against any action of
Congress, either to establish or recognize slavery in any man
ner whatever, South of 30d. 30m.
If Congress have the right, and jurisdiction, to establish,
or recognize slavery South of that line, the same right and :
jurisdiction exists, to abolish it. Ido not degiro Congress to
usurp a jurisdiction upon tho of slavery for my ben
efit, when that jurisdiction nay, and in all probability would
be, wielded for my destruction.
Better by far, that California should be admitted into the ;
Union, with slavery excluded by the action of her own peo
pie, than this great constitutional principle, of non-interven- \
tion by Congress, should be sacrificed for a supposed tempo
rary benefit. If Utah and New Mexico shall be organized
without any restriction as to slavery by Cougress, and Cali
fornia admitted as a state with a constitution adopted by the
people of that territory, excluding slavery, it is difficult for
me to perceive, what principle of the constitution will have i
j been violated, which would present a “proper occasion, for
| measures of resistance, revolutionary, or otherwise.” In
1832-3 I did not approve the revolutionary remedy of nulli
fication, for a redress of our tarifi’grievances, neither do I in
tend to be driven oft’ the democratic platform now, and to seek
redress for our present wrongs, by resorting to a re nedy ;
whieh to say the least of it, bears a very strong resemblance,
to the nullification doctrines promulgated by the leading poli
ticians of a sister state, in 1832-3; and which were attemp
ted, to be successfully maintained, in this state. If the ad
mission of California under the circumstances which you
state, shall be used merely as a pretence for a dissolution of the
Union, by those who desire such an event, it is unquestiona
bly their privilege to make it available, to accomplish that ob
ject, if they can. But what practical benefit arc the peo- 1
pie of Georgia to derive from a dissolution of the Union, in
the event California shall be admitted as a State ? Is the right
to carry slaves into that state, a sufficient compensation for a
dissolution of the Union, when the people of California, not
Congress, have excluded them by their Constitution ? How
will the dissolution of the Union secure that right? If the
! soil and climate of California is adapted to slave labor, and it
shall be ascertained to be for the interest of the people of that
State to employ slaves, then, they can alter their constitution,
and admit slavery ; but if the soil, and climate of California,
be not adapted to slave labor, and slaves cannot be profitably
employed there, it would seem to be unnecessary to dissolve j
the Union, because Congress has admitted her as a State,
with a constitution adopted by her own people, excluding
slavery. The view which 1 take of this subject is, to let the
people of California regulate this question of slavery for them
selves, without any legislative interference by Congress; and
so long as we have such able advocates, iu the nou-slavehold
ing States, for the great constitutional principle of non-inter
vention, as Cass, Dickinson, and others, I do not despair of
the Republic.
Be pleased gentlemen, to accept the assurance cf my re
gard, and esteem, w hile 1 remain.
Very Respectfully,
Your ob’t eerv’t,
HIRAM WARNER.
Messrs. Holsey, Chase and Hull, Athens. #
————§
From the Vicksburg Whig.
The Discontents.
‘ls this tea or coffee V said a boarder to his land
i lady. ‘Why do yon ask, sir ?’ remarked the good
j woman in astonishment. ‘Because, madam,’ said ;
j the troublesome boarder,’ ‘if its tea I want coffee,
; and if it’s coffee I want tea.’
Such seems to be the spirit of the Northern and j
Southern agitators, in and out of Congress. Hale,
Chase, and Seward, will net vote for Clay’s compro
mise because it concedes everything to the South. —
Clemens Davis, of this State, and others of the same
extreme will not vote for tHe compromise because it
surrenders everything to the North. Both parties
would give a better reason, perhaps, by stating that
they are opposed to any settlement of questions a
issue, and that they desire nothing but agitation.—
An old sot, staggering home late at night, stopped
and addressed a lamp-post thus : ‘lt’s no use trying
to beg her off, sir ; you can’t come it; if she’s gone
to bed, I’ll lick her* and if she’s sitting up I’ll lick
her. 1 The old fellow was just as much bent on whip
ping his unfortunate moiety, as the discontents are
upon defeating any adjustment of sectional difficul
ties. Yet they profess great willingness to do any
thing io satisfy the people of their respective sec
tions. We cannot speak positively of Northern sen
timent, but we can assure the Southern discontents
that the people of the South are generally well sat
j isfied with the Clay compromise, and see no good
reason why their ultra representatives should not
give it a hearty support. We can further assure
them that their insisting upon the Missouri comprom
ise at present, so very soon after having denounced
and opposed it, is generally believed to be a paltry
parliamentary ruse, designed to prolong unnecessary
trouble and unmeaning discussion. The South catl”
not hold them guiltless of this intent ; the eviden
ces against them are too phiin and palpable to be mis
; understood.
We have long ceased to expect anything lika
; common sense or common justice from the North-
I ern ultras. It is a ‘fixed fact’ that they are determ
ined to vex and oppress the South to the whole ex-’
tent of their mischievous ability. Knowing this,
and being equally equally certain that they are meu’
of too much shrewdness to permit any opportunity
for such work to pass unemployed, the people of the
South have occasion to wonder that they should’ ev
er receive ‘aid and comfort’ from Southern represen
tatives in any strife upon the slavery question.—
; This is a plan, palpable, prominent point upou which
the good sense of the people can easily hang a rec
j ord of regret and astonishment. If the gentlemen to
; whom we refer will lift up their eyes from the arena
at Washington and look southward they will see
that record; it is written so plainly that he who
runs may read. The peopl3 of the South see no
! thing in Clay’s compromise which demands their op
| position ; that it is opposed strenously by the aboli
i tionists is a good argument in its favor ; that they
should be assisted in that employment by Southern
men is, we repeat, regarded in this latitude as a
strange infatuation or a culpable alliance.
Temporary Secession.
This is the latest improvement in the plan of dis
union. Mr. lthett, who glories in the name of trai
j (or, as he understands it, recommends “ temporary
! secession” as the proper thing just now.
i It is quite evident that there is method in the
madness of these heroic persons, and a faculty of eaf
i culation in respect to other things than the value of
the Union. Temporary secession is to come in as an’
| experiment; it may be well to try how it feels—af
; ter the manner of the amateur who was curious to
know the sensations of a man under process of being
hanged. In this latter case,however, it unfortunate
; ly happened that the experiment went too far, and
> the world to this day is without any report or au
; theutic record of the experience of a suspended indi
| vidual haltered and strangled.
Temporary secession, we may presume, is intend
ed as a sort of trance, a species of paralyzed anima
tion, a state of somnambulism, in which the patient
goes far enough towards the confines of this mortal
life to get a peep into the regions beyond. 3frt
Riiett and his associate practitioners have been ad
ministering chlorofurm in a political way very assidu
ously for some time past with a view to prepare the
State of South Carolina for a successful trial of her
! capabilities in the way of seeing visions and dream
| iug dreams.
We must regard this idea of temporary secession
as a most happy conception. It plays around tho
precincts of treason, and possesses all- the fascina
tions of danger without any of its risks. Some reck
less votaries who know not the secret may indeed go‘
too far, itnd undertake to convert a pleasant game in
to an earnest business. Such stupidity of course
: could not claim any sympathy at the hands of the- -
! contrivers of the diversion, who could be the first to
I leave the luckless dupes to their fate in the purga
-1 tory of fools.
South Carolina in a state of temporary secession !
Disgusted w ith the world she climbs a tree. Van
itas Vanitotuml So the grizzly tenant of the po
lar zone, when the season of blabber is past, goes
grimly into torpidity and with surly independence
sucks his own paws.
Temporary secession ! It is a phrase of such et”
ceeding good command that it claims place at once
in the vocabulary of sedition, and bids fair to sup
plant ‘aallitication” itself. Instead of the overt act
with its ugly consequences, the irrevocable plunge in
to the boiling ocean of civil strife, ‘temporary’ seces
sion,’ is a dignified isolation, and would mean, not
that South Carolina had absolutely cut her acquain
tances, but simply that she was not at home to vis
itors. Her nerves being unsteady, she takes chloro
form and does not w ish so be intruded upon. Or
like the burgomaster in the play she has a great deal
of thinking to do and takes her time for it. Or, pos
sibly. rememberingthe advice of Hamlet in allusion
to Polonius, she may be of the opinion that when one
is bent upon performing a certain character he should
shut the door and play it nowhere but in his own
house.
The cat is fond of fish, but dreads to'wet its fe£fc
More happily endowed than the cat, a commonwealth
hankering after treason yet shrinking its penalties,
strikes upon the felicitous compromise of‘temporary
secession,’ and purs dry-footed over her fish without
perceiving that it is stale and already putrescent.
After an experiment at “temporary secession’* rt r
would be interesting to see the returning prodigal’
come back into the family circle, pale from a diet of
husks, and haggard like a half hanged man. The
wayward strangler would have a strange story to tell
and words perhaps w T ould not be adequate to por
! tray the state of stupid semi-consciousness, the night
mare terrors, the hideous dreams, of that sort of
life in death which was the lot of the wanderer in
; desert regions where “temporary secession’’ abides.
Cadaverous as from a resurrection, the poor victim,
once more restored to life and happiness, would ev
er after shudder, at the mention of the charnel house
which is the dwelling place of ‘tempoYary secession!
[Balt. Arner.-
~~
Letter from Senator Clemen*.
Washington, August 20, 18dC.
Dear Sir: I have just received the Advertiser and
Gazette, of the loth inst. I find that the Editor* of
that paper charge Col. King and myself with selling
out a portion of Texas to make free soil, because oft
abolition President has drawn the sicord and mena
ced violence. This is a grave charge, and should bo
well considered before it was published. I make no
pretensions to extraordinary courage, and I am wil
ling to leave it to those who know’ me to decide how
far menaces would be likelv to influence my course.
To that part of the article, I have no reply to make.’
No part of Texas has been sold for any purpose.
Nothing more has been done than to submit a prop
osition to Texas to settle a question of boundary ad
mitted on all hands to be full of difficulty. It is at
her option to accept or reject the offer. It will noV
do to argue that the large amount of money offered
her will bias unfairly the action of her legislature.—
Put the question to any Alabamian—ask him if he
thinks our State would aell her poorest county to A
bolitionism for all the treasures of the Union : and*
NO. 25.
