The Georgia citizen. (Macon, Ga.) 1850-1860, September 13, 1850, Image 1

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VOL. I. “/US tlf&M t* aubliabed, every Friday morning, in Macon, (is. on the follow. CONDITIONS : If paid strictly in advance - - 9*3 50 per annum If not so paid * - - 3 00 “ “ l.egal Advertisements will be made to conform to the following pro r jj„as of the Statut# Hilt j of Land and Negroes, by Executors, Administrators and Guard ns.are required by law to be advertised in a public gazette, sixty dsys previous to the day ot sale. These sales must be held on the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of ten in the forenoon and three in the afternoon, at the Oeiirt House in the county in which the property is situated. The sales of Personal Property must be advertised in like manner for ty days. Vance to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate must be published forty days. Retire that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary for l*are to sell Land and Negroes, must be published weekly for four Mwuth*. Citations or Letters of Administration must be published thirty days —Cet Dismission from Administration, monthly, six months —for Dis frira Guardianship, forty days. Units for foreclosure of mortgage, must be published monthly, for fnr Stuarts —for establishing lost papers, for the full space of three u ,nths —for compelling titles from Executors or Administrators where s bond has been given by the deceased, the full space of three months. Professional and Business Car**, inserted, according to the follow tag seal*: For 4 lines or less per annum - - 85 BO in advance. “ (5 lines “ “ - 7 00 “ “ uio u u . sio 00 “ “ ry- Transient Advertisements will be charged S l, per square of 12 kei or less, for the first and 50 cts. for each subsequent insertion. — On these rates there will be a deduction of 20 percent, on settlement, when advertisements are continued 3 months without alteration. j All Letters except those containing remittances must be post paid or fret. Pujtinasters and others who will act as Agents for the “Citizen” uiaj retain 20 per cent, for their trouble, on all cash subscriptions for warded. OFFICE on Mulberry Street, East of the Floyd House and near the Market. €'jje port’s Cnnirr, For the Georgia Citizen. To the Susquchannah. River, in boauty thou inovest along, Like smooth flowing numbers of some rich song, The song in my heart—sad dreams in my mind— With thy own deep music are sweetly combined. With joy thy plume tufted willows I hail, And list to the winds low mournful breath’d tale, Os dark slender maids who saw in thy face The last mirrored form of a fast fading race. How slowlv they pressed this emerald sod, Which naught but wild deer, and Red-men have trod, To east pale flowers on the bright giancing wave, Asa last fair gift of the mighty and brave. They have bid thee farewell; and never again Shall thoir echoing tread be heard on thy plain— The shade of thy trees —and song of thy waves, Shall never unite o’er their lone forest graves. Oh River ! thou stir’st my heart with sad dreams— The mem’ry of loved ones blend with thy scenes, Alono I stand—they will seek thee no more, Their barks have long parted from Youths sunny shore. Change hath been busy within those gay hearts, A* freshness and bloom from Summer departs. Vet Spring will restore its soft tender green— Rut over the heart but ono morning doth gleam. There was one I loved, as only wc lore, When the souls fresh hopes are glowing above— Often we sauntered thy green banks along, With gay joyous laugh, or low hushing song. That brow is cold ’neath the stern hand of Death, Flowers o'er her tomb have spread their sweet breath, hhe went, in her youth, to take her bright crown— With the just and perfect in blisssitteth down. Yet other fond friends, beside thee doth dwell, Where song of thy waves sweeps soft through tho dell, Oh ! bear them a tale of my heart’s fervent love, A hope of remembrance when distant I rove. Ktcrnal—sublime—no change marks thy breast, In motion forever, thou knowest no rest— Yet exult not—for the broad foaming sea, rihall mingle thy waters with others as free. M. H. OLMSTEAD. Otego, N. Y. ■JUistfllfliiK. Human Life. OR THE FIRST AND LAST MINUTE. Minutes Pass. —The anxious husband paces slowly across his study. lie is a father; a man child is born unto him. — Minutes pass —the child has been blessed with a parent, whom it cannot recognise ; and pressed to that bosom to which instinct alone guides it for sustenance—the young wife, too, has faintly answered to a husband's questions, and felt lev warm kiss on her forehead. Hours pass. —The low moaning from the closely covered P'.adle tel !■ of the first wants of its infant occupant. The qui et tread of the nurse speaks of suffering around her, while her glad countenance savs that the very suffering which she is trying to alleviate is a source of joy, pnd the nameless ar ticles which, from time to time, she arranges on the hearth tell of anew claimant for the courtesies and attentions of those who have progressed further on the path way of existence. Hays puss. —Visitors are thronging the chamber, and the Mother, pale and interesting after her recent sickness, is re viving their congratulations and listening proudly to their praises of the little treasure, which lies asleep in its rocking bed at her feet. The scene shifts, and the father is there with her alone, as the twilight deepens around them while they are planning the future destiny of the child. IFrefo pass. —The eye* of the young mother are spark ling with health, and the rose blooms again on her cheek, and the cares of pleasure and home engage her attention, and the father is once more mingling with the world, yet they find many opportunities each day to visit the young inheritor of life— to watch over his dreamless slumbers —to trace each ether’* looks in his countenance, and to ponder upon the fe licity of which he is the bearer to them. Mmths pass. —The cradle is deserted, but chamber-floor 18 strewed with play-things, and there is a little odo loitering among them, whose half-lisped words, and hearty laugh and sunny countenance tell you that the entrance into life is over R pathway of flowers. Tho cradle is empty, but the last Payers of the parents are uttered over the small crib, which flandsby their own bed side, and their latest attention is giv '*lo the peaceful breathings of its occupant. **ar* pass. —Childhood has strengthened into boyhood, iß 'l boyhood has gamboled along into manhood. Old cottnex h)ll* are broken—parents are sleeping in their graves—new -uniaeies are formed, anew home is about him, new eares :str act him. He is abroad, struggling amid the business of i'fc, or resting from it with those whom he has chosen from ■ a own generation. Tune is beginning to wrinkle his fore and thought has robbed his looks of their gayety, and f u dy lias dimmed his eyes. Those who began life after he bvi grown up, are fast crowding him out of it, and there are man y claimants upon his industry and love, for protection an d support. tars pass. —His own children have become men, and are acting h;m, as he also quitted the home of his fathers. H:s ’T's have lost their elasticity. h:s hand has become familiar with the cane, to which ho is obliged to trust in his walks. He has left the bustle which fatigued him. Ho looks anxious ly in each day’s paper among the deaths—and then ponders over the homo of an old friend, and tries to persuade himself that he is younger and stronger, and has a better hold on life than any of his contemporaries. Months pass.—Ue gradually diminishes the circle of his actitity. He dislikes to go abroad where he finds so many new faces, and he grieves to meet his former companions af ter a short absence, they seem to have grown so old uud in firm. Quiet enjoyments only are relished—a little conversa tion about old times——a sober game—a religious treatise—and his early bed, form for him the sunt total of his pleasures. VV eeks pass. —lnfirmity keeps him in his chamber. His walks are limited to the small space between his easy chair and his bed. His swollen limbs are wrapped in flannels. His sight is failing—his ears refuse their duty, and his cup is but half filled, since, otherwise, his shaking hand can not car ry it to his shrunken lips without spilling its contents. His powers are weakened—his faculties are blunted—his strength is lost. Days puss.~- 1 he old man docs not leave his bed—his memory is failing—ho talks, but cannot be understood lie asks the questions, but they relate to the transactions of a for mer generation—he speaks of occurrences, but the recollec tion of no one around him can go back to their scenes—he seems to commune with comrades but when he names them, it is found that the waters of time and oblivion have long cov ered their tombs. Hours pass. —The taper grows dimmer and dimmer—the machinery moves yet more and more slowly—the sands are fewer as they measure the allotted span. The motion of those about him is unheeded or becomes a vexation. Each fresh inquiry after his health is a knell. The springs of life can no longer force on its wheels—the “silver cord,” is fast untwist ing—the pitcher is broken at the fountain—and time “is a bui den. His children are about him, but he heeds them not —his friends are near, but he does uot recognise them. The circle is completed. The eoxrsc is ruu—and utter weakness brings the cold damp, which ushers in the night of death. Mintues pass. —His breathings grow softer and slower— his pulse beats fainter and feebler. Those around him are lis tening, but cannot tell when they cease. The embers are burnt out—and the blaze flashes not before it expires. His “three score years and ten” are numbered. Human life “is finish ed.”—New England Galaxy. Death Warrants in Latin. Ihe practice of writing physicians’ prescriptions in Latin has frequently led to fatal results and the law should oompel physicians to write them in the living and not in the dead lan guages, and then make a death manslaughter in the first de gree, which ensues from the carelessness of apothecaries. W e have another case to add to the many fatal ones growing out of this practice. James D. Ward, of Boston, suffering a slight feverish turn, the attending physician directed hint to take a dose of calomel, which the apothecary prepared as he imagined, but began to vomit soon after taking the medicine, and sending for the apothecary found that he had mistaken the medicine and given him corrosive sublimate, a deadly poison, and Mr. V* ard died. Now let us see what was the doctor’s prescription —sub muriate hydrar 10. The prescrip tion for corrosive sublimate is muriate hydrar fort. Now, as the leading words sub muriate hydrar and muriate hydrar arealke, the apothecary may very innocently have made the mistake ; and can sucll similarities of terms in medicine be permitted to hazard the lives of patients? Would it have been at all improper—nay would not Mr. Ward have been spared io the world and his family had his doctor written the following prescription: Ten grains o f Calomel. ( an any mistake be made by doctor, ajiothecary and patient in this ? It seems however, that Latin is used by physicians to prevent the patieut knowing what medicine he is taking, when the fact is, to inspire confidence. The physician ought not only to allow the patient to know the character of the medicine prescribed, but the effect it is expected to produce. The doctor, however, apprehends that if the patient knows too much of his disorder, and tho means necessary to effect the cure, lie will be his own physician, and thus lessen the fees ot medical advisers, and as seven times out of eight, the doctor is called on slight occasions, for which the patient could himself administer to the disease, a mystery is made to sur round the healing art by making prescriptions partake of a masonic influence, and the only injury is, that sometimes the patient dies in taking the wrong medicine. The doctor writes “ Saccharum Saturni, VI Grfi Six grains of sugar of lead. “Sal Glaucerifi Glauber Salts ; “ Coclcari amplum ,” a large spoonful; “Diaurenio Pilulea ,” let the pills be gult; u Fiut venesectio ,” To be bled; Give the medicine “ gelatina quads,” in jelly : “Harum pilula rum same n ter tres” let three of these pills betaken ; il hora decucitas ,” on going to bed; “oleum oliva optimum” 11 oz. of best olive oil.—What pompous display of classi ial lore ; where would be the injury in saying as much in good substan tial English ? The law should compel physicians to write their prescriptions in the language of the country; there should he no mystery on the subject: every man should be know what he is swallowing, and should not be murdered by ignorance or chance in taking the wrong medicine.-—N. Y- Star. _..g Letter from Gen. Cass to Gen. Garibaldi. Washington, August 14th. My Dear Sir: I welcome you to this land of freedom. May it always be the land of hospitality to the unfortunate exile, driven by the persecution of arbitrary power to seek refuge in the New'World from the tyranny ol the Old ! General, you possess the regard and the sympa thy of the American people, and you well merit this distinction. You raised the standard of liberty upon the Capitoline Hill, and history will do justice to your noble efforts to maintain it there—to revive the spirit and the freedom of ancient Rome, amid the monuments of her power and glory. It is not success that hallows a cause ; it is the principle in volved in it. You yielded to an overwhelming force —to another descent of the Gauls upon Italy : but you preserved your own high character, and you preserved, also, the respect of every believer in the rights of man throughout the world. But such ef forts as those of the Roman people, though unsuc cessful are not useless. The b.attle of freedom may be lost onpe and again, but it will yet he won, and man restored to the rights which God has given him. I thank you, General, for your kind letter, and for the enclosure from Mr. Hyatt, though yog need no introduction to an American. Your glorious exer tions, followed by misfortuues borne with equanimi ty, are a passport to the hearts and homes of my countrymen. I should be happy to see you in Washington, and to express to you in person those sentiments of res pect and regard which I must now put coldly on pa per, and with which lain, ever truly and affection ately, Your friend and servant LEWIS CASS. Gen. Garibaldi. A weak mind sinks under prosperity as well as under adversity. A strong and deep mind has two high tides—when the moon is at the full, and when there is no moon. “Jubepenknl in all tilings -—Neutral in Nothing. ” MACON, GEORGIA, FRIDAY MORNING, SEPT. 13, 1850, Indian Dwarfs. —The New York Medical Ga zette mentions the arrival of two Indian Dwarfs, brother and sister, from St. Salvador, said to belong to one of the tribesof Indtans in Central America, and says: “They are a greater curiosity than has ever been exhibited in the line of dwarfs, not excepting Tom thumb of Barnum notoriety. The stature of the female is less than his, while the male is somewhat taller. Both are slender, with long limbs, and bo dies well formed in all respects, with the exception of the head, which is extraordinarily flat, the fore j head retreating a little above the superciliary ridge and indicating the almost entire absence of the cere brum, while the cerebellum is normal in size propor tioned to the side of the head, which is small, and resembling that of certain species of tho ape. The eyes are jet black, and are beaming with intelli gence, while the hair, which is also black, is long, straight and silken. The skin is swarthy, and they would appear to be a mixture of Indian and Spanish blood. The boy is said to fifteen and the girl thir teen, and both are playful and happy, unless when crossed in their will, when they cry like infants, which is all the noise they made'while we were pres ent, although they understand when spoken to in Spanish, and we are told that they can pronounce some words indistinctly. The father and mother are represented to have been of ordinary size. They mutually regarded their children with dislike, anil very gladly rid themselves of any further trouble by selling them to the gentleman who very humane ly provides for all their wants. They are soon to be exhibited to the public, when they will awaken very great interest.” To tho People of Georgia. Fellow Citizens: After consultation with several gentlemen from I different parts of the State, during the late Fair of | the Southern Central Agricultural Association held j at Atlanta, the following resolutions were adopted : | Resolved , That a committee of five be appointed | to prepare and publish an address to the citizens of | the State generally, respectfully calling their atten ! tion to the importance of common school education, | and of some united action for the advancement of that cause. Resolved, That tho interests of this great cause call for the united counsel and co-operation of the entire State; and that for this end we earnestly in vite each county to take the subject into considera tion, and to send delegates to a convention to be held at such time and place as the above committee, after consultation may designate, for the purpose of maturing some practicable system of common school education, to be presented to the next Legislature. No subject more deeply concerns us as a State, than that presented in the above resolutions. In all civilized countries, general education is considered of vital importance. Properly conducted, it lies at the foundation of all that is valuable in the political and social relations of mankind ; and in proportion as it is general, or limited, thorough, or superficial, so will the State rank in the scale of real greatness. The State of Georgia is rapidly advancing in i many respects, the foremost place among her sisters of the South. Her natural advantages and resour ces are unsurpassed ; and the enterprise and indus try of her citizens are beginning to develope these resources and to employ these advantages, ller population is rapidly increasing; and her capital begins to be largely invested in works of internal improvement and commerce. A laudable attention is beginning to be directed to Agriculture and ar tistic improvements, as is abundantly shown in the increasing numbers who attend our great Agricul tural Fair, and the interest taken in its exhibitions. In past time, the appeal in behalf of these various improvements has been restricted mainly to the more wealthy and educated, but now it is made to every class of citizens. All are now invoked, espec ially the farmers and mechanics, to enlist in this common movement for elevating the State in all the elements of true greatness. It is to be feared, however, that the most import ant means of realising these desires and expecta tions is too much overlooked Before the body of the people can be efficiently enlisted in these enter prises, they must be enabled to understand the na ture and extent of the desired improvements, the means by which they arc to be accomplished, and the interest which every citizen has in the results. In no other way can a general and steady co-ope ration be secured. Now this is the business of education, intellectu al and moral, extending to every class of our white population. Georgia has recognised this truth from the earli est days of her existence as a State. Her first con stitution adopted in 1777 provides that “schools shall be erected in each county, and supported at the general expense of the State.” The endow ment of the University, and of county Academies, and appropriations for common and poor schools, have followed at different periods in obedience to this provision of our first constitution. And in ad dition to these provisions by the State, private mu nificence has furnished the means of establishing many valuable institutions of learning for both males and females. But while these various institutions furnish a highly creditable provision for Academic learning in our State, all the attempts of our Legislature to es tablish common schools have been singularly unsuc cessful. Various schemes have been adopted, and then abandoned as failures. So that after all that has been expended, there is a lamentable deficien cy of good common schools in the State. The means of a good common education are not furnish ed to the mass of our population. And yet such an education is the right of every citizen under our Constitution. The blessings derived from all our higher seminaries are indeed great, and we desire to see them cherished and sustained : but yet vast | ly more is due to the great body of the people who j cannot avail themselves of these higher advantages. Y\ hat then is to be done \ Shall we allow this sad deficiency to continue ? Shall this great hin drance to the elevation of our State still exist - The failure of our common school systems hereto fore is mainly attributable to three causes, Ist. They have not been adapted in their details to the actual condition and wants of our population. 2d. There has been no adequate supply of w r ell qualified common school teachers. 3d. There has been too little interest felt gener ally in the subject itself. To remove those obstacles, and to put in opera tion some practicable and efficient plan of general education, is confessedly a work of great difficulty. This difficulty is felt especially in those portions of the State where the white population is very sparse. But yet something must be done, and we think the undertaking a practicable one, if entered upon with i an earnest zeal. During the sessions of our Legislature there are I so many exciting questions and conflicting interests, : that little time is left for the consideration of this j subject, about which so few feel any real concern. ; Di addition to this, few of our legislators have either i the material or the thorough acquaintance with the subject itself, from which to digest any comprehen sive plan of general education. Committees have several times been appointed during the recess of the Legislature, but they have either failed to re port, or been unable to suggest any practicable scheme. Perhaps therefore no suggestion promises better results than the second resolution under which we now write, If delegates be sent from the several counties, chosen with reference to this single mat ter, we inav hope for some good result from their united wisdom and zeal. We feel assured that the Legislature would not be backward to adopt the well digested recommendations of such a body ; and that in any event, the meeting and deliberations of such a convention would tend to inspire new inter est in the public mind on this important subject. We therefore earnestly invite each county to take up the subject, and to send two delegates to a con vention to be held in the city of Macon on the sec ond Wednesday of December next, for the purpose of taking into consideratron the whole question of common school education. Delegates should go pre pared with all the necessary statistical information as to area, number of children, number of schools, <kc, <kc. The first Tuesday in November will prob ably be a suitable day for the appointment of dele gates. Let all the friends of common education, whether many or few, determine to act promptly in this business, that every portion of the State may take part in these deliberations for the common wel fare. Nothing is more worthy of our prompt and earnest attention. Fellow Citizens: This is emphatically the cause of the people—that which tends to elevate and bless every one of our population. It deeply concerns our advancement in all the elements of true great ness, physical, social, intellectual and moral. And wc are sure we utter the feeling of every true Geor gian, when we say, that in all these characteristics of greatness we desire our State to stand unrivalled, not by the depression of others, but by raising her self to that commanding position. Thomas Scott, Alonzo Church, B. Snider, Jas. A. Nksbit, Committee. Jt'dT The Editors of papers throughout the State are respectfully requested to publish the address, and to call pnblic attention to the subject. political. Judge Warner’s Letter. The following letter af llon. lliram Warner (one of the pudges of the Supreme Court of this State) upon the great of the day, will be read with profound interest by the community. Like every thing else which emanates from him, it is clear, forcible, and to the point:— Athens Banner. Greenville, Aug. 2S, 1850. Gentlemen: —On my return from Dceatur, I received your letter of the 10th inst. requesting my opinion in regard to the following proposition—“whether if the state of Califor nia as at present organized, shall be admitted into the Union, and the remaining territory acquired from Mexico, placed un der territorial governments without restriction on the sub ject of slavery, would such a state of facts present a proper occasion for measures of resistance, revolutionary, or other wise, on the part of the slave-holding States ”? Being fully aware, that my individual opinion in relation to this question, can have but little weight with any one in this period of excitement, yet, I do not feel entirely at liberty to withhold it, when respectfully requested by any portion of my fellow-citizens. The great question, which I have always understood to have been involved in the controversy between the slaveliold ing, and the non-slaveholding states, was, whether the terri tory, lately acquired by treaty from Mexico, should be organ ized with, or without, the Wilmot Proviso; the non-slave holding states insisting upon the right under the constitution, to exclude slavery from that territory, by congressional leg islation, the slaveholding states insisting, that congress had no power under the Constitution, to legislate in any man ner whatever upon the subject of slavery , in that terri tory. Assuming that to have been the original ground of controversy between the respective states of the Union, will the admission of California under the circumstances mentioned in your letter, violate the principles, for which the southern states have contended under the constitution ? If the state of facts which you present, are equivalent to the enactment of the Wilmot Proviso, then, the Southern states ought, in my judgment, to resist the admission of Cali fornia by all the means in their power, revolutionary, or oth erwise, for the reasons, that the usurpation of power by Congress , to restrict slavery in the acquired territory, would be a palpable violation of the Constitution. But if the state of facts which you present, are not equivalent to the enact ment of the Wilmot Proviso, and no principle of the consti tution is violated by the admission of California, then, a re sort to measures of resistance, revolutionary or otherwise, would, in my judgment, bo entirely inexpedient, and impro per, on the part of the slaveholding states. Before a resort is had to such extreme measures, the first inquiry to be made is, do the coils of the government under which we live, outweigh its benefits. In other words, will the admission of Califor nia, inflict such an injury upon the constitutional rights of the people of the slaveholding States, as to justify revolution on their part, against the government of their country ? Ac cording to the state of facts which you present, the territory of Utah is organized without the Wilmot Proviso, and the j territory of New Mexico is also organized, without the Wil- j mot Proviso. So far then, the principle for which the south- j ern states have contended is maintained, the territories of ! Utah, and New Mexico are organized bj Congress, without any restriction a* to slavery. The people of California (which constitutes the only remaining portion of the territory acquir ed from Moxioo) have assembled in Convention, framed a constitution, and by their own act, have excluded slavery, and now ask to be admitted into the Union as a State. It is true, her proceedings have been irregular, and she was doubtless induced to form a state government by the .mprop er interference of the agents of the late administration,which in terference was a gross abuse of official power, on the part of the administration, for which they should be justly held responsible. Congress too, had failed to furnish California with a territorial government, and such failure, let it be re membered, was not exclusively the fault of the representa tives of the uon 6lave-holding States. According to my judg ment, the limits of California are too large, and as a matter of policy, I would have restricted her boundary to 36d. 30m.— But notwithstanding all these objections, Congress unques tionably has the pouter, to admit new States into the Union. The third section of the 4tb article of the constitution declares, “new states may be admitted by the Congress into this Uni on.” But it is said, that the admission oC California open her j present application by Congress, is equivalent to the enact -1 ment of the Wilmot Proviso, and therefore, should be resist ed by revolution, or secession the part of the slaveuolding States. In my judgment, there is a marked and wide differ : ence, upon the score of principle, as it regards the exclusion of slavery from the territory of California, by the people of that territory, and the exclusion of slavery therefrom, by a i legislative, enactment of Congress. lu the one case, tho i people of the territory act for themselves in regard to the question of slavery, independent of Congress, in the oth er, Congress usurps an authority to act, in regard to the ques tion of slavery, in violation of the constitution, and iudejpen dent of the wishes of the people of the territory—the one, is the act of the people themselves upon the question of slave ry—the other, is tho act of Congress upon the question of sla very—the one is constitutional, the other is unconstitutional. It should be recollected also, that there are two sides to this question which aught to be considered in settling this great principle. Had California adopted slavery by her constitu tion, and had her admission into the Union been resisted by the representatives of the non-slaveholding states, on the ground, that to vote for her admission with slavery in her con stitution, would he to vote for the establishment of slavery; what would have been the legitimate answer to such an ob jection, on the part of tho slaveholdimg States? The an swer would have been, that the people of California had regulated the question of slavery for themselves, and that Congress had no right to interfere in that matter, having no jurisdiction whatever over the subject, and that to vote for the admission of a state into tho Union, the people of which had established slavery by their constitution, would not be es tablishing slavery in such state, by Congress. Nor do the representatives from the slaveholding slates by voting to ad mit a state, the constitution of which excludes slavery, vote to abolish slavery, any more than the non-slaveholding states would to establish it. It is the people of the territory forming the state constitu- . tion, who establish , or abolish slavery according to their pleasure; and not Congress by admitting such state into the Union. The Constitution, then,confers the power on Con gress to admit new States into the ■ Union, and irregularities \ on the part of the state making the application do not destroy | that power, so expressly conferred on Congress by the Con- , stitution. The constitutional right of Congress to admit California is one question, the policy of admitting her on her j present application, is another, and a different question ; the one is a question of power , the other is a question of expedi ency. In regard ts the question of slavery, 1 stand on the democratic platform of non-intervention by Congress, and in my judgment, it is the only safe, and constitutional ground, the South can occupy. I am willing to abide the Missouri compromise line in the settlement of this question j (not because it was originally right, or constitutional, but be cause the question has once been settled on that basis) with non-intervention by Congress, south of it So far as mv in dividual rights are concerned, I protest against any action of Congress, either to establish or recognize slavery in any man ner whatever, South of 30d. 30m. If Congress have the right, and jurisdiction, to establish, or recognize slavery South of that line, the same right and : jurisdiction exists, to abolish it. Ido not degiro Congress to usurp a jurisdiction upon tho of slavery for my ben efit, when that jurisdiction nay, and in all probability would be, wielded for my destruction. Better by far, that California should be admitted into the ; Union, with slavery excluded by the action of her own peo pie, than this great constitutional principle, of non-interven- \ tion by Congress, should be sacrificed for a supposed tempo rary benefit. If Utah and New Mexico shall be organized without any restriction as to slavery by Cougress, and Cali fornia admitted as a state with a constitution adopted by the people of that territory, excluding slavery, it is difficult for me to perceive, what principle of the constitution will have i j been violated, which would present a “proper occasion, for | measures of resistance, revolutionary, or otherwise.” In 1832-3 I did not approve the revolutionary remedy of nulli fication, for a redress of our tarifi’grievances, neither do I in tend to be driven oft’ the democratic platform now, and to seek redress for our present wrongs, by resorting to a re nedy ; whieh to say the least of it, bears a very strong resemblance, to the nullification doctrines promulgated by the leading poli ticians of a sister state, in 1832-3; and which were attemp ted, to be successfully maintained, in this state. If the ad mission of California under the circumstances which you state, shall be used merely as a pretence for a dissolution of the Union, by those who desire such an event, it is unquestiona bly their privilege to make it available, to accomplish that ob ject, if they can. But what practical benefit arc the peo- 1 pie of Georgia to derive from a dissolution of the Union, in the event California shall be admitted as a State ? Is the right to carry slaves into that state, a sufficient compensation for a dissolution of the Union, when the people of California, not Congress, have excluded them by their Constitution ? How will the dissolution of the Union secure that right? If the ! soil and climate of California is adapted to slave labor, and it shall be ascertained to be for the interest of the people of that State to employ slaves, then, they can alter their constitution, and admit slavery ; but if the soil, and climate of California, be not adapted to slave labor, and slaves cannot be profitably employed there, it would seem to be unnecessary to dissolve j the Union, because Congress has admitted her as a State, with a constitution adopted by her own people, excluding slavery. The view which 1 take of this subject is, to let the people of California regulate this question of slavery for them selves, without any legislative interference by Congress; and so long as we have such able advocates, iu the nou-slavehold ing States, for the great constitutional principle of non-inter vention, as Cass, Dickinson, and others, I do not despair of the Republic. Be pleased gentlemen, to accept the assurance cf my re gard, and esteem, w hile 1 remain. Very Respectfully, Your ob’t eerv’t, HIRAM WARNER. Messrs. Holsey, Chase and Hull, Athens. # ————§ From the Vicksburg Whig. The Discontents. ‘ls this tea or coffee V said a boarder to his land i lady. ‘Why do yon ask, sir ?’ remarked the good j woman in astonishment. ‘Because, madam,’ said ; j the troublesome boarder,’ ‘if its tea I want coffee, ; and if it’s coffee I want tea.’ Such seems to be the spirit of the Northern and j Southern agitators, in and out of Congress. Hale, Chase, and Seward, will net vote for Clay’s compro mise because it concedes everything to the South. — Clemens Davis, of this State, and others of the same extreme will not vote for tHe compromise because it surrenders everything to the North. Both parties would give a better reason, perhaps, by stating that they are opposed to any settlement of questions a issue, and that they desire nothing but agitation.— An old sot, staggering home late at night, stopped and addressed a lamp-post thus : ‘lt’s no use trying to beg her off, sir ; you can’t come it; if she’s gone to bed, I’ll lick her* and if she’s sitting up I’ll lick her. 1 The old fellow was just as much bent on whip ping his unfortunate moiety, as the discontents are upon defeating any adjustment of sectional difficul ties. Yet they profess great willingness to do any thing io satisfy the people of their respective sec tions. We cannot speak positively of Northern sen timent, but we can assure the Southern discontents that the people of the South are generally well sat j isfied with the Clay compromise, and see no good reason why their ultra representatives should not give it a hearty support. We can further assure them that their insisting upon the Missouri comprom ise at present, so very soon after having denounced and opposed it, is generally believed to be a paltry parliamentary ruse, designed to prolong unnecessary trouble and unmeaning discussion. The South catl” not hold them guiltless of this intent ; the eviden ces against them are too phiin and palpable to be mis ; understood. We have long ceased to expect anything lika ; common sense or common justice from the North- I ern ultras. It is a ‘fixed fact’ that they are determ ined to vex and oppress the South to the whole ex-’ tent of their mischievous ability. Knowing this, and being equally equally certain that they are meu’ of too much shrewdness to permit any opportunity for such work to pass unemployed, the people of the South have occasion to wonder that they should’ ev er receive ‘aid and comfort’ from Southern represen tatives in any strife upon the slavery question.— ; This is a plan, palpable, prominent point upou which the good sense of the people can easily hang a rec j ord of regret and astonishment. If the gentlemen to ; whom we refer will lift up their eyes from the arena at Washington and look southward they will see that record; it is written so plainly that he who runs may read. The peopl3 of the South see no ! thing in Clay’s compromise which demands their op | position ; that it is opposed strenously by the aboli i tionists is a good argument in its favor ; that they should be assisted in that employment by Southern men is, we repeat, regarded in this latitude as a strange infatuation or a culpable alliance. Temporary Secession. This is the latest improvement in the plan of dis union. Mr. lthett, who glories in the name of trai j (or, as he understands it, recommends “ temporary ! secession” as the proper thing just now. i It is quite evident that there is method in the madness of these heroic persons, and a faculty of eaf i culation in respect to other things than the value of the Union. Temporary secession is to come in as an’ | experiment; it may be well to try how it feels—af ; ter the manner of the amateur who was curious to know the sensations of a man under process of being hanged. In this latter case,however, it unfortunate ; ly happened that the experiment went too far, and > the world to this day is without any report or au ; theutic record of the experience of a suspended indi | vidual haltered and strangled. Temporary secession, we may presume, is intend ed as a sort of trance, a species of paralyzed anima tion, a state of somnambulism, in which the patient goes far enough towards the confines of this mortal life to get a peep into the regions beyond. 3frt Riiett and his associate practitioners have been ad ministering chlorofurm in a political way very assidu ously for some time past with a view to prepare the State of South Carolina for a successful trial of her ! capabilities in the way of seeing visions and dream | iug dreams. We must regard this idea of temporary secession as a most happy conception. It plays around tho precincts of treason, and possesses all- the fascina tions of danger without any of its risks. Some reck less votaries who know not the secret may indeed go‘ too far, itnd undertake to convert a pleasant game in to an earnest business. Such stupidity of course : could not claim any sympathy at the hands of the- - ! contrivers of the diversion, who could be the first to I leave the luckless dupes to their fate in the purga -1 tory of fools. South Carolina in a state of temporary secession ! Disgusted w ith the world she climbs a tree. Van itas Vanitotuml So the grizzly tenant of the po lar zone, when the season of blabber is past, goes grimly into torpidity and with surly independence sucks his own paws. Temporary secession ! It is a phrase of such et” ceeding good command that it claims place at once in the vocabulary of sedition, and bids fair to sup plant ‘aallitication” itself. Instead of the overt act with its ugly consequences, the irrevocable plunge in to the boiling ocean of civil strife, ‘temporary’ seces sion,’ is a dignified isolation, and would mean, not that South Carolina had absolutely cut her acquain tances, but simply that she was not at home to vis itors. Her nerves being unsteady, she takes chloro form and does not w ish so be intruded upon. Or like the burgomaster in the play she has a great deal of thinking to do and takes her time for it. Or, pos sibly. rememberingthe advice of Hamlet in allusion to Polonius, she may be of the opinion that when one is bent upon performing a certain character he should shut the door and play it nowhere but in his own house. The cat is fond of fish, but dreads to'wet its fe£fc More happily endowed than the cat, a commonwealth hankering after treason yet shrinking its penalties, strikes upon the felicitous compromise of‘temporary secession,’ and purs dry-footed over her fish without perceiving that it is stale and already putrescent. After an experiment at “temporary secession’* rt r would be interesting to see the returning prodigal’ come back into the family circle, pale from a diet of husks, and haggard like a half hanged man. The wayward strangler would have a strange story to tell and words perhaps w T ould not be adequate to por ! tray the state of stupid semi-consciousness, the night mare terrors, the hideous dreams, of that sort of life in death which was the lot of the wanderer in ; desert regions where “temporary secession’’ abides. Cadaverous as from a resurrection, the poor victim, once more restored to life and happiness, would ev er after shudder, at the mention of the charnel house which is the dwelling place of ‘tempoYary secession! [Balt. Arner.- ~~ Letter from Senator Clemen*. Washington, August 20, 18dC. Dear Sir: I have just received the Advertiser and Gazette, of the loth inst. I find that the Editor* of that paper charge Col. King and myself with selling out a portion of Texas to make free soil, because oft abolition President has drawn the sicord and mena ced violence. This is a grave charge, and should bo well considered before it was published. I make no pretensions to extraordinary courage, and I am wil ling to leave it to those who know’ me to decide how far menaces would be likelv to influence my course. To that part of the article, I have no reply to make.’ No part of Texas has been sold for any purpose. Nothing more has been done than to submit a prop osition to Texas to settle a question of boundary ad mitted on all hands to be full of difficulty. It is at her option to accept or reject the offer. It will noV do to argue that the large amount of money offered her will bias unfairly the action of her legislature.— Put the question to any Alabamian—ask him if he thinks our State would aell her poorest county to A bolitionism for all the treasures of the Union : and* NO. 25.