ho would treat the question as an insult. Are we to
assume that we are better than others—that Texas
will accept what we would spurn ?
Iu voting for Pierce’s bill, I put the question
where I thought it ought to be put. I left it to be
decided by those who have the deepest interest in
its correct decision, and in whose honesty, in whose
patriotism and valor, I have the most entire confi
dence. Besides the right of Texas to the territory
in question is by no means so clear as to preclude a
settlement by arbitration or argument. A large
party in the Union deny her right to any territon
beyond the Nueces. Another party insists that the
line of 102 west longitude is her western boundary.
Still another, while admitting the title of Texas to
the lower Rio Grande, deny her claim to all above i
the 32d parallel of north latitude. W hen the ques- !
tion was submitted directly to the Senate, there were |
but’l4 Senators who voted to confirm her title as
claimed by herself. In this conflict of opinion, who i
is to decide ? Was there ever a case which more i
imperatively demanded a settlement by mutual a- j
greement ? I speak not now of the territory w hicli
it is said she has given up. The fact must first be .
established that she lias given up any territory at all.
If she has, instead of making a part of Texas free
6oil, we have made the whole of New Mexico slave
soil. We get clear of the Mexican law abolishing
slavery, which is said to prevail in New Mexico and j
extend the laws of Texas over the country. The in
habitants of New Mexico nearly all reside on the east j
bank of the Rio Grande, which, if it be apart of Tex- ‘
as, is a slave soil, and will come in as a slave State —
the number of inhabitants west of the Rio Grande j
being too inconsiderable to have any influence in
determining the character of the law.
I was willing to trust Texas with the care of her
own honor. I was also willing to trust to her know l
edge of her rights, and I still think that in so doing j
I have done well. I knew that the vote would sub
ject me to misconstruction, and hence I gave it with :
some reluctance, but I never doubted its correctness.
Your friend,
JERE. CLEMENS.
To the Citizens of Georgia generally, and to
those of Macon particularly,
By a letter received on Saturday afternoon last
from E. Foote Esq., President of the “Macon A
Western Branch Telegraph Company,” 1 am made
acquainted with the excited state of feeling that per
vaded that community, and the extraordinary pro
ceedings which were had by the citizens of Macon on
the day preceeding, in consequence of the publica
tion in the “Georgia Citizen” newspaper of that
date, of a portion of a letter dated at this place and
signed “Gabriel.” The letter (only a portion of
which it appears, reached its destination—it having
been mailed in two separate parcels,) was written
by myself, and I alone am responsible for it. The
offensive paragraph is in these words :
“Among the numerous buildings that are now in process
of erection iu this city, is one of brick, in full view of, and
scarcely a stone’s-throw from, the Atlanta Hotel, which is
designed as a depot for the safe-keeping and sale of uegroes.
Two-tliird.s of our people, who know the purpose for which
it is intended, are opposed to its completion, but, as yet, I
have heard of no steps being taken to prevent it. On Sab
bath last however, the heavy rains with which we were visi
ted washed away nearly one-third of the eastern wall—thus
showing (to the minds of omen-believers at least) that Prov
idence disapproves the unhallowed purpose for which the
building is designed. For my own part, lam free to say I
should rejoiee to see it razed to the ground as often as its
■owner rebuilds it.”
When I state, that the building in question is sit
uated in the heart of our city, and that, next to the’
Atlanta Hotel, the Washington Hall, and the Rail
road depots, it occupies the most conspicuous posi
tion in the city —that my then place of business was
within a few steps ot‘ this building, and that I had
understood that it was designed, not only as a Mart,
but as a Jail and Hospital also, I trust my true
meaning will readily appear. lam no abolitionist;
neither do I objeet to the traffic iu this species of
property —1 have been accustomed to it all my life
—nor is my friendship (where it exists) any the less
ardent for those who engage in the business: be
sides, it is tolerated by the laws of my State —and
lam a law-abiding man. But I regard the location
<jf the building in question (in one of the most con
apicuous positions iu our city) as a nuisance, and for
that reason alone I expressed myself (as a large pro
portion of our citizens have done,) opposed to its
completion. It is true, that while hastily penning
tlie objectionable paragraph, I was not quite as se
lect in the choice of words as I would have been, had
it occurred to my mind that the citizens of Macon
(some of whom, I have heard it hinted, are part
owners of the establishment!) were not all ac
quainted with the precise location of the Atlanta
Hotel; still after a careful perusal of the paragraph,
I find but one solitary word that, were it to re-writ
ten, I would alter: it is the word “unhallowed.’
The woi would have more correctly ex
pressed my feelings, and given the reader a better
idea of my meaning. Thus much iu explanation of
what I intended to express.
Mr. Foote, iu the conclusion of his letter, says :
“The correspondence which you have kept up with
the newspapers has been a cause of complaint, and
has impaired your usefulness as an Operator,” for
the Company (I will add.) whom I have honestly
and zealously endeavored to serve for the last sev
enteen months. On the receipt of the President’s
letter, I immediately turned over the books, Ac., of
the office to a young gentleman—a Telegrapher—
who happened, accidently, to be in the city; thus,
happily, avoiding all interruption to the business of
the hue. But how stands my own affairs, and why
.am I thus unceremoniously, and unheard, deuied the
|>oor satisfaction of toiling from thirteen to fourteen
out of each of the twenty-four hours of the day, in
order to meet the actual necessities of a large fami
ly ? A perusal of the foregoing will satisfy all of
the extent of my offending. Yes, it is for daring to
avow myself opposed to the establishment of a nu
isance undeMny very nose that I am branded as an
Abolitionist by the enlightened citizens of Macon,
many of whom are well acquainted with me, and
know how base and utterly groundless is their accu
sation. But this is not all. 1 learn that they had
toe audacity to .adopt resolutions requesting the
Mayor and Aldermen at Atlanta to expel me from
the State — from, my oum native and beloved Geor
gia ! Surely,
“Jl<r the very error of the moon ;
She conies more near the earth than she was wont;
And makes men mad.”
It is but proper that I should say that I will not
leave the State of Georgia alive, unless I go of my
own accord. Having been born as already intima
ted, in the extreme southern portion of the State,
(Savannah,) of Southern slave-holding parents —
having resided thirty-two out of the thirty-four years
.of my life with.n the limits of my native city, and
in Augusta, Macon, Forsyth, Madison and Atlanta,
(the remaining two years having been spent in that
land of Chivalry and Palmetto Buttons, South Car
olina, and the other in Alabama) —having punctu
ally paid all taxes, and performed, with alacrity, all
duties required of me by ray State, and ev
er demeaned myself as became a good and peacea
ble citizen, I feel that I have strong claims upon her
for protection, both in my rights and person. But
in the present heated state of the public mind,
should any overt or secret violence be offered me,
and I find that protection withheld, I shall not hesi
tate to use the little strength with which God has
endowed me in my own defence !
Very Respectfully,
C. R. nANLEITER.
Atlanta, August 26, 1850.
P. b. I would not have it inferred from anv j
thmg said in the foregoing, that T feel in the least
j offended by the conduct of Mr. Foote. Acting, as
I be does, for the Company over which he presides, it
was his duty to protect its interest, even at the sac
rifice of one of its most faithful servants.
C. R. H.
Corri'sjionfrenre.
Self Defence.
ATLANTA, Sept. 7, 1850.
My Dear Doctor: —The following letter, addressed to
W. B. Ruggles, the Yankee editor of the “ Intelligencer”
of this city, was handed to him on Monday last. lie has re
j fused to publish it; but attempts, through his issue of yester
day, to answer some of its “ points.” In doing so, he reite
rates some of his false and offensive statements, thus proving
his utter incapacity to do me justice. You will please publish
my letter that the public may have an opportunity to judge
of his fairness and impartiality.
Very truly, yours,
C. R. lIANLEITER.
i Dr. L. F. W. Andrews, Editor “Georgia Citizen.”
ATLANTA, September 2, 1850.
Mr. XV. B. Ruggles, Editor of the “ Intelligencer,” At
| lanta, Georgia : Sir —Feeling that great injustice has been
done both to Dr. L. F. W. Andrews and myself by your
; editorial of the 30th ultimo, headed “Things in Macon,”
I ask, as an act of justice, that you will publish this commu
nication in your next issue.
In the tirst place, I object to the “ free and easy” use you
make of my name in connection with the Macon outrage,
and to the manner in which you refer to my discharge from
the Telegraph Office. Neither of these things concerned yon
or your readers personally; and, lam bound to regard it as
: an unwarrantable and unjustifiable assumption of editorial
authority in you thus to lug my name and private affairs into
your article. No other editor in the State has deemed it ne
i eessary to do so ; nor was it done by the mobocracy of Ma
-5 eon, notwithstanding they demanded and obtained my name
: as the author of the objectionable letter.
Again : You say, “ We understand, also, that a request
i was sent from Macon to our city council, to eject Mr. 11.
(myself) from the State, but no action has been taken on
j it.' 1 Now, sir, this statement affirms me in the opinion that
yon either intended to prejudice me before your readers, or
I that you were culpably ignorant of facts upon which you
; strove to enlighten them. It is a notorious fact that action
teas had on the letter of the Macon mob to our City Council
—the letter teas read to the Board by the Mayor of Atlanta,
to whom it was addressed, and, on motion of Alderman
j Roark, it was promptly and unanimously laid on the table,
as a matter beneath their notice!
Again : Your version of the Macon affair is unsustained by
the facts. You state that, but tor a certain contingency, (the
interference of Dr. Collins in behalf of the family of I)r.
Andrews,) he would, in all “probability, have been subjected
to Lynch law ; and that it was not until after Dr. Collins
assured the crowd that Dr. Andrews “ had promised to
discontinue his paper , and leave the city within ten days,”
that it dispersed. Dr. Andrews did not yield to but one of
the demands of the mob, and that was to give up the name
of the author of the “ Gabriel” letter.” But it is needless to
multiply words on this head : the regular issue of the “Geor
! gia Citizen” on Friday last—one iceek after the demonstra
tion by the Macon mob—is a sufficient refutation of that
j slander.
Again : You suffer the public to be humbugged, and my
’ self grossly libelled, through your columns, by the publiea
! tion of what purports to be the proceedings of a meeting of
the Citizens of Atlanta, on Tuesday last, at which a resolu
-1 tion disapproving the “ Gabriel” letter was adopted. You
! well knew, or should have known, that no such meeting of
I the Citizens was held. You knew, also, that no notice even
; for such a meeting was circulated ; and that the meeting at
which the resolution was adopted was an adjourned meeting
j of the “Southern Rights Association,” which is composed of
: a few ultra citizens of the 36-30 school—that there were not
; exceeding thirty persons present at the time, and that not
\ more than six or seven of that number voted ou the resolu
tion ! Yet, in the face of all this, you seek still further to
injure me by telling your readers that you had given all par
\ ties a Jair hearing ! Had you really becii desirous to do me
1 justice in the premises, you would not have lent your columns
i to so flagrant a fraud upon this community, or so wantonly
j have libelled me.
But, perhaps, you were apprehensive that the excitement,
which had its origin in the heated imagination of a few over
zealous individuals in Macon, would extend to this place, and
overwhelm me and my friends; and you were anxious to
prove your loyalty to Southern Institutions by joining the
Fag-endcrs here in the attempt to oppress and injure me.
! But I opine you will find it a very difficult matter to con
vince the People of Georgia (thousands and tens of thou
-1 sands of whom have long and favorably known me) that you,
who have soarcely become acclimatised by that Southern
1 Sun which has ever shone above and upon me, are more
Southern in your feelings, and truer to Southern Institu
: tions , than myself.
I may be sacrificed to the demon of Fanaticism for the inad
| vertent use of a single expression that has been perverted
from its true meaning to answer personal and selfish ends;
but it does not become you, sir, to join in the “ hue and cry”
against me. In conclusion, I beg to assure you and all others
j interested, that, whatever may be my fate, I shall continue
to hold my enemies in cordial contempt and bid them defi
ance! With due respect, I renmin, &c.
C. R. lIANLEITER.
Letter from Clinton.
CLINTON, Sept. G, 1850.
Dear Doctor : I wish you would notice iny advertisement
in your paper and sec how your Macon Mass meeting has dis
organized it. That is about the situation that the whole
i country would be left in, if they should succeed in their mad
j schemes of disolution, which, God forbid ! I hope there are
iriends enough to the L it ion to save it from a dissolution this
time. I think the proceeding against you by that “ committee
of fifteen” will have directly the opposite effect that was in
\ tended. I should not be surprised if it doubled your num
ber of subscribers in a month; it certainly has your readers
already. Go on and sound the alarm far and wide! You
will have friends enough to support you. I think the next
test question in our elections (whether minor or important
ones) should be that of Union or disorganization, and let us
see how we stand. Show the disorganizers what a feeble
few compose their ranks and perhaps they will be more quiet
for the future. At any rate it would be as well for them to
I know their own weakness. Ido not pretend to be anything
of a politician but one thing is certain, I have lived under the
present form of government for nearly half a century, and 1
should be sorely grieved to see any material change in its
! general features. There may be some improvements neccs
! sary to restore harmony, but let all parties concede a little on
| matters in dispute, and the agitation that now disturbs our
I country would bo speedily calmed. I believe Mr. Chappell
; takes a more candid view of the momentous subject than
any person that I know of or at least that 1 have heard an
opinion from. Very respectfully, Ac. A. 1). B.
Letter from Crawford, Ala.
CRAWFORD, Ala., Sept. 1, 1850.
Dr. Andrews: We have just received an accouut of the
, high handed proceedings in Macon against your paper ; we
! have also read your vindication and appeals to the lovers of
the Union and of the liberty of the press, and in answer to
those appeals, we send you our names and with them the
wherewith, with the request that you will substitute ours for
the names of those five subscribers lost. We promise you
that you shall be sustained by us, as long as we have reason
to believe you are a friend to tho South, the Union and the
Constitution. The safety of the South we believe is involved
in the inviolability of the Constitution and the perpetuity of
the Union of the States, and that they who would break that
tie that holds them together are the real enemies to the re
gion of country that gave them birth. Go ahead in your
laudable efforts for a peaceable adjustment of the existing
difficulties and we promise you, that you will not want
friends who will be ready to support you.
B. H. BAKER,
A. Z. HUGGINS,
JESSE WILKERSON,
R. H. BELLAMY.
X. W. O’NEAL
SSI lISIIU ®5 f 1 S_S Bj
LETTER from WASHIHGTOI.
Washington, Aug., 31, ISSO.
There was some hope that the bills which came down from
the Senate would be passed by the House without debate,
but it seems the political elements were too far excited for
such a peaceable conclusion of the long Parliament. Instead
of voting on the bills, members have commenced talking a
bout them, their grand object being to set themselves rig’ht
at home, and to leave the country to take care of itself.
The House would not sustain the previous question on any
of the bills, in their present form, and we must needs have
a week’s debate on them before we can hope to come to some
sensible conclusion
Unfortunately, the consideration of self, and the desire to
please particular constituents, have a greater influence on the
action of members Ilian a proper sense of wliat is due to the
country at this perilous hour. They all want to save the
country if they can save themselves in the bargain ; but few,
very few, are ready for any sacrifice. As long as this state
of things continues, it is hard to foretell the fate of the bills,
unless the people themselves take the matter in hand, and
stand by the Constitution and Union.
There is, unfortunately, a class of members who want no
settlement at all, who believe that things must grow a great
deal worse before they can grow better, and that there is no
remedy for the evils from which the country now Buffers,
but temporary secession. They seem to labor under the hal
lucination, that the pangs of seperation will be so great, that
both parties will soon come together on better terms, and
that the LTiion thus severed, would be reconstructed on bet
ter or more equitable terms. Now this is sheer moonshine.
When did Nations divided among themselves ever unite a
gain ! When did pride or humiliation ever induce a people
to acknowledge a national wrong ? The lost tribes of Israel
are more easily found than a divided Nation which has ever
become whole again. What we do know from history is,
that the struggle between two nations of the same origin is
much more severe; and the bitterness of feeling much more
intense, than that excited between strangers. “When Oreek
meets Greek, then comes the tug of war.” Love or affec
tion turned into hatred is a very different passion from simple
dislike or national antipathy. Iu short, nations have grown
by annexation, but never by division; and the idea indus
triously circulated by madmen,, that the part after separation,
will grow bigger than the whole, is simply an absurdity.
The question now before the House is, to refer the Texas
boundary bill, with the territorial bill attached to it, in shape
of an amendment, to the committee of the whole on the
state of the Union, with instructions to attach the 5\ ilinot
proviso to it. This proposition I feel confident wili be voted
I down by a very handsome majority, if the Southern mem
bers will do their duty, and not refuse to vote or leave the
House under some pretext or other as has been threatened
by some of the members. There are enough Northern votes
in conjunction with the South to knock the brains out of the
iniquitous humbug, if Southern members will only play fair;
but if Southern members desert the moderate men of the
North and join hands with the abolitionists and freesoilers,
then it is impossible to say where the matter will end. In
that case it is very possible that no bill will pass except Cali
fornia by herself, and that the South will henceforth be o
bliged to make the same fight on the territories, which is now
going on in regard to tho whole settlement. Now I ask is it
wise to place the South in such a dilemma that nothing re
mains for her to do, but to submit or rebel ? Yet this is the
dilemma into which the Southern and Northern ultras arc
I trying to put her ; and tho Southern ultras act in concert and
union with the abolitionists and freesoilers in this abominable
game of self-destruction and internal warfare! The mode
rate men of the North, who have, thus far stood in the breaedi
call it treachery, and are amazed that Southern men should
! in conjunction with Northern fanatics and hypocrites, endeav
or to put them down. “This is the unkindest cut of all,”
says Dickinson, Cass, Bright and Webster, who have risked
all to protect the rights of the South, and who are now called
upon to destroy themselves, and thereby all the practical good
they have done, or be destroyed by antagonist factions. Is
this generous ? Is this wise t Suppose Cass, Dickinson,
Bright, Whitcomb, Webster and others, yielded up the
whole question; suppose they divided California, enact posi
tive laws for the introduction of slavery into the territories
Ac, what practical good would thereby be accomplished ?
! It is extremely doubtful whether now, that a large portion of
1 Northern people have already gone to California, and settled
S there, the actual enactment by law of slavery, would prevent
; the State from coming as a free state into the Union. Not
only are there Americans, Germans, French, Spaniards, and
Celestials, who are all opposed to slavery; but the North
has greater facilities now, to go there, from the fact, that a
pair of revolvers, and six cotton shirts, is all the outfit they
require, and that their transportation is much loss expensive
and more easily accomplished than that of slaves. It is there
fore extremely probable that -even with slavery expressly
permitted, the free white population would, nevertheless,
far outnumber the slaveholder’s slaves, so that the major
ity would still bo hostile to the Institution, and thereby lead
the way to its overthrow.
And what would have taken place in the meantime at
homo ? The men from the North who would have admitted
slavery into California, after the people of California had,
themselves, rejected it would be doomed, and a set of mad
men would be elected in their places. These madmen would
immediately raise the cry of repeal, and thus the whole agi
tation would commence over again, and rage with redoubled
fury. “What would the South have gainsd by such a settle
ment but the sacrifice of all her Northern friends ? It would
act as a warning to all Northern men, disposed to stand by
the South, and her constitutional rights. It would tell them
that in extending a hand to their Southern brethren, they
must be prepared to go as far as the South desire, or expect
to be tied to the stake, and delivered up to their own worst
enemies. This is the position now of Cass, Dickinson, Web
ster, Bright, Ac. and it will be a sad lesson all round to sec
these men trodden down by the men whom they attempted
to save.
Public opinion at the North has receded and is still rece
ding, but it is important, that those Northern men who, have
thus far, stood forward to load and direct public opinion in the
North, should be preserved and put in positions where they
may do good. If the bills now before the House pass, these
Northern men will be strong enough still further to repress
fanaticism, but if the bills fail they arc doomed. The South
must look upon the present settlement as a payment on ac
count, it is as much as the moderate men of the Nortli are
now able to pay; but they are honest, and if saved from
bankruptcy, will he able to pay the whole with interest.
I still hope the bill will pass. Supported ’by the South gen
erally, there would be a majority of thirty for all of them. 1
trust we shall dispose of them all in the course of next week.
ANTI-DISUNION.
Letter from Columbus.
COLUMBUS, Sept. 7, 1850.
Dr. Andrews —Sir: The “ Fire-Eaters” are nearly in the
condition of the Scorpion, so surrounded by a liquid flame of
common sense, and are ardent love of liberty, that there is
no escape, save death, from their own stings. Their last
effort to fire up the flickering flame, came oft’just one week
since, in the eastern part of this county. Its design was
multifarious—to wit: to crush Howell Cobb, frighten other
unnamed Representatives in Congress, and strengthen the
arm of Governor Towns so as to make him call a Convention
of the People of Georgia. Cobb deserves a part of what they
hurled at him ; because during the Session of the last Legis
lature, lie and his friends had the power to save the people
from this blighting agitation. The Fire-Eaters knew and
felt this, hence, they begged most piteously for a modicum of
the spoils, and Cobb’s generosity yielded it, and ingratitude
is his reward. Cobb must call on the batch of Judges palm
ed oft’ on the people, by his want of foresight, during the last
Session of the Legislature, to decide the quarrel. They, true
to the propensities of Judas Iscariot, will settle it against him;
yet, Cobb is now right, and should be sustained by the peo
ple. It is not a hard task to frighten some of our Represen
tatives ; because ignorance is ever timid, and an alliance with
foul schemes for pecuniary gain is not the less so. But it is
one thing to scare them, and wholly a different one to keep
them so.
There are two contingencies, in either of which the Gov
ernor cun be placed that will induce him to call a Convention.
If they strengthen him to his satisfaction, (and he will require
a great deal of it) he will call it. Utter desperation, also,
will induce him to do it, because when he sees an end of his
own political aggrandizement, he is too shrewd, not to de
molish all those who lured him into his present condition. I
mean of course a temporary demolishment. By the way, that
is a novel discovery made at the Macon Mass meeting, that all
things here below are fleeting and temporary ; nothing stable,
nothing perpetual. Well, the King of the Jews, when he
rolled his eyes up towards the Heavens, and with mock-majes
ty, ordained, that temporary Secession, was the remedy for all
our political wrongs, doubtless concluded himself temporarily,
like all other Kings, seated on his Throne. If the Governor
proves desperate, we shall have a Convention, otherwise we
shall not.
The Royal family of Eufaula, Alabama, who are becoming
shorter every day, have screwed themselves into a triangle
about a question of veracity relative to a nameless speech in
the Btli district of Randolph county.
The green ‘un’s’ were separated and could not compare
notes. The first confesses and attempts to avoid. The second
denies in part, and the third in toto. The verdict will be like
that of the Jury that tried the husband for whipping his
wife—“ plain case, served her right”—“ Sam Snooks, Fore
man.” e
It is amusing to witness the efforts of the Disunionists to
catch a soft popular name. They have caught scores of them,
but there is no talismanio charm in them. The infuriated and
inflammatory feeling among Fire-Eaters, has, in a time of
unexampled prosperity, diminished the value of property. —
Sales of plantations, well stocked, cannot he effected on such
terms as tho high price of our great staple, Cotton, war
rants. Here is an evil, that all the Disunionists in the U.
Stated, can never repair. You have done much and risked
your all for the preservation of the Union , Democratic Whig
Party. Stand up squarely, and they will stand by you.
Yours, Ac. AMICUS.
LETTER from FORT GAIAESL
Fort Gaines, Geo., Sept. 3d, 1850.
Dr. Andrews — Dear Sir: —The extra Citizen contain
ing an account of the mob at Macon, was duly received at this
office and has been read by the citizens of the place and its vi
cinity generally, and I have heard but one opinion expressed
amongst them, and that is, that the mob committed a most
unjustifiable and unlawful outrage against your rights as an
American citizen, aue doubly so after your explanation. But
when they understood that such men as old Jack Jones of
Paulding, Bilbo of Baker, and others of like character were
amongst the most conspicuous in taking the lead in th*>
matter, they were not at all astonished for they believe such
men would be found acting in their proper sphere when
heading a mob ! But coupled with such men they were as
tonished to find the names of a few others of whom they
had a right to expect better things, one of whom is Judge
Ilolt. From his heretofore character for law and order, none
thought that he would have so far forgotten himself, under any
circumstances, as to join himself to a lawless mob. When he
reflects calmly on it lie will likely be ashamed of it. Old
Jack Jones probably got his first lessons and perhaps gradua
ted in mobocracy in the County of Carrol, some years past.
Your subscribers here, so far as I can learn, all wish you to
continue the publication of the Citizen, and I have heard sev
eral others who are not subscribers say, that if you continue,
they would become subscribers. 1 saw a gentleman from your
city a day or two since, who says that from what he could un
derstand they had other objections to the Citizen, which they
did not make public, believing that they were not tangible and
that they hit upon the first paragraph in Gabriel’s letter as the
only one they thought to be able to affect anything with. The
objections were Ist, the editorial headed “Love for the poor
whites,” and 2d, that you suffered your several correspondents
to ridicule private character, &e.
All believe, or at least, all that I have heard express them
selves, believe that the oposition to your paper was gotten up
more on account of your political course than fro n fear that
you were unsound on the slavery question. On that question
many here believe and know you have alicays been sound
and as unimpeachable ns the imaculate Jack Jones himself.
It is likely that the second paragraph in Gabriel’s letter had
as much or more to do in exciting the mob than the first.
If you go on with your paper, I wiil aid you all I can in
in procuring you new subscribers. “Go on.” Yours truly,
JOHN 11. JONES.
Nokia, as I presume you know, to old Jack or Jcnks.
caaHoancaHasrzn
LETTER FROM SUMPTER COUNTY.
Americus, Sept. 9th, ISSO.
Dr. Andrews:—That the people at a distance may un-
I'jdorstand the proceedings of a meeting called by the so styled
! friends of the Missouri Compromise, I make this statement,
| there being no person unwilling to submit to the same. About
200 persons on the 7th inst. assembled at the Court House.
1 The meeting being organised: Mr. A. A. Robinson offered
some resolutions which did nut reach, but blinked the ques
tions at issue before the country. He supported his resolu
tions by a good speech. Mr. E. R. Brown being called to
tho stand, commenced by saying he would not debate such
resolutions, but called on Maj. Howard to say, if California
was admitted with her present constitution and boundaries
as a state and so continued to be, would lie be for a Dissolu
tion of the Union? He answered in the affirmative. Mr.
Brown then proceeded to debato the question at length and
was at length replied to by Maj. Howard.
Mr. W. 11. Crawford also debated the question extensively.
Mr. J. A. Tucker then made the closing speech in which he
distinctly declared, rather than yealed one inch more than
36 30, lie would see this Union disolvcd ! Which sentiment
was loudly cheered by all the friends of disunion, I presume
about 40.
Messrs. Howard and Tucker like candid and honorable
men, boldly toed the mark of Disunion. When the vote was
taken, Messrs. Brown and Crawford told their friends not to
vote. Some however did vote. About 30 voted for the res
olutions. The union men in Sumter, are largely in the ma
jority. SUMTER.
Items of Correspondence.
Americus, Sept. 7th, 1850.
Dr. Andrews— Dear Sir : —Enclosed arc ten dollars for
five copies of the “Citizen,’’ direct as follows:
* * * * * *
all to Americus, Sumter County, Georgia. This is the effect
of Mobocracy. Had it not been for that laudable and legal
move, you probably would not have gotten those Subscribers.
That you maybe, and will be able to live down such starts is
tlie desire and belief ol
Respectfully yours, W. M.
Americus, Sept. 9th, 1850.
Dear Doctor : —I have no personal acquaintance with you
but we know each other through the Band of Political fra
ternity. I congratulate you on your escape from mob vio
lence. I say pile it on to them and go your death against
mobocracy and disunion. We will stand to your back till the
day of Judgment , whether it should come off in this worid
or th world to come. The only question is Union or Disun
ion. Yours truly, E. R. B.
Starkville, Geo., Sept. 10th, 1850.
Dear Sir: —ln your Paper of the 31st ult., I see that you
are wanting to make up five subscribers to fill vacancies for
that number. Since that time I have obtained three. I hope
soon to obtain the balance of that number. Enclosed you
will find four dollars for which you will please be good enough
to send * * * both to this place. I think they will suit you,
as they arc not in the least in favor of moboctacy nor dispos
ed to dirtate to the Editor. Very Respectfully. P.
Fast Type Setting.
The N. V. Herald gives the following statement
of type set by Mr. Henry Keeling of Utica N. Y.
in one week :
Monday, August 19 - - - - 19,250 cms.
Tuesday, - 20 17,500
Wednesday, “ 21 - - - - 17,800 “
Thursday,’ “ 22 17,400 “
Friday, “ 23 .... 17.000 “
Saturday, “ - 24 - - - 12,000 “
Total, ; - - - 100,950 “
Duriug this period Mr. Keeling distributed his own case
and corrected his own proof. He commenced work at about
7 o’clock, and left off about 8 P. M„ devoting about two and
a half hours each day to meals. On the last day (Saturday)
he did not work over eight hours. The average time of word
ing did not exceed ten hours each day.
The Herald also gives the work of 12 compositors
in that office, which ranged from 75,000 ems to 107
150, averaging each at least 90,000 eras per week of
0 days !
j SI )C (Storgin Cifefir.
L. F. W. ANDREWS, Editor.
MACON, GA., SEPT. 13, 1850.
Terms of this Paper.
One copy, per annum, in advance, $2 50
“ “ after three months , $0 00
“ “ 6 months, in advance, Si 50
10 copies per annum, “ “ S2O 00
10 “ 6 months, “ “ $lO 00
SINGLE COP IKS 10 cts. EACH.Jtf
We respectfully request that new subscribers do
send the cash with their names, in every instance.
Postmasters and subscribers are authorized to act
as agents for the Citizen.
We have now, but one travelling agent in the field,
and that is Mr. I). E. Haynes, of Lee C. —the Agen
cy of B. B. McCraw and others being hereby revo
ked. As safe a way as any is for one subscriber or a
club of such, in one neighborhood, to get the nearest
postmaster to remit the names and money, which he
has liberty to do, free of expense.
—— ——^
To Correspondents. —The papers desired have
been sent to T. 11. C. Ilis “Notes of Travel” in
our next.
&3F ‘Gabriel’ will perceive that we have done him
the justice asked at our hands.
Many favors we have been obliged to pass
unnoticed, for want of room. The writers are, how
ever, none the less entitled to our gratitude for the
many tokens of their sympathy and approbation. —
Let the work go on. •
~ [ -"T ■ ■■ ,—fc
gST Some of our advertisements are unavoidably
crowded out for this week.
GOOD NEWS FROM WASHINGTON!
We are rejoiced to be aWe to announce that the
Texas Boundary Bill has, after a hard struggle, pas
sed the House by a vote of 108 to 97, with, it is pre
sumed. the Mexican Bill attached, without the Wil
mot Proviso.
KiT The California Bill has also passed —admit-
ting Californians a state and organizing a Territor
ial government for Utah —by 20 majority. lOOguns
were fired in Washington, in jov of the result! Hail
all hail! The skies are bright! The Olive Branch
of peace waves over the nation and the watchmen
cry—“all’s well!”
Still Later. —The New Mexico Bill was included
in the Texas Boundary Bill. The bill with Toombs
amendment that “no man should be deprived of lift*,
liberty or property, without the judgment of his
peers” was sent to the Senate and concurred in, 30
to 12.
The M oboe racy,
We intend, in our next paper, to place upon Re
cord, in black letter, the names of all those engaged
in the Mob Law movement of the 23d ult. against
the editor ot this papier and his office, who have not
repudiated, or who do not immediately repudiate the
proceedings of the Mob meeting. Our appeal to
them, of last w eek, as honorable men, to place us
as they found us, with a name untarnished by the
sin charged upon us, lias been utterly disregarded.
We therefore shall only wait a brief period longer,
before we take such measures of redress as the jaw
and the means in our hands will enable us to ac
complish —one of which will be a standiut/ advertise
ment of the men and their occupations, which will
serve as a guide to our friends here and elsewhere,
whom to avoid in the business relations of life. On
this list, w ill be found the names of several who have
not yet been introduced to our readers, as guilty of
stirring up the excitement against us, and who fond
ly imagine,perhaps, that they will escape retributive
justice for their iniquities. “Verbum sat. sap.”
Hon. ( harlcs J. Jenkins.- -The lion. Charles J.
Jenkins, has declined, from press of private business, accept
ing the Post of Secretary of the Interior, which was tendered
him, on the resignation of Mr. MeKennan, by President Fill
more.
John Gill Shorter.~As this gentleman has denied
the report of his late speech in Randolph Cos., which one of
our correspondents furnished us, we feel in duty bound to
let our readers have his own version of his remarks, on that
occasion, as wo find it in the Columbus Enquirer. Mr. S.
says:—
“ In the course of my speech, on the occasion alluded to, I
oontended that a tame submission to northern encroachment
would ultimately result in the destruction of Southern insti
tutions, and in the emancipation of our slaves ; that should
the time ever arrive when four millions of slaves, congregated
in the South Atlantic and Gulf States were turned loose up
on the country, there would then be a contest between the two
races for supremacy ; that while the rich would be able to
leave a land thus cursed, the poor white man would be left in
a most lamentable condition. He would then, perhaps, in
stead of occupying the position of master, find his case revers
ed, and be reduced to tlie most abject and degrading servi
tude. Just at this moment I observed several negroes (not a
large number as stated by your correspondent) standing near
me, and for their admonition 1 said to them, in substance :
That they were the happiest negroes on the face of the earth;
that if the abolitionists of the north, who were equally the
enemies of the negro as of the white man, succeeded in their
mad schemes, and broke down the laws of the country by
which they were protected, then their condition would be far
worse, for they would have no protection from their masters
or the laws. Then the weak would become the prey of the
strong, and instead of beiug the slaves of white men, they
would become the slaves of each other. I then stated that
the God of Heaven had made the white man and the black
man different, and had assigned us our positions in life, and
that we were all bound as Christians and lovers of our country
to protect and defend each other against all our common ene
mies. ”
We leave it to the judgment of the reader to say whether
Mr. Shorter’s explanation is a satisfactory or.e or not. To us
it appears as confirming, substantially, what was charged upon
him. ll e did address the negroes—he did exhort them to be
faithful, and he did tell them that the rich masters could get
away, while the poor whites would be obliged to stay and join |
in the coming struggle with the blacks for the mastery.—
True, he says, the blacks would only exchange white masters
! for black ones, but that is an hypothesis which the blacks who j
heard Mr. S. would hardly understand. The prominent idea,
that the poor whites could not get away while the rich ones
could, was the one most likely to strike the “seven senses” of
the negro and cause him to exult in the “good time coming,”
We have no doubt whatever, that Mr. Shorter expressed
himself substantially as reported, notwithstanding his deni
al. He was so understood, at least, by many who
heard him. The Columbus “ Times ” thinks the fact
of Mr. S. being engaged for months in preaching up 36 30
doctrines, is proof enough of Mr. S.’s soundness on the
Slavery question. Well perhaps it is—but that same excuse,
though the months have swelled to five times as many years,
is not deemed admissible to establish our soundness on the
same subject, although ice never preached such stuff to the
Blacks or to any body else, but accidently permitted a eorres
pondent to use an objectionable phrase concerning a negro
mart 1 Such is the consistency of the Columbus “Time*’*
and other prints of that stripe. One of their own orators may
talk by the hour to negroes themselves, respecting the efforts
of Northern fanatics to give freedom to the slave, and it is aH
right and proper. This was done here at the Mass meeting
and no exception was taken to it by these Simon Pure “South
ern rights” men! Yea more, these disunion prints can pub
lish, in whole or in part, the late abominable address of the
! Mongrel Abolition Convention of Cazenovin, N. V. to the ne
groes of the south, urging them to every foul deed, and not a
man of the whole tribe of ultraists has a voice to raise iu op
position to such an outrage upon the feelings of the peoplo
and the laws of the laud. For the benefit of the Sage
Editor of the Columbus Tunes, who has given circula
tion to that incendiary production, we quote the following ex.
tracts from the Statutes of Georgia, prescribing the offence
of which lie has been guilty, and the penalty annex *d. Mr.
Solieitor General will please attend to his duty when the next
Grand Jury of Muscogee County shall hare* met. to en
quire into all offences known to the Laws: Iu tli 2d Divis
ion of Prince's Penal Code. Se'Ot. v. No. 47, page 9H,
find as follows:
“If any person shall bring, introduce or circulate or cans*,
to be brought, introduced or circulated , or aid or assist, or be
in any manner instrumental iu bringing, introducing or cir
culating within this State, any printed or written paper, or
circular for the purpose of exciting insurrection, revolt or con
spiracy or resistance, on the part of the slaves, negroes or free
persons of color in this State, against the citizens of this
State, or any part of them, such person so offending shall be
guilty of a high misdemeanor, and on conviction, shall b
punished with death. ”
The commission of such an offence, it will be roincmbsreo
is presumptive proof or prima facia evidence that the pur
pose was evil.
P. S.—Since the above was placed in type, ire haTe re
ceived the Columbus Enquirer of Tuesday last, in which w
find the follow ing proof that Mr. Shorter dlthmak* use of
the expressions attributed to him. The names signed to tlio *
card are respectable gentlemen of Randolph County.
Randolph, Co.,Ga., Sept., 1850A
W’e the undersigned, do certify that the article in the Col
j limbus Enquirer, of the 20th of August, signed “Randolph,”
| does give, in substance, the remarks ol John Gill Shorter, ad
! dressed to the Negroes at a public meeting, in this county,
j on the 10th of August. (Signed)
11. J. Wash, E. G. Christian, Benjamin IjuhU,
J. J. Jones, W. W. Glenn, Michael Lutley, _
; J. L. Williams, Hays Groddy, W m. Paramour,
J. B. Smith, Allaey Braziil, Augustus Rice,
j Thus. C. Byass, Thomas Jiigbie, W.J.Maybry,
Yours Trulv, B. 11. PERKINS.
i *
Wore Public Opinion.
The Walknlla, (Fla.) Times, speaking of the two meetings
in Macon, the Mass meeting and the Mob meeting, thus holds
; forth :
“Strange as it may appear, a portion of the same men wlio
had participated in the meeting of Thursday, and called upon
the people of the South to unite with them for the support of
the rights of the South, held another meeting the next day,
and unlawfully band til together for a purpose which, if tli.ry
succeed in carrying out, will deprive a citizen of his rights, ai
guaranteed to him under the Constitution ; and that citizrna
son of a patriot of the revolution, a Southerner by birth, aud
a Slaveholder. Strange inconsistency !”
* * * • •
“ We look upon the proceedings of this meeting as a wau
ton and unprovoked attack upon the rights and privileges us
a citizen, and an attempt to intimidate, and abi idge tk lib
erty of the press. ”
From the Southern Family Journal.
“ The editor alledges that the real cause of the above moot
ing, was not his abolitionism, but bis political position in faier
of the Union against the 3G. 30 men. If lie be right in this,
! the whole affair is shameful in the extreme. Are we to take
protection against Northern abolitionists, under a Southern
mob. We arc opposed to mobocraey in all its forms. Wist
may lie the polities, or other sins of the editor of the “Geor
gia Citizen” we of course pretend not to know. But. if tbs
sin of letting a correspondent publish a silty paragraph in his
i paper, is his only sin, we must say vve think this a very high
i handed moasure. We do not approve of some features of
1 Dr. Andrews’ paper; but, we are opposed to even, thing
I like violer.o • in reference to objectionable articles, and certain
ly, are wc opposed to the proscription of his paper in a lawless
way. Indeed, his Georgia Citizen is valuable on several ac
counts, and we should be sorry to see it go down. But wo
think this will not happen. The better way for those opposed
to the Doctor to pursue, will be to produce a better paper.—
And if the} - don't do that, then, Doctor, give tliun their owu
—You know how. ”
From the Rome Bulletin , Sept. sth.
“The Gas.”
“ That Southern men, wronged as they have been, should
become warm in their resentments,is very natural; and that
they should, some of them, become reckless in their zeal, is
but to be expected. But it does not therefore follow, that
they should be allowed a perfect impunity in every thing which
they in their madness may conceive. It is not only their right,
but their duty, to advocate Southern rights; and there are
many grains of allowance to be made for those who become
ultra in their advocacy of measures intended to support their
rights ; hut while all due allowances arc made in their behalf,
there are bounds beyond which they should not be suffered to
pass.
In Macon, they have commenced the work of gagging
I the press—• not because that press has fought against Soutli
ern rights, but because it fails to advocate every ultrabm
which treason can suggest, or madness execute.
East week wc noticed the attempt upon the “Georgia
Citizen” a staunch Southern rights paper. Since that time
we have received the “Journal & Messenger, which states
that threats are also made against that journal. Now if it is
the intention of the lire-caters to force, their disunion a* nti
njcnts into the ascendancy, it is time that they should bs
taught that there are no submissionists in Georgia. The time
has not yet come when a public Journal in Georgia, dare not
prove tme to our republican institutions ; nor will it ever couio
till treason becomes a virtue, and patriotism a foul sin. ”
The Columbus Enquirer of the 3d inst. has the fx’
“The Macon difficulty.”
“Thc whole country is before this, apprised oft
cecdings of a meeting in the city of Macon, in refe
an offensive paragraph in a letter to the editor of the'*
Citizen. It seems that a portion of the community
highly excited, and the meeting required that the editors •' (
forthwith give up the name of the author of the letter, ‘ *
discontinue Uie publication of his paper for the future,
first of these requirements was oomplied with, but the la *
has, we believe, been disregarded. The paragraph was ind ‘
extremely objectionable, hut the explanation given by Dr,.
drews of tle way it happened to be inserted iu hie colum
ought to have satisfied any reasonable man. Os the mer
of this particular difficulty we can form no definite opinio
being of course unacquainted with the motives of those wl
undertook so summarily t<* crush a public press. Mob la
is at best but a barbarous exercise of brute force, and shout
only be resorted to, if at all, in cases that admit of no othvi
remedy. In the case before us, a surrender us the author’*
name, and a distinct disavowal of the sentiment* of the ob
jcctionable paragraph, was all that reasonable men could re
quire. In such cases, however, there is verv little reason,
! and men usually go so far as to destroy tho good that inigbt
result from a course of prudenoe. They convert the accus
ed party into a victim, ard the reaction of popular feeling
bears him in triumph over all opposition. But wc arc net
reading a lecture to the citizens of Macon.
W e are sorry to see, although his belief may be oorreet
that the editor attributes the conduct of his assailants to polit
ioal motives and personal ill will, arising from his editorial
course in reference to the exalting questions of the day. This
may be true, for there is certainly abroad in the land a epir<*
as intolerant as ever induced a mob to demolish a pros*, <*
drag the victim of its vengeanoe to the stake. We can b*t
hope however,that the editor of the “Citizen” is mistaken IU
this view of the matter, and that the citizens of Maoon ****
influenced solely by the outrage which they deemed had bo* n
committed by the paragraph in question. Any other view r
the matter would bring down npon the heads of all that sanc
tioned the proceedings the just indignation of every friend
