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VOL. I. -filz ®-ss®SSl2i swasß?] , puiiliiln'il, every Fia y morning, in Macon, Ga. on the follow. CONDITIONS : if mid strictly in advance * * S2 50 per annum Inutsopaid .... 300 - “ ■ \ilvertisements will be made to conform to the following pro w.,i f the Statute ‘\ : of Land and Negroes, by Executors, Administrators and fiuard n< 11V re quired by law to be advertised in a public gazette, sixty L.., previous to the day of sale. ’ r|||., r sales must be held on the first Tuesday in the month, bet ween I, pours of ten in the forenoon and three in the afternoon, at the r . rt House in the county in which the property is situated. ■fiic sales of Personal Property uniat be advertised in like manner for ,il da vs. Votive to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate must be published forty N ‘tii p that application will be made to the Court, of Ordinary foj | t iv to sell band and Negroes, must be published weekly for four CiLtinss or Letters of Administration must lie published thirty days —for Dismission from Administration, Monthly, su months —lor Dis mission from Cuardianship,//•* days. lt,ihs for foreclosure of mortgage, must he published monthly, for HIT months— for establishing lost papers fr the full -pure of three for compelling titles from Executors or Administrators where nlKiud has been given by the deceased, the full spur of three months. Professional and Business Cards, inserted, according to the follow ing scale: For i lines or less per annum - - 5--> HO m advance. kl G lines “ “ . . . , 00 >• “ iijO u u u. §lO 00 “ “ -- Transient Advertisements will be charged §l, per square of 12 lines or less, for the first and 50 cts. for each subsequent insertion. —’ (m t |,ese rates there will he a deduction of 20 percent, on settleine,ul w j wn advertisements are continued 3 months, without alteration. *All belters except those containing remittances must be poss pnhl or free. I’listmasters and others who will act as Agents for the “Citizen’ imv retain 20 per cent, for their trouble, on all cash subscriptions for warded. OFFICE on Mulberry Street, East of the Floyd House and near the Market. |Jx>liticnl. Letter from Clov. Call. TALLAHASSEE, September 21, 1850. My Dear Sir :—l am yet unable to leave my room, to v. hieii l have been confined tor the last five or six days, with fever, but I avail myself of the first mo ment of returning health, to otter you my sincere con gratulations, un the triumphant success of those measures of public policy, which you have so mildly and yet, so firmly and judiciously advocated. Those measures proposed by the Committee of thirteen distinguished and patriotic Senators of the United States, for the preservation of the Union, and the restoration of peace and tranquility to our coun try, long and painfully agitated by the grave and exciting questions debated in the public Councils. if the Hills forming this system of measures, and iLridiugly called ‘‘Mr. Clay's Omnibus,” do not con tain all the South desired, they contain enough at least to satisfy all rational and patriotic men, that they are better than disunion, better than civil war, bettor than blood and carnage, better than the do mestic conflagration, which must, inevitably follow a dissolution of the Union, come when it may come, They supply all the wants suggested, and they will as it is hoped, correet and prevent all the wrong??, complained of, while, they violate no principle of the VoiistittvffoTi. Solomg as our National Legislation i’ confined within the limits of that great Instru ment, framed by the sages and warriors of the Uev olntion, for the great purpose of forming a more perfect union of the States, and for “ securing to ; ourselves and our posterity the blessings of liberty,’’ I no good citizen or wise statesman will endeavor by i speaking or writing to excite his countrymen to re-j hellion against the laws and constituted autli<>rbv. j i And I have the happiness to believe that the great body of the people in every State, without the dis tinction of party, will hail the passage of these Hills ; and the signal defeat of the measure for the aboli i >u of slavery in the District of Columbia, as the harbinger of peace, as the rainbow of promise, aud • l ’ a confirmation of their hope in the stability of our Government. For my own part, I have never feared a dissolu tion of our happy Union. I regard this, when it fumes to the last, extremity, as a physical and moral impossibility. The United States of America can nover be divided into two or more separate Repub lic*, Kingdoms or Empires, by any east and west di visional line. The hand of man may tunnel our mountains, rail roads may pass through them and bind the States more firmly together—but it never (■'in sever otir rivers. The majestic Mississippi will forever roll on its mighty tribute to the Ocean, and on its bosom will be borne the agricultural and Com mercial wealth ot more than half of this confederacy. 1 !ii* great high-way of States is the natural and ir- Mragable bond of l nion, and the last man on the lma l spring of the Mississippi, the last man of the most western land of the rocky mountains, and the yi't man on the eastern gap of the Alleghany will . :i 'ul, i{ necessary, tlu;)- will tight, and they will die under the same flag Chat floats at the mouth of mat n °ble ri\ r. There can be no divided Empire m the great valley of the west, and the people of \ ’ at va 'ley like the streamlets and rivers which flow ,l)m the slopes of her mountains, will rush to the mouth of the Mississippi to defend it from foreign or ’ invasion. This is the great physical cause ” b our 1 nion cannot be dissolved. But there are moral causes which bind it together with no less co msive power, and render ours the strongest Gov yturnout on Earth. These causes will be found in the intelligence, in the morality aud the elevated patri ot the common working people of lr °uuntry —the people who till the soil —the peo- U “ , 10 v, *te at our elections, and fight the battles °J meir country. They have no leaders but such as | } may please to appoint, and follow no masters “t the Constitution and the laws, which they have mail,.. Every American citizen is justly proud of ‘• °wn dignity and respectability; his own capacity I . . ‘“ig and act for himself. With few exceptions J'T *ll read, they are calm in the midst of the storm, i “b reflect, they decide for themselves, and while ! l , arp happy and prosperous, they will not join ‘ I J - ’ !| "ilion against the Government for which they ‘"j. fathers have fought and bled, because the I"’ ‘Uian who has nothing to lose, who owns not an and or a slave, tells them they are wronged k T ar c oppressed —they are degraded —they are .j a j n l>led on. While they do not feel that wrong i oppression, do not feel degraded, and their dig ,g sta pHs above insult, they are not to be held or ~ ‘ eri trom their propriety, or severed from their ‘ ll glance by the artifice of those who have nothing to J ° .! ‘ 3 a proud reflection that every citizen enjoys, m, himself, is a constituent part of his own gov the" ls a t °P inion as a component part of j ‘ r eat national public opinion, which directs the , In y °f his own country, and is making its im ** u pon the governments of the world. The tv i ll V(! “P’ n ’ on of this great people, is sovereign- K;ll ‘ “ ill is majesty, and no President, no Con ri dt- n ° P ar ty* 110 faction, can violate their * 1 ” or u,! <s disturb their peace, aud tranquility, with impunity. They have a Constitutional govern ment, and a system of laws made under that gov ernment, and while they respect and obey that gov ernment, and those laws, they will cause the refrac tory to obey and respect them, or to feel the pen alty. But sir, it is said we are on the verge of revolu tion, and that the State of Georgia is to decide this momentous issue. “As Georgia goes, so goes the South.” Now I believe the last proposition to be strictly true. But I believe it, only because I believe that the great and patriotic State of Georgia will be true to her allegiance, true to the Union, true to the peace aud tranquility of the country. If she is, then it is well, very well, and the whole South will go with her. But should she decide to go out of the Union, my belief most certainly is, she will carry with her only those who are -packed up all ready to go, but are afraid to go without her. She will not carry Florida with her. AYe will neither be led nor driven out of the Union, and should the trial be made, which God avert, and all good men would deplore, you will find not one in every one hundred of our people, whigs and democrats, who will follow the standard of rebellion. Florida occupies the most important commercial, military, and naval position on the sea board of the South. She has more than a thousand miles of sea coast on the Gulf and the Atlantic—the best naval station and the only harbor for line-of-battle ships, between Norfolk and the Rio Grande. She stands for 200 miles on a line between Georgia and the sea-board. She stands on a con tinuation of that line west to the Perdido river, about the same distance between Alabama and the Gulf of Mexico, and neither one or both of these States com bined, can seduce us from our allegiance to the flag and constitution of our country, i will not say they cannot drive us from it, because taunts and threats are at all times improper and unbecoming, and more especially at the present time, and I am very sure they will never attempt it. But while so much is said about the tyranny and wrong of whipping a State into the U nion ; if she chooses to go out of it. it may be quite as well, at least, to calculate the consequences of any attempt of a revolted State to whip us out of the Union, when we are not disposed to go. If Georgia and Alabama, as much as we ad mire and respect them, determine to leave the con federacy, let them not be deceived. Florida will not go with them, and she will stand as a perpetual bar rier between them and the seaboard. Florida will stand on the Constitution of the United States. Site will abide by the legislation under it, and she will only go out of the Union when it shall have been dissolved by the destruction of the Constitution and the institutions it has created and supports. But sir, I apprehend no danger to the institutions of our country. Reason and n.t passion will preside in the councils of the people in the examination of the ex citing topics before them, mid they will in the lan guage of Washington hold to the Union “as the paladium of their safety, a- : the last hope of liberty to man.” < Uo'-g!” will not revolt against her Government, against the Union of the States. She is too wise; too enlightened, she is too patriotic. She will not i leave the Union. The grave of her illustrious states men. her cherished and beloved citizen, William 11. Crawford, is within her bosom, and he yet lives in the hearts and affections of her people. They re member him, and they will follow his precepts. I am sir, very respectfully vours, It. Iv. CALL. Jos. Gusev, Esq. Editor Sentinel. From the N. Y. Express. Commerce and Disunion. Now that the attempt lias been made at racuseto rc-opcn the Compromise l’ills, tore-agitate the slavery issues, and to fail the Haines of Abolition, it becomes us, in whose streets grass would grow if this Union is shattered, to cry aloud and spare not. - , fast these Diaunionists in all their shapes. After a ten month’s struggle in Congress, in which the strength of the Union has been tried to its utmost tension, and during which no business whatsoever could be done, it is now pro posed, at Syracuse an.l elsewhere, even by Whigs, we mourn to say, to throw the new elementary fire-brand of Abolition into the District of Columbia, to recognize a law higher than the Constitution, to demand the AVilmot Proviso for the new Territories to the last, and to shake and shatter the fabric of this Republic front its top to its bottom, if these things cannot be done. It is vain to deny that the concoctors of the Syra cuse Seward Resolution do not contemplate all that; for in thanking one Congressman especially, and him above all asso ciate members, they mean that and more, and such a mean ing all mankind give to their resolution. Grass would grow in our streets, we say, if this Union was shattered; fur w hat is this city but a great exchange for cot ton, for rice, for tobacco, as well as for American manufac tured goods, and for the importations from Europe; and here to a focus comes the trade of the North and the South, and of all Europe with which we have intercourse, whereby our com mission merchants, our jobbers, our importers and exporters of all classes live and thrive. The Southern merchant comes here to receive the pay for his products of cotton, &e., and the Northern merchant makes his commissions out of the double exchange. The whole prosperity of this great com mercial metropolis depends upon the Peace, Order, Stability and Perpetuity of this Union. The 500,000 human beings within the sound of tho City Hall bell obtain their livelihood from the sugar and cotton planter of Mississippi, the Ala bama, the Chattahoochee, the Santee, &e., who exchanges here the products of his soil for the handiwork and headwork of the North ; and what an utter suicide it is for such a city to pile on the Abolition torch, and to set on fire so glorious a work! New York now radiates from her ports steam-ships fur Bremen, for Liverpool, for Havre, for Charleston, for Sa vannah, fur New Orleans, fur Havana, fur Jamaica, for Cha gres, fur Panama, fur Mexico, for San Francisco, and a por tion of our city has become the great workshop for the steam marine of all America, where our artificers in iron and hew ers of wood have fought out with Britain the supremacy of the ocean, and demonstrated to the world their victory in the Collins and Cliagres lines of Steamers. In the midst of these gigantic triumphs upon the ocean, and when we arc stretch ing our iron arms in all directions towards the interior, it is cruelly proposed to topple us down from our eminence, to throttle us at this our start, and to slaughter our navigation, trade, and commerce, in the motley cause of Abolition ! llow long is it supposed that the Southern merchant will buy goods here—how long will the Southern planter sell his products here—how long can Yankee, Ohioan, or New Yorker find this a mart for their products and their skill, if against us and our State, for the sake ol politically sustaining the unworthy course of a Senator, we embark our cause with his, to agitate for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, for re-opening of all the slave issues, and for the establishment of a law higher than the Constitution of our common country ? Everything is conspiring to centre here in our city two m illions of human beings, and to bring the commerce of Asia, as well as of Europe and America, to our doors ; and with our growth will grow our State, and with it the value of every farm there is in it; but if this is to be a distracted “Sn&epenJrcnt in nil iljintjs— Neutral iti Notljmtj.” MACON, GEORGIA, SATURDAY MORNING, OCTOBER ID, 1850, country if civil war is to rage within its borders —if we are to kidnap or cajole every negro we can steel from his mas ter—if this is to be the great harbor of refugee slaves, and the white laborer is to bo driven off to give place to the es caped negro—where now are long lines of ware-houses, yielding princely incomes, and where now are miles of ships, there soon will be the decayed wrecks of a fallen Venice, and the fallen grandeur of an Antwerp of Rome. Our very ex istence, much more our prosperity, depends not only upon the Union of these States, but upon good fellowship and good feeling tor us; and lie who breaks this good- fellowship, and wounds this good feeling, is an enemy and a traitor in our midst, AVe are aware that Abolition agitators sneer at all pros pects of disunion, and tell us the South but blusters, and will submit to any degradation. These agitators, however, are, irt the main, of the Peace Society men, who will run away ot the first flash of gunpowder, after stirring up a fire they dare not face nor encounter. But it is not so, we solemnly tell all our people. Mark the struggle that is now going on in Georgia, between Union and Disunion, and a fearful struggle it is, though the Union is certain to triumph, because of the past set tlement in Congress of all really dangerous slavery questions ; but if they were unsettled, or if they are re-opened, as the Syracusans propose, may Heaven help our country, for it would be beyond the power of man. Mark, too, the rising contest in Mississippi. The Governor (Quitman, aN. York born man) has convoked the Legislature in extraordinary session, especially for Disunion. Nor is the Nashville Con vention over. The lire yet burns there. The whole State of South Carolina administers the fuel; a State ready and ripe for revolution, the moment it can find another State for a leader. In the midst of so much real peril, then, it is savage, it is criminal, to attempt to undo what Congress has so hap pily done; and if success could be had in the new agitation, if we A\ lugs were to tell all mankind, as the Syracuse Reso lution would tell them, that Senator Seward fully and fairly represented us—a long adieu would there be to the peace and prosperity, if not to the very existence, of this Union. But let the interior of this State do what it may, however, it may sway and swing, as it lias swung at times, amid the stormy elements that rock it—there is hut one course for the Whigs, and Democrats, too, of this great and patriotic com mercial emporium, and that is, to cling to this Union. Wc love New York, but we love the Union more. We are New Yorkers, to be sure, but we are Americans first. If ever our State swings off, and runs after Abolitionists and Aboli tionism, the steadier and with a more death-like gripe we cling to and go down and perish with the Union. General sass at Tammany Hall. Os the Session of Congress just closed, Mr. Cass in his remarks on Tuesday at Tammany llall, New York, said : ‘‘lt was a fearful crisis, fellow-citizens; but, supported by the God of our fathers and by our God, vve are yet one coun try, one people, one Government. [Enthusiasm and applause.] And so, my friends, I hope we will continue till all human in stitutions have iulfilled their destiny. And now, fellow-citi zens ol the democratic party, let me say one word more, and 1 have done. We have now a national platform of American principles, on which wc can all stand, and we can exist only as a national party. A\ o must recollect that the constitution was the result ol compromise. In some quarters, the term coin j • promise is .U oliom -ble. Hut, let me ark -a, : : n-•* •'> * whole of life made up of compromise ? Society itself is com promise. If we say vve will give way to no one, no one will give way to us. If you don't respect the feelings of others no one will respect yours. (Applause.) You have now an Amer ican platform to stand on. AVe have had our trials and suf ferings. There is no party that has not had their moments of trial and suffering. AYe have been divided, but wo have again got together; and having done so, let me give you one word of advice. It is this: Never talk of the past —never throw our past difficulties in the face of any one. (Applause.) A'ou have nothing to do with tlie past, except as a matter of ex perience.” AVhen Mr. Walsh finished, General Cuss n ain spoke, and said there was one more remark which he wi. lied to make on this occasion, and one with whiffh ho was sure the audi ence would sympathise. He had said that the satisfactory settlement of the slavery question was owing to the people themselves who took care to let their representatives in Con gress know what their opinions on the subject were. The great men in Congress aided and assisted in procuring that settle ment. Your own Senator Dickinson, (applause) who deserves everything, and Mr. Foote and that noble Henry Clay, (tre mendous applause) and that great man, Daniel Webster, (continued applause) and others, whose names arc written in the hearts of the American people, and who will go down to posterity, written in the brightest pages of American history —all these aided in settling it. (Applause.) Fellow citizens, all those men—North, South, East and West—fought the great fight, but it was not they who triumphed. The country triumphed—triumphed over everybody, achieved a victory without injuring any one, but a victory that supports tho principles of freedom, and the constitution of the country, I hope for ever. (Applause.) PLEDGED TO DISUNION. IW Look on this Picture. Mr. R. B. Riiett, the distinguished author of the Nash ville Convention address, lately made a speech at Walterbo rough, in South Carolina, and the Charleston Mercury re ports him as saying: “ AVe must secede , South Carolina will lead oft’, Georgia will go with her, Alabama will soon follow, and Mississippi will not be long behind her, for “she is not all Foote, but has some heart and soul,” and this will be but the beginning; within eighteen months we shall have the whole South with us, and more than that; vve will extend our borders, wc will have New Mexico, Utah, and California.” In his Charles ton speech, reported by his own hand, Air. Ilhett used the following language: “To give to our people that protection and peace which the Constitution and Union were established to secure, THE SOUTH MUST SEVER TIIE CONNECTION WITH THE NORTH.” “ To maintain the Union is to acquiesce in tho destruction of the Constitution; and to maintain the Constitution, WE AIL.Si DISSOLVE THE UNION to afford the only chance of its restoration.” Again he said, despairing of any reformation which will bring tho government back to the limitations of the Constitu tion which will give us new guarantees, I see but one course left for the peace and salvation of the South—a dissolution of the Union? Mr. Rhett also advocated disunion at the Macon Alass meeting, under the guise of “temporary secession.’’ The Columbus Sentinel talks thus“ We have all along contended that the admission of California would fill to over flowing the poisoned cup of degradation which the North has been for years preparing for the South. We have declared our determination to hold to tho Union so long as there was hope that vve would be safe in the Union. That hope has now been disappointed, and we abandon tho Union as aft en gine of infamous oppression. W k are for secf.ssion, open, unqualified, naked secession. Henceforth, WE ARE FOR AVAR UPON THE GOVERNMENT; it has existed but or our ruin, and to the extent of our ability to DESTROY ft, it shall exist no longer.” Once more, the Sentinel has the following on’ the subject of the approaching Convention. ‘Be are not disposed to trammel tlie action of that Con vention. AVe wish tlie men who will compose it, left fVec in determining what that redress shall be, and we sliall acqui esce in its decision. AA'c have our preferences, and they al ready been made known. AA'e see no remedy for cur griev ances short of secession. AA’e have no hope that our rights can be secured in the Union, and vve are ready to go out of it. Had we the power, therefore, to dictate the action of this Convention, our first step would be a Declaration of In dependence, and the next, an invitation to our sister States of the South to unite with us in tlie formation of a Southern Republic.” The Columbus Times avows disunion in the following plan! terms: “ If tlie action of Congress makes it imperative on tho Governor under the instructions of the Legislature, to call the convention, our own first choice will be for secession, and our votes and efforts will be steadily given to effect that end.” And again : “ AVe then go for secession—quietly if let alone, forcibly if made necessary. AVe are for meeting the defiance of the North on this issue, and are against all tem porary expedients, or new and postponed issues.” Again it says : ‘ The State of Georgia stands in an attitude of fearful peril, fro'm which nothing can rescue her but the virtue and valor of her sons. Pushed to the wall, bearded and defiled by ag gressive legislation to which she has virtually and solemnly sworn she will not submit, betrayed and deserted by a ma jority, if not by every one of her representatives, in Con gress, she stands with the Scylla of dishonor and submission on the one hand, and the Charybdis of violated rights and swift-coming ruin on tho other. She has to choose between the two, and the choice is to be made in a few weeks. Sub mission and disgrace to be followed by fresh abolition as saults as the penalty of her imbecility and cowardice or a brave and tnanly strike for her honor, her rights and her in dependence.” The Montgomery Advertiser says of the Peace Measures in Congress: “ Such are the measures under which we are counseled to sit down quietly, ho silent and cease agitation. It remains to be seen, w hether Southern freemen will heed such pusillani mous—cowardly advice. The cause for “ agitation” has in reality just fairly begun, and wc shall glory in the work of urging it on by every means in our power, and shall only cease when we shall be convinced that the sons of the South are too pusillanimous to preserve the inheritance of their fathers.” The Augusta Republic says : “No cause for resistance to the injustice of the mother country was half as great as that which would, in this case, DEMAND RESISTANCE OF THE SOUTH. AA'e fear not the final result. The South can never sub mit to gross injustice. Her people, placing themselves upon the broad platform of the constitution —the bond of a just union—will protect their rights and sustain their honor by all the means which the Cod of Nature has placed in their hands.” The Macon Telegraph has the following:— “ Judging from the late action of Congress, wc can only look forward to resistance or to the abolition of slavery sooner or later, throughout the South. These are the alter natives between which the South must now choose. That cTioiqe is to ho made in a few weeks, and the sun which goes n* “ * ■’ ? , v t r.part For tlie elect’- .f .1.1..,.-., ... Georgia, will have seen a mightier political question solved than ever before engaged her people. AA hatever diversity of views may exist among the people with regard to the meas ures of redress, the Convention should adopt, we apprehend hat there is but little dissent among them, either with regard do the wrongs perpetrated, or tlie necessity for some resis mice, whatever it may be. AVhat this resistance should be,- as we have said before, the Legislature has wisely submitted to the people to determine. And if tho State will not adopt the only remedy, we regard as adequate to reform tho gov ernment, we will go for any thing that her sons in their sov ereign capacity, in Convention, may recommend, always ex cepting a tame and cowardly submission. For our own part we believe the issue is resistance of some sort, or abolition. Disguise it as we may, this solemn ques tion we cannot evade.” Again tho Telegraph says: “ For our own part, we are for secession, for resistance— open, unqualified resistance.” A correspondent of tho Telegraph of the 17tli instant, asks, Must the South submit ? Ought she to submit ? Can she submit without being branded with a dastardism, that vvoultt dishonor and defame the race she sprang from ? Every na tive son who loves her would exclaim “ Mav she terisii sooner !” The Savannah Georgian says: “We gave our advice in regard to the acts of the Conven tion, and we now stand ready to support them; if thoy are for secession we are with them. AN e shall stand by these principles we have already advanced, and hold ourselves in readiness to defend the rights of the South—not by yielding her territorial rights to the North, but with that defence which every true Southerner should stand ready to wield against an intruder.” At the Kingston Mass Meeting Judgo Colquitt, said : “ Secession was his remedy, but that if he could not get that, he would go with Georgia in any manner of resistance she might adopt.’’ The Cassville Standard of the 2Gth nit., says : “ AA'e have been informed that the lion. AV'alter T. Colquit addressed a portion of the citizens of Murray County last week, and declared openly that lie was for DISUNION. Since then we learn that some of the citizens of Murray are following his footsteps, and say they are for disunion too.’’ The subjoined resolution, offered by Capt. A. Nelson, at a Public Meeting in this county, is an undisguised exposition of his disunion sentiments: “ Resolved , That the late acts of Congress in reference to the territories, viz. the admission of California, the dismem berment of Texas, and tlie passage by tlie United States Sen ate, of tho bill for the abolition of the slave trade in tlie Dis trict of Columbia, are such gross violations of every principle of common justice, of the equality of the States of this con federacy and the spirit and letter of the Constitution, as to fully justify the people of tho Southern States, in resistance at every hazard, and to the last extremity, EVEN TO A DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION, leaving the conse quences to those who have caused them.” The Rome Southerner says: “ The day of our humiliation or emancipation is at hand. If ice submit , ice arc the vilest of slaves, and the fit subjects of the most ruthless despotism. If we resist as men wor thy TO BE FREE SHOULD RESIST, OUR TRIUMPH IS AS CERTAIN AS IT WILL BE GLORIOUS. * * * * * * IV here is the dastard, the traitor , who, under such circum stances, will dare be false to his native land? Resistance now, stern, uncompromising resistance, or shameful submis sion and inevitable ruin, are the alternatives which an unjust government has set before us.” The Augusta Constitutionalist speaks after this fashion : “ Beware of the false cry of Union. It is the word oftalis mauic charms that is relied on to prepare your free limbs for bondage. And whenever a union croaker sings this sickly sen timentality to you, thunder back to him the issue, “ Disunion or Abolition .” In addition to this, the Alass Meeting which reccn tly assem bled at Kingston, passed among others, the following resolu tions : Resolved , That the people of Georgia arc, in the opinion of this meeting, pledged to some EFFECTIVE MODE of RESISTANCE to the encroachment of the North upon their j ust and constitutional rights. Resolved, That the true issue, to be determinated by tlie people in the election of delegates to tho Convention is— un conditional submission, or some MANLY and EFFEC TIVE mode of RESISTANCE. Again t A correspondent of the Augusta Republic among other harsh things about the Union, says; It is time, sir, that wc should all begin to familiarize our selves not only with the possibility, but with the necessity of a dissolution. But why should not the people of Georgia and the South advocate disunion ? AA'e have said a thousand times that wc would dissolve the Union before wo would submit to further aggression. The time has come when wo must make good our threats or forever hold our peace. AA'k *t man is there who entertains any belief that the North would do us justice ? \A ho is there that believes that any compromise (as they call it) that can be made, will be any more than a yielding on our part, merely to encourage larger demands fi r the future ? Now is the time to settle the question—there are only two ways to do ; the one is to acknowledge ourselves the vassals of the north for all time to come, the other is to dissolve the Union and it is this time for tho South to choose between them. Cttriwpiinknrr. For the Georgia Citizen. tnion and Disunion, Dear Doctor : These are perilous times for the Republic—We are now approaching an election, fraught with more consequences for weal or for woe, than any that has transpired since the adop tion of our Constitution —and it well becomes every citizen, to reflect and consider tlie impending dangers, before exer cising the right of suffrage. I am somewhat disposed to believe, Sir, that the present fearful state cf affairs, and the recent exciting SgiUUldn, which has disturbed the peace of the country, has not originat ed with the masses of the people, the “ bone and sinew ” of the Republic; but rather they are the creation of designing politicians, and aspiring Demagogues ; and as much the re sult of a false system of selecting our rulers and representa tives, as any thing else. You are perfectly aware, that the learned professions and particularly lawyers, are looked to and enumerated, as probable candidates, whenever an elec tion is to take place. Now I believe this system of discrimina tion is the result of a custom tolerated until it almost appears as a matter of course; and which I think could be reversed with benefit to the country —I dont wish to detract from the merits of tlie professions, but rather to place the claims of oth er occupations on an equality with them in competency and ability, faithfully to represent the interests of the people. How often, Doctor, do we see it the case that young gen tlemen who have selected tho Law as a profession, have scarcely finished a study ltarely sufficient to allow them to practice in the “Courts of 1 w and Equity ” before they arc suddenly seized with apprehensions for the country, ima gine the destiny of the Republic rests upon their shoulders, and immediately aspire to be either leaders or representatives of the people. They generally begin with Secretaryship to a political meeting—then a fourth of July oration in the couhtry—next a notTiinatlOn for the anLthcy/.re considered graduated to be a director and leader in political events. AVhen elected and chosen to represent the people how many are qualified either from practical knowledge, good judgment or industrious habits, to faithfully execute their office ? or rather are not many of them a mere composition of theory without practice, ambition without judgment, and whose whole aim is to he delivered of a set speech, wfth clas- sical quotations, and see the announcement in the papers of ‘Mr. made an able and eloquent effort.’ I think it would be well, if our Legislature assemblies were composed of men representing all interc: t.s—then theory, practice, experience, good management would all combine, and the result would be good for the country, and wc should have less agitation and less legislation to promote political aspirations. lam glad to . e that the candidates on either side of the question in our county, are rather diversified in interest, and I heartily regret with you that our friend 11. A. Smith, has consented to stand a poll in this county for the Convention, on the “fire-eating” side. Our social has been of long duration, and I trust may always be of the kindest character. lam a little too much his Senior, to claim to be a school mate, though wc have been “ a sparking” together, and often spent happy hours in the society of our female ac quaintances. I have outstripped him in the “courting line,” (as I have been so fortunate as to get a “ better half,”) ow ing I reckon to a want of a disposition on his part to incur additional responsibilities yet a while. However, be that as it may, he is an associate for whom I have the highest respect. His strict integrity, unexceptionable character, and commend able consistency in all his professions, has ever claimed my admiration from his youth, and notwithstanding our views differ politically, I should willingly contribute to his elevation upon any other question, than the one he is now a candidate for. 1 therefore regret that lam placed in a situation where 1 cannot extend him the aid my feelings prompt, hut in vot ing for the Union ticket I vote not against R. A. Smith, but against Disunion tendencies. This thing, disunion, is a fearful picture to look upon, and should be resorted to only when all else has failed. What would be the result ? Who can tell the consequences? Old associations broken up—public and private credit impaired— security for life and property dubious—new’ safeguards to be established—new burdens imposed—and what guarantees the stability of the new system ? It is a serious and fearful thing to contemplate. Doctor, will ever the inpressions formed in boyhood, connected with our Glorious Union, be erased ? I know you have experienced the feelings of patriotism, and pleasure which were mine, when a school boy I first learned the history of my country and the deeds of the patriots of “ Bunker Hill,” “ Saratoga,” ‘Yorktown,’ Kings Mountain,’ and particularly of the immortal Washington. Don't you recollect how you could sit for hours, unwearied, and listen to legends of the Revolution, with an interest no other subject could command ? What would have been thought in these days of childhood, if disunion had been whispered in our ears ? In the year eighteen hundred and forty-four I passed for the first time, the tomb of Washington and the emo tions I then experienced are hardly describable. The pas sengers on the boat were stated at dinner, suddenly the ma chinery of the vessel, ceased its accustomed voice and the bell tolled mournful notes. “Mount Vernon” was whispered, through the crowd; and in an instant all hands were on the deck and with heads uncovered were intently gazing upon the tomb of Washington. The motion of the vessel as she glided along like someone treading lightly through the halls of mourning, the solemn notes of the tolling bell—and the grave appearanc of all around made an impression never to be forgotten—but particularly the involuntary expression of a venerable and grey haired sire, who, when all was still and silent as death (and there were persons aboard from North, South, East and West,) filled to overflowing hearts already full with the simple exclamation of “ Our Father.” I know not what the experience of others had been, but one thing I do know that the emotions of that hour can never be forgot ten ; and when I hear people talk of dissolving the Union, the thought recurs to my mind, is it possible tliat this glorious Union, won by so much blood and privation, is to be dis solved for trifling causes, and the noble stream, the Po tomac, that bathes the tomb of Washington and sings the requiem to departed greatness, to he stained with fraternal blood by the degenerate sons of noble Sires Wh ‘ta tribute to the memory’ of the immortal “ Father ” of liis country. ’ 1 know that some of the fire-eaters disclaim Disunion and Secession, hut don't say what they are for. Now I hope none will be deceived, but that all who favor the Union as it is, will, to make matters doubly sure, vote for those men wo know to be Union men from the beginning. Now Doctor, i propose to the citizens, generally, that after having put a quietus Upon Gov. Towns’ Convention, wo turn to end by active enterprise, industry, and persever ance, instead of blotting out the Star of Georgia from tho Constitution of the Ufiiott, go to work, and by all the means that lay in ourjxnver make old Georgia hot only the brightest gem that decks old Ocean's brow, but life m<fet brilliaht Star that glitters in the Constitution of our Union. Y ours, CANDOR. LETTER from STARKSVILLE. Stahksville, Ga, October 10, 1850. Mr. Editor. —No question which has ever been the th me of public discussion, Las been so pregnant with consequences of weal or woe for our beloved country, as the one now distracting the public tnind. And in a republican government like ours, where the people are the sole rulers, it behoves every mah to look well before he acts and scrutinize closely tho conduct of those, into whose hands will bo committed the settlement of the momentous ques tion. Having been nominated by the Union party of Lee county to the contest (if contest there should be), for a seat in the convention to assemble in Mil ledgeville on the 10th December next, I feel it my duty to give expression of my opinion upon the great question which gave birth to the convention. 1 believe that the people of Georgia and tho southern States ought to acquiesce in the law of Congress admitting California as a State into this Union. The circumstances under which California formed her constitution, and the mode of her ad mission into the Union , have been the cause of that discontent, which threatens the stability of this gov ernment. Then should we acquiesce in the law or resist the admission of California, and dissolve thd Union? Admit (for argument sake) tlfe mode bf her admission was dissimilar from the admission of most of the States, shall we raze the beautiful fab ric of our Government and bury the beacon light of liberty because Congress deviated from precedents in the admission of anew Shite, yet having follow ed the letter and spirit of the constitution iu her admission ? Hut some say, that her admission was unconstitutional because the mode of her admission was irregular. If you mean irregnlar because her idmission was unlike most of the States which were admitted, then she was admitted irregularly; but, if it means what certain speakers and presses sav, that it was irregular because unconstitutionally ad mitted, then we join issue. The Constitution of the United States declares that “New States may be ad mitted by the Congress into the Union.” The pow er is plenary, full, unrestricted, unconditional. There is no limitation upon the power to admit States into the l nion. That point bt:’ •; consider edrt hc next question that presents itself is, was Cal ifornia a State at the time she made her application* She was a State but not a State in the Union, but a State seeking admission. What is a State ? When you refer to elementary authority they will tell vou, people, territory, certain landmarks of qualification which are found in all the books. Then, if this bo the true definition of a State and Congress has full power to admit new States, wherein is the constitu tion violated? Now, the only things necessary, un der the Constitution, are that the new State should have *70,080 inhabitants, and present herself with a republican form of government. When site knocks with the above necessary qualifications, it is the imperative duty of co’ngrcss to receive her, par ticularly a conquered people, without laws, without organization, and without protection, and made thus dependent by the prowess and chivalry of American arms. 1 >id California have the two things needful ? If so, she came regularly, that is, she had all the constitution requires; and I ask, what injury or in sult has Georgia sustained ? l>ut some say that the acquired territory is the common property of all the States and every man has a right to migrate thither with his slaves, and that slavery is prohibi ted in the constitution of California. Ifso the con gress of the United States (against v 1 ich they are levelling their opposition), did not injure us. l)o not fall out with your native, your beloved country, because California does not want slavery. The con stitution does not establish slavery anvwhere, but only recognizes it where it exists and leaves the es tablishment or prohibition of it where it properly be longs, to the States respectively. And the State of California under and by virtue of the inherent pow ers she had and which was among the reserved rights, was as much at liberty to prohibit slavery as the State of Georgia would have the right to abol ish slavery in this State. Is not the power to regu late slavery among the reserved rights, and not del egated to Congress ? If so, I conjure you for the love you have for the Southern institution, for tho love you have for State sovereignty, and for the lovo you ought to have for our common country not to dissolve this government because California has ex ercised a right which is inherent in her. I cannot consent for congress to legislate upon the subject of slavery, but upon the platform of non intervention, we are protected in our institutions, ar.d preserve our State sovereignty and give anew impetus to this Union, which is the pride of every true Ameri can heart and the admiration of all the world. Yours Respectfully, Willis a. iiawkins. Letter from ( uthhert, Ga. Citubert, Oct. 5, 1850. Dear Citizen : Perhaps too soon I trouble you again. Yet Cuthhcrt calls loudly for another epistle from Civis, and fire-eaters in these parts need someone to emblazon their triumphs to the world, b a:ting for the uenoucment of that mobocraticul conspiracy which the fanatics of Macon, (guided by the leader of Ponoy- Club memory, and ‘ ogged ’ on to extremities by the barkings of bilbo and others,) liad formed for the violation of the lib erty of the press, has kept me from sooner acquainting you with the news from Randolph. Now that the storm is over, and more prosperous gales have wafted to you numerous evi dences of popular approbation and sympathy, and tangiblo proofs of popular support, you can now wage warfare with these zealots, and sink them in disgrace. I need scarcely say that your subscribers here were greatly delighted when the Citizen made its appearance in the same ljeaotiful form after the unexpected assault. The letter of Civis caused no little speculation and elicited a torrent of abuse on the head of the unknown ’Scribbler.’ But pardon egotism, and now to the description of a meeting held in this place on Tuesday last, for the purpose of the formation of a Southern Rights Asso ciation, in which both parties were promiscuously assembled. About two o'clock the crowd were startled by a hoarse se pulchral cry. Tuiniug I bTh Id a >p , taclc both alarming NO. 30.