The Georgia citizen. (Macon, Ga.) 1850-1860, October 11, 1850, Image 1

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The Georgia citizen., October 11, 1850, Image 1

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Newspaper Page Texti> sru-issa. bliMiutl, every Friday 4 morning, in Macon, Ga. on the follow. CONDITIONS : paid strictly in ailcancc * - s'2 50 per annum not so paid - - -3 00 “ “ ■gal Advertisements will be made to conform to the following pro ng of the Statute: — Its of Land and Negroes, by Executors, Administrators and Guard are required by law to be advertised in a public gazette, sixty previous to the day of sale. ie,o sales must be held on the first Tuesday in the month,between lours of ten in the forenoon and three in the afternoon, at the t House in the county in which the property is situated. io sales of Personal Property must he advertised in like manner for ays. iticeto Debtors and Creditors of an Estate must be published forty itice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary foj to sell l.and and Negroes, must bo published weekly for four hs. ‘.jtions or Letters of Administration must be published thirty Jays ‘Dismission from Administration, monthly, six months —for Dis on from Guardianship, forty days. lies lor foreclosure of mortgage, must be published monthly, for mi ,nt!is —for establishing lost papers, for the full spice of three for compelling titles from Executors or Administrators where id has 1m n .;iwn by the deceased, thr full space of three months. liessional and Business Cxrhs, inserted, according to the follow ■ale : r 4 lines or less per annum - - S5 80 in advance. 6 lines “ “ - - - 7 00 u “ J 0 >• “ - - SlO 00 “ “ /"Transient Advertisements will be charged 91, per square of 12 or less, for tlm iirst and 50 ets. for each subsequent insertion.— i, se rates there will be a deduction of 20 percent, on settlement, i advertisements are continued 3 months, without alteration. f *au Letters except those containing remittances must be post or free. •(masters and others who will act as Agents for the “Citizen” retain 20 per cent, for their trouble, on all cash subscriptions sor ed. ’FICE on Mulberry Street, East of the Floyd House and near the ct. (T'ljf “pUffs (f M'lilT, From the Ohio Statesman. A Jenny Lind Song. to following liaip'.ed its l>y Dr. Johnson of this city, for tion in the Statesman, is justly entitled to bo made pub The piece that received the prize money, though beau wns destitute of the sentiment and patriotism of the .ving: Blessed Country! Happy People! Greeting by Dr. P. Johnson. Is earth, indeed, a vale of wo, And so with grief replete, That one will, whither he may go, Few happy persons meet ? This country proves the contrary, Blessed country, Happy people’. I greet thee heartily. No tyrant wields his iron red ; No Ford but one is known ; No vampires suck tins nation's blood ; Tile will alone Is here tbe ruling sovereignty ; Here sways no royal majesty, Blessed country! 1 hippy people I Here reigns ‘‘tjciaw Liberty.*’ A man here has his worth as such ; Ilis honor and esteem Do not depend on how much lie owns; this nation deem A man more than his property, < iini merits more than ancestry Blessed country ! Happy people 1 j Here tv! ms Equality. Mankind's asylum! Millions tleo From tyrants and distress I'o thee, free country, tube free And live in happiness. Men of distinct nativity Dwell here in peace and harmony. Blessed country! Happy |>eop!e ! Here reigns “Fraternity.’’ I nited States! Your sacred bauds Ot sisterhood are knit Most closely ; w bile this world yet stands, This Union shall not split! Hail 1 .Mon ! Hail Liberty, Equality, Fraternity ! Blessed country! Happy people! Buie thou in Unity ! Fr mi the Philadelphia Enquirer. America.—by . w. dbwey. Alp among Nations ! Retreat of the wronged 1 lie exiles of Europe arc turning to thee, I timing from lands where oppression prolonged Is driving them forth to thy home of the free! % forests, thy prairies, thy mountains and vales Resound with their anvils, tlieir looms and their flails. Germany sends thee her tillers of soil, And hnu her delvers with mattock and spade, Blending their songs with the pioneer's toil, A brum } /a'lbe West in the homes they have made; Italians, Hungarians, all seeking thy shores A hero Freedom tho peace of the vanquished restores. Daughter of Britain ! the Queen of the Isles Was proud of the colony nurtured in thee, Tyranny lost thee — yet motherly smiles She gives thee, thy parent, that Gent of the Sea! I” purpose united, thy children maintain The freedom of empire—the right of the main. 1 non of sisters, immortal the fame 1 o won in the struggle and perilous fight, h isdom is honor—O, greater the name Ye win in the forum where Knowledge is Might. h peace, or in war, thy standards shall fly, An azure of stars in a sunlightcd sky ! Bund of the Eagle! Asylum of Peace! 1 nconquered by faction or foes from afar, Dad to thy LT nion, O, may it increase Its bright constellation, in star after star, 1 util from thy mountains its glories may shine, Io gladden the darkness that shadows the Rhine! From the Ohio Statesman. Wonders and Murmurs. Strange, that the wind should be left so free, lo play with a flower, or tear a tree ; B range or ramble where’er it will A nd as it lists, to be fierce or still, Above and around to breathe of life, * ’r to mingle the earth and sky in strife j Gently to whisper, with morning light, et to growl, like a fetter’d fiend, ere night; ‘-'r to love, and cherish, and bless, to-day— M hat. to-morrow it ruthlessly rends away I Strange, that the Sun should call into birth The fairest flowers and fruits of the earth, Then bid them perish, and see them die, While they cheer the soul and gladden the eye. At morn, its child is the bride of spring, At night a shrivelled and loathsome thing! To-day there is hope and life its breath, To-morrow it shrinks to a useless death. Strange doth it seem that the Sun should joy To give life alone, that it may destroy. Strange, that the Ocean, should come and go, With its daily and nightly ebb and flow— Should bear on its placid bosorn at morn The bark that, ere night will be tempest torn ; Or cherish it all the way it must roam, To leave it a wreck within sight of home •, To smile, as the mariner’s toils are o’er Then wash the dead to the cottago door; And gently ripple along the strand, To watch the widow behold him land ! But stranger than all that man should die When his plans are formed and his hopes are high, lie walks forth a lord of the earth to-day, And to-morrow beholds him part of its clay; He is born in sorrow and cradled in pain, And front youth to age —it is labor in vain •, And till that seventy years can show, Is that wealth is trouble, and wisdom woe; That he travels a path of care and strife, M ho drinks of the poison'd cup of life ! Alas! if we murmur at things like these, That reflection tells us are wise decrees ; That the wind is not ever a gentle breath— That the Sun is often the bearer of death— That tlie Ocean-wave is not always still — And that life is chequer’d with good and ill— If we know lis well that such change should be, What do we learn from tho things vve see? That an erring and sinning child of dust Should nut wonder nor murmur, but hope and trust. JMisrellantj. ( boosing a Wife. BY A LADY. I had a cousin, a charming girl. She Could dance grace fully, sing beau ifully, and play divinely. She was a most de lightful companion, being both sensible and witty, and she could also perform any sort of household work. The latter she was compelled to do, for there was a large family of them. My aunt being unable to keep more than one servant, and my cousin Ellen being the eldest, a good deal of labor lell to her share. This she did not much mind, always performing it cheerfully and well, only taking care that it should not be known among her acquaintances, fearing if it were, that she should lose the respect and consideration her superior address and accomplishments every where insured; and as she was at times seen dressed like a lady, and never at any occupation more uscfnl than knitting or worsted work, no oe suspected her of being able to do what she really did. I connot say site was without lovers; for she was univer sally admired and sought; but the young men unanimously Set her tip fora fine lady, and she completed her twenty-se cond year without having an offer. Her companions till mar velled that she should remain single so long; and I among the rest began to think it very odd that, though there was actual contention for her hand at the balls, no one wished to secure her fora partner for life. Among our intimates was a gentleman somewhat distantly related to iny husband, whom 1 had often suspected of great ly admiring my cousin Ellen, but still made no proposal. By a mere chance I ascertained that she regarded him in a more favorable light and with kinder feeling than she had ever en tertained for another; and as the match seemed suitable, I re solved to find out what kept them apart. A long tete-a-tete with the gentleman favored my design. After conversing with him for a time on various subjects, wc began to talk of j our female acquaintance; and in order to disarm suspicion, I purposely avoided mentioning Ellen’s name. ‘ It's unaccountable to me, Philip,’ said I, £ that you don’t begin to look out for a wife. You know what an advocate lam for matrimony ; and positively, if you become an old bache lor, I'll cut your acquaintance altogether. ‘I have no such intention, I assure you,’ answered Philip, ‘ and to speak the truth, 1 have been seeking a wife this long time past.’ ‘ Indeed ! and arc you so impressed with the idea of your own excellence that you cannot find a woman worthy of you ?’ ‘ Not so,’ ‘ I fear the woman I am most charmed with is not a fit wife for me. I cannot marry a mere fine lady ; and yet I can require an accomplished woman. I should like tliaf she possessed personal charms; many such women l have known ; but then she must be amiable, and though quite at homo in the drawing room, she must also understand the de tails of house-keeping, and be competent to manage a family, to direct her servants, and to take the servant’s place if need be.’ * Why, it’s a rara avis , that you require,’ said I, laugh ing; ‘1 admire your modesty, youg gentleman, I must con fess ; and, supposing you were to find such a plioocnix, what may I ask, do you purpose as an equivalent; or do you imagine your own pretty person, the privilege of bearing your name, and making the most of your income, would constitute a fair exchange ? Wliat could you offer to induce such a raro piece of perfection to accept you for her lord and master ?’ ‘ What could I offer ?’ retorted Philip, with warmth ; ‘ why I would offer myself; not, mind you, after the fashion of too many men of the present day. I would bind myself to her, bod} - and soul. For such a woman I would toil like a slave if it were necessary ; for such a woman I do not say I would die—that is tame—but for such a woman I would live; I would shield her from evil; I would lighten her of care; I would surround her with comfort; in short, I would dedi cate the whole of my existence to the promotion of her hap piness. ‘Gently! gently’’ cried I, ‘ moderate your transports, and tell me if you know any lady who approaches near the per fection you demand.’ ‘I know one,’ lie replied, slighly hesitating, ‘ that I would give much to learn possesses one or two of the requisites. Some I know she has. Listen to me, my friend. lam at present in very flourishing circumstances ; but how can I be sure they will continue ? Now, lam resolved never to mar ry a woman who is not a thorough house-keeper. Accom plished beauties often prove the ruin of their husbands, and besides, I cannot afford to maintain an expensive establish ment. Now your cousin Ellen is the most lovely creature I ever beheld; but then is she not a lino lady, unable to exist without servants to wait on her!’ ‘ By no means,’ l answered : £ Ellen is as notable as she is accomplished and refined; everything in the house is under her direction, and all the order you observe in her domestic arrangements is tho effect of her good management.’ ‘ You surprise me,’ exclaimed Philip, £ nay, surely you jest. To confess the truth, I have hinted at the desirableness of the useful being added to the ornmental in woman’s educa tion ; but she has so constantly shrunk from the subject, that I feared she was totally opposed to my views.’ ‘ Ah !’ said I, ‘ that is Ellen’s weak point, but come with me to-morrow and pay her a morning visit, aud I promise you shall see her in all her glory.’ Accordingly we went together, aud 1 desired the servant “JnbepctiirctU in all tljittgs—Neutral in Notljtug.” MACON, GEORGIA, FRIDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 11, 1850. who showed us in the parlor, notto say that I had any one with me, but just to tell my cousin I wished to speak with Iter and was in haste. In two minutes down she came the very picture of health and good humor. 1 My dear cousin,’ slio said, not perceiving Thilip, ‘ you are a privileged person, for you know I am invisible to company at this hour. Wliat can you want? Is it anew pattern, or have you come to help me toss up the beds and sweep the rooms ?’ At this moment her eyes rested on the figure of Philip, re flected iu the looking glass; but finding herself fairly caught, she had too inueh self-respect to betray any confusion. Grace fully apologizing for her dishabille, which by the by was most becoming, she entered easily into conversation, and thus completed the conquest of the heart of poor Philip. Six months after this incident Philip and Ellen pronounc ed their vows at Hymen’s shrine, and I never heard that eith er of them had found cause to repent. Now, let young ladies be sure that Philip is not alone in a dislike to fine wives. It is a feeling shared by a great num ber of his sex—indeed, by all the sensible portion. As long as the girls study to excel in the lighter acquirements of a female education, neglecting, nay, despising the useful, let them not wonder at the large proportion of young men re maining unmarried. How can a man of any forethought hut shrink at connecting himself with a woman who is ignorant of the commonest duties of a wife or mistress ? Blind indeed must love have rendered him who would take to his bosom a being whose chief recommendations are that she can play and sing, and dance the polka, and entertain company ; and this is the gross amount of requisites many candidates for matrimon ial honors can command. There is one circumstance I would preach up, morning, noon, and night, to young persons, tor the management of their understanding. Whatever you are from nature, keep to it, never desert your own line of talents. If providence only intended you should write posies for rings, or mottoes for twelfth- cakes, keep to posies and mottoes ; a good motto for a twelfth-cake is more respectable than a villanous epic poem in twelve books. Be what na ture intended you for, and you will succeed; be any thing else, and you will be ten thousand times worse than nothing, — Sidney Smith. To FIND THE TIME OF Pi'NRISK. TllC lime of SUll rise depends upon the latitude, and if you allow yourself too much latitude in lying in bed in the morning, you will never find the time of sunrise at all. A visit to a ball where dancing is kept up with the utmost latitude, will be most likely to in troduce you to the exact hour of sunrise. Po lineal. Letter of Judge G. Andrews on the Califori ilia and Territorial qestions. V. (concluded.) But it is said that the North will not allow us an equal participation in the property of tho territory acquired from Mexico. So far as property in the territory is concerned, whether it be free or slave soil, it will be sold and go into the Treasury of the United States for the common weal. It is answer ed Southerners are not permitted to go there with their property. And who, I ask, prevents? Does the United States? If so how? Does the North ? If so how? Tho ‘people of California have said slavery shall not be tolerated there, which I appre hend they will maintain against all comers. And if you dissolve tho Union to secure your rights of property in it, you will not only lose all your in terest in the public lands, but will not be permitted to go the country and work the mines, without pay i ing twenty-five dollars per month, lik a Mexican or I any other foreigner. It is a principle of our govern ment, commencing with the declaration of indepen dence, that California has such right. The South has acknowledged it as a leading principle of democ racy till now. Do tho laws of Mexico prohibit us from going there ? If so, neither the North nor the United States had any agency in mailing such lans. But it suits the purpose of those who wish to bring their own government into disrepute, to charge it with that for which it is not responsible. It suits the disunionist to make capital against his own government, to say we have lost every thing when we have gained every thing. When this controver-; sy began the North asked for the Wihnot proviso. The South asked for non-intervention. The South has gained non-ihterveution, but i’ has not brought, and is not likely to bring, the fruits expected. The South did not ask, that it should bring any fruit, but that the principle should be left to bear its own fruits. —And now that the fruit is bitter to our task . these champions of Southern rights blame others, though tJecy planted the tree. Shame! shame! that men should have no more regard for truth and consistency. The North has not only lost the application of the Wilinot proviso south, but al so north of 30 30 in the territory of Utah. And how is it that men, who, content with the applica tion of the proviso when applied to Oregon, so that it was not applied south of 30 30, are now willing to dissolve our Union, though it has been abandoned on hath sides of that line. It is said however, the Union does not protect us, because the northern rogues steal our negroes, and some of the States ob struct their recovery, by giving trial by jury and prohibiting their own officers from aiding in their re capture. Mr. Clay’s compromise sought to reme dy this, but the ultras would none of it. And they farther object that because the northern states will not or cannot, control the mobs, that wc should dis solve till connexion with them. There is more force in this argument than in any which Inis been used. But the argument though specious, and if applied to strong and arbitrary governments, might be ten able, cannot hold where mob violence, so often over rides the restraints of law, as in some, l fear I may say in all, of our States. More especially should the disunionists, who seem so willing to resort to mob law, not complain of its power and authority. If the Union must be dissolved, because a citizen of one state is defrauded of liis rights in another, by mob law, then no two states Mould remain united for ten years. If New York and other states, whose citizens, a few years since, were prevented by mob violence, in various shapes, from collecting their debts in Georgia, had made it cause for dissolution, we should have been standing alone, without any further effort, long since. Why do you not propose to dissolve with Texas, and other such like States, who,, by legislation , have almost entirely prevented the collection of foreign debts ? How can you fel lowship with Mississippi and Florida who have, by state law, repudiated for millions? Why not be come the champions of these suffering creditors, as well as of the citizens of the border slave States? llow can the purity and honor of chi v; by hold in fraternal embrace Mississippi, one ol vdlose mobs some years since, strung some six or eight citizens of other states up by the neck at one killing ? And when the father of one of the victims applied to the laws for redress for the blood of his son, mob law, or some other law denied him redress. Out upon such hypocritical pretences ! How happens it that Geor gia and South Carolina are the foremost champions of all the world, fur avenging this evil. They lose 100 slaves, stolen by the rogues of slave States, to one taken by abolition rogues. Maryland, Virgin ia, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri, the border, and suffering states, do not wish to dissolve the U nion on this account. Then why volunteer to re dress their wrongs? When the burthen is too grie vous to be'borne, they will speak for themselves. They are the principal sufferers, but they would suf fer more if the Union were dissolved. It would, at least, be modest to know if this knight errantry on their behalf is acceptable.. If you dissolved con nexion with the mob on\y, there would be some sense in the move ; but dissolve with a whole State for the violence oMa few ? I have said the Union was a security tcwPouthern rights, because its preservation was a motive with tho North to with hold such aggression as might cause its dissolution. We hear it constantly asserted by all parties, at the South, that the North cannot well do without the South. This is true, ai|d however important the Union is to the South, it is more so to the North. And the South, aud Southern slavery, is becoming more and more important to the north and the world every day that it lasts; and the cotton cord that binds us to the commercial world, is of more securi ty than all the swords wo can ever draw. Then, why cut asunder this secure ligament, that ties the slave to us and the soil ? No man, in his senses, doubts that we should be at war from the moment we should separate ; and then, instead of its being to the interest of the United States that we should prosper, it would be their interest and desire to des troy us. Then can I hold him any thing but an enemy to the South who, without cause or reason, will demolish two of the best securities she has for her rights and propriety ? It is not love of the South, it cannot be, that prompts such folly and wicked ness. It is hatred to the northern people, in the first place, and to the government of the United States, in the second ; arid many men who are boiling over with honest indignation at the supposed and real wrongs of the South, if they will analyze their feel ings, will find that I have stated the true source of this southern patriotism. That Southern men should feel indignant and outraged, in their feelings, at this constant railing of fanaticism, is to be ex pected. That we are goaded almost to madness, by their folly and wickedness, I feel every day of my life; and hence the desire of some to dissolve tho Union, through resentment, by way of punishing such insolence and wickedness. Just at this time, the South has her indignation greatly whetted by thy loss of California, and I apprehend New Mexico (>’ the choice by the people of those countries Os governments contrary to our wishes is to be call ed a loss), and we feel somewhat like a man who lias lost his election and is disposed to blame every tiling but his own popularity. I wisli not to ho understood as sanctioning Gen. Taylor’s policy in regard to California am 1 New Mexico. It is too late, now, to remember his errors. You and I expected no better of him, but he was forced on us by men who were too southern to touch a northern man, although our friend. But I now protest that none of such men shall hazard mine and your rights and security, to be revenged against their own folly. It is not for the sake of Southern rights, or Southern security, but it is for the sake of resentment, even at the hazard of southern rights and security, that the disunionists would gratify their passions. The first error in taking this sort of revenge is, that you accommodate the abolition ists, who desire a dissolution of the Union for the reason above stated; and tho second, that we risk and sacrifice too much to your indignation. That man is no friend to the south, who, however justifiable his indignation and however much he may thirst for his revenge, will sacrifice to his passions such formi dable outworks to her security—formidable for the reason above given, and formidable from experience. Shall we not have faith in them, when they have withstood abolition assaults, for three quarters of a century, without a breach ? That portion of the preamble of the indignation meeting above quoted says, “these aggressions have existed from 1787 and .wn to 11 lis time.” History tells us they began with the government, for, if I recollect correctly, the Quakers presented petitions for the abolition of slavery to the convention that formed the constitu tion. But, sav the disunionists, abolition is progressing and will lay, at some future day, its unholy hands on the institution in the States. My first answer is if, at tho end of another seventy-five years, should this crisis arrive, why will not our posterity be as a ble to defend their rights by arms as we ? Then why hazard a civil war by anticipating a crisis that may never arrive ? It would be as unreasonable if apprehending that socialist doctrines would over spread the country; and demolish all rights of prop erty, wo were to volunteer to fight for posterity a battle that may never be needed. My next answer is, are you quite sure that our fears and apprehen sions may not have progressed quite as much as ab olition doctrines ? It is the recollection, I presume, of half tho voters in Georgia, that it was a common sentiment, expressed not many years since, in our State, that slavery was a moral and political evil; that the school books contained speeches against sla very, that were spoken in the schools, and that many of the most popular preachers, on account of conscientious scruples, would not hold slaves, and yet, they were not thought enemies of tho South, neither did any feel that because of such opinions the institution was in danger. No Presidents ever were more popular iu the South, than Washington and Jefferson, both of whom uttered sentiments concerning slavery that would now be denounced as rank abolition, by some assuming guardians of south ern rights. That seventy years have passed, not on ly without any effort to abolish slavery in the States, but without any party in the country, holding the right to do so, is not the only evidence of the securi ty afforded by the Union, to our slave property. By the Constitution it is provided that Congress “shall exercise exclusive legislation in all cases what soever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may by cession of particular states and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of gov ernment of the United States.” The North have held all the while, that, under this provision of the Constitution, Congress had the right to abolish sla very in the district of Columbia, and yet, there it stands, and has stood, for more than half a century, under the most unfavorable circumstances, as impo sing evidence of the protection of the Union to slave property! After this experience of the secu rity, not to say,impregnability of slavery iu the U- nion, its greatest enemy is ho .who would wantonly, without reason, and merely to gratify his feeling of resentment however justifiable, abandon this long tried protection. But, says rampant chivalry, shall we always sub mit to aggression, outrage and inequality? No! when an act of aggression shall be committed that shall infringe our rights, I would recommend an ap propriate resistance. I consider a dissolution no remedy for, or resistance to, any tiling. If the Wil mot proviso were to be passed, I would advise a colonization of the country, by force of arms, ns a better remedy than a dissolution of the Union. I would throw the burthen and crime of dissolution on our enemies, whose interest in the preservat ion of the Union, I have no doubt, would prove an incen tive strong enough to prevent them from taking the final sten. Honest and patriotic southern men feel, that they should do something to avert the threatened evils of abolition, and think they would be doing that something by manifesting their abhorrence of the insolence of fanaticism. And they know of no manifestation stronger than dissolving tho Union. Yes, something would be done. But would that something arrest the apprehended evil ? I think I have shown it would not. Then rage and despair will ask, must nothing bo done ? Can nothing be done ? If we w ill consult prudence, instead of pas sion ; if we will seek security and protection for our rights, instead of the gratification of our hatred and resentment; if, instead of precipitating a crisis that may never arrive, wo would prepare for it should it come; if, instead of looking up a fight that may never occur, for fear we may miss it, and it may fall to the lot of posterity, we would prepare posterity for the battle, if it should come, then some thing might be done, and effectually done. It is feared that the abolition societies, press, and pulpit, shall, at some future day, prepare the public mind, in the United States, for the abolition of slavery in the States, without our consent, let us prepare for that appeal to arms which must decide the matter, when such a crisis arrives, in or out of the Union. When that appeal shall be made, money and discip lined men will bo needed. Then let us be preparing the one and accumulating the other. This would not only be preparing the proper remedies, but would test some of the windy patriotism of the hour. I apprehend, most of if will be exhausted by tho preambles and resolutions of ratification meetings. To carry on the civil wars that must en sue from disunion, would require millions of money, and tens of thousands of lives. An increase of our taxation but at tho ratio of fifty per cent, and a rig id militia system, by way of preparation, would, I fear, demonstrate that much of this pretended de votion for southern rights, is but resolution deep. Now let them propose, like reasonable men, a rea sonable remedy for the apprehended evil, and I have no doubt a large majority of this patriotism will be prcived but empty breath, ruin are proposed and called “Southern rights,”~and union men are rebuked for not uniting upon them. —Once we were called upon to Unite against the Wilmot proviso, and all intervention by Congress on tho subject of slavery. We did so, and succeed ed, even for more than we asked. Now, we are asked to belie our former principles, and unite on an impracticable and destructive nlatform, which would be abandoned if success we: e possible, at the moment of success, for some other still more im practicable and ruinous. A historian says when Louis XVI, was brought to the guillotine, that out of the two hundred thou sand spectators at the scaffold, perhaps there was not one who did not, in his heart, secretly believe, and w ish, that the King should be pardoned, and yet, there was not, of that vast multitude, one who would make the honest declaration publicly. To have shown mercy for a monarch, would have given a pretext for enemies to say it was a sentiment in favor of monarchy. —This feeling prevailed in France at that time, men dared not show’ mercy, refine ment, learning, and above all, goodness, lest they should give pretext for the accusation that they were aristocrats. And thus political capital was made of every thing that was good and great, until the days of terror seized on the land, and Heaven made the nation punish the nation. Men were sick and disgusted with cruelty and injustice long be fore they had the courage to rebuke them. They would not resist the temptation to make political capital out of the errors of the nation, till they, with the nation, were involved in one common ruin. The hatred of monarchy and aristocracy was l ight, but that feeling was afterwards made the pretext for crowding into a small space more cruelty and wrong than monarchy had done the nation for ages. Error, when it w ill not be corrected by reason, will come to a crisis which will bring its own appropri ate punishment. And if men and parties, for the sake of making capital out of this strong and just feeling of hatred to abolition, will take and urge ruinous measures, successfully, w hile those who see and feel this ten dency will remain silent, for fear they may be char ged falsely, and knowingly, with want of suffi cient regard for “Southern rights,” things will soon be brought to a crisis, and the days of terror will come on this country, and that right speedily, which will involve in one common ruin, those who have sinned by omission as well as by commission. The physical and political power of the country is against us. The latter, with the aid of northern friends, whom we once had, we might have sustain ed. But, for the sake of making political capital wc sacrificed enough of them, to put us at the mer cy of a northern majority. And now, by taking the most absurd and contrary positions, there seems to be a determination to secure against us the moral strength, not only of this country but of tho whole world. The Union party is taunted with being “submis sion men ” The old nullifiers tried that slang on the old Union party, to drive them from their pro priety. Thank God ! there was a large and trium phant majority of voters in Georgia then, who had moral courage enough to save the Union and coun try, in defiance of all such slander and vituperation. And thank God ! there are enough of them, i hope, still alive and faithful to their principles and their country to do it again. I never hear the epithets “submissionist” and “tory” but I sec the mask of the old nullifier and disunionist. For those who were Union men then, there is no excuse for desertion of the cause now. The union man then, for the sake of the Union, submitted to a tariff which he believed to be oppressive, and imposed by a majority in Con gress against his consent. We are not asked now to submit to any thing, imposed on us by Congress. W ■ are required to abide by nothing but what the South has asked for, and always maintained was right. The Mexican war was a Southern measure. —The South contended that the Mexican territories should be ceded its without intervention on the sub- I ject of slavery, and afterwards, that the people ol the country should form their own government with out intervention by Congress.—This we maintained and obtained. And if wc cannot please ourselves, let us complain of ourselves, not of others. Because I have forborne to speak of the glory and power of the Union; of its past renown, present prosperity, and future hopes, you will not shppoao that Ido not appreciate it as a citizen of the U. S. who is, and should be proud of the flag of the “Grand Republic.” I would not give tho common glory and renown of that dag at Bunker’s Hill, Yorktown, Lundy’s Lane, New Orleans, BuenaVia ta, and on tho road from tho cnstlo of San Juan d'Ulloa, to the grand l’lazaof Mexico, for all tho gold of California, and “Southern chivalry” too. Bnt it is not for all these that I prize the Union most. It is for the security it has afforded me as a Southern slave-holder. It has proved its faith and strength for seventy years, and if the great mass of thinking men in this country will, as they can, con trol fanaticism and disunion, I will trust it for seven times seventy. Some twenty years ago, during the null ideation assault on the Union, we were told it was a curse; that we were slaves in it, and we could never pros per until it should be dissolved. At no period of our history has the South, with the rest of tho coun try, prospered more than during tho last twenty years. Our arms have triumphed over our enemies, our commerce has extended over all tho seas, and our Union has been botind together by sinews of iron, and made sensitive with a ftf-t Avork of wire nerves which makes the whole literally one body ; and the limb that shall be severed therefrom, will surely wither and die. Respectfully yours, ckc. GARNETT ANDREWS. George Washington oa Disunion. ‘•The unity of government which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; tor it is a main pillar in the edifice of your inde pendence, and support of your tranquility at home, yoiir peace abroad, of your safety, your prosperity, ot that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee thrrt froth different Causes, and different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth—as this is the point in your political fortress, against which the batteries Os internal and external enemies will be most constant ly and actively (though insidiously) directed—it is ot infinite moment that you should properly esti mate the immense value of your national Union; to your collective and individual happiness, that you should cherish a cordial, habitual and immovable attachment to it ; accustoming yourself to think and to speak of it as a palladium of your political safety and prosperity ; watching for its preserva tion with jealous anxiety ; discountenancing what ever may suggest even a suspicion that it can iu auyevent be abandoned ; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to en feeble the sacred ties which now bind together the various parts. “For this you have every inducement of sympa thy and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to con centrate your affections.—The name of America which belongs to you in your national capacity; ’ must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discrimina tion. \\ ith slight shade of difference, you have the same religious manners, habits and political princi ples, lou have, in a common cause, fought and* triumphed together. The independence and liberty you possess, are the work df joint counsels and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings and success. —But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly out-weighed by those which apply more in timately to your interest. Here every j>ortion of our country finds the most commanding motive s for carefully guarding and preserving the Union of the whole” Gen. Jackson on Disunion. “The necessity of watching with zealous anxiety for the preservation of the Union, was earnestly pressed upon his fellow citizens by the father of his country, in his farewell address. He has there told us that while experience shall not have demonstra- , ted its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who,in any quar ter, may endeavor to weaken its bonds, and he lias cautioned us in the strongest terms against the for mation of parties on geographical discriminations, as one of tlie means which might disturb our union, and to which designing men would be apt to resort. “The lessons contained in this invaluable legacy of A\ ashington to his countrymen, should be cher ished in the heart of every citizen to the latest gen eration ; and, perhaps at no period of them could they be more usefully remembered than at tho present moment. —For when we look at the scene* that are passing around us, and dwell Upon the [pa ges of his [parting address, his paternal counsels would seem to be, not merely the offspring of wis dom and foresight, but the voice of prophecy fore telling events and warning us of the evil to come. Forty years hare passed since this imperishable docu ment was given to his countrymen. The federal constitution was then regarded by him as an experi ment —and he so speaks of it in his address; but an experiment upon the success of which the best hopes of his country depended, and we all know that he was prepared to lay down his life, if neces sary, to secure to it a full and fair trial. The triql has been made. It lias succeeded beyond the proud est hopes of those \\'io framed it. Every quarter of this widely extended nation has felt its blessings, and shared in the general prosperity produced by its adoption. But amid this general [prosperity and splendid success, the dangers of which he warned us are becoming every day more evident, and tho signs of evil are sufficiently apparent ty awaken” the deepest anxiety in the bosom of the patriot. W e behold systematic efforts publicly made to sow the seeds of discord between different parts of tho United States, and to place party divisions directly on geographical distinctions, to excite the South a-~ gainst the North and North against tho South , and to force into controversy the delicate and exci ting topic upon which it is impossible that a largo portion of the Union can ever speak without strong emotions. Appeals, too, are constantly made to “ sectional interests, in order to influence the election of the chief magistrates, as if it were desired that lie should favor a particular quarter of the country instead of tulfilliug the duties of his station with impartial justice to all; and the possible dissolution of the Union has at length become an ordinary and familiar subject ot discussion. Has the warning voice of Washington been forgotten ? or have dc- NO. 29.