Newspaper Page Text
VOL. I.
-/?!>■ fiJ'/Esili'J
( imhlithcdi every Saturday tnornin", in Macon, Ga. on the follow.
CONDITIONS :
If paid rtrirthj in tulennct - * Si 50 per annum
If not *o paid - - - * 300 “ “
Advertisements will be made to conform to the following pro
„ioii of the Statute :
Sulet of Land and Negroes, by Executors, Administrators and Guard
an>, rc required by law to t><; advertised in a public gazette, sixty
dtps previous to the day of sale.
These sales must be held on the first Tuesday in the month, between
he hour* of ten in the forenoon and three in the afternoon, at the
Cntirt House in the county in which the |>ro|ierty is situated.
The sales ofl'ersotial Property must lx; advertised in like manner for
i\ day*.
Notice to Debtor* and Creditors of an Estate must be published forty
day*.
Notice that application will Is- made to the Court of Ordinary foj
Ic ire to sell Innl and Negroes, must Ite published weekly for four
months.
f i tfititmt or letters of Administration must be published thirty days
for Dismission from Administration, monthly , six months — for Dis
mission from Guardianship, forty days.
Knits for foreclosure of mortgage, must be published monthly, for
/our months —for establishing lost papers,/or tAr fir// s/iscr of three
months —for compelling titles from Kxerutorx or Administrators where
a bond has been given by the deceased, the full .iparr of tlirrr months.
Profess! .mil and Business Cards, inserted, according to the follow
tug scale:
for 4 lines or less per annum * * S3 60 in advance.
“ 6 lines “ “ * * * * CO *• “
O ((I .. - gld mi u “
5 if” Transient Advertisements will be charged Si. per square of 12
line* or less, for the first and 50 cts. for each subsequent insertion.— ’
> these rates there will lie a deduction of 20 percent, on settlement
when advertisements are continued 3 months, without alteration.
j-y yn Letters except those containing remittances must be posf m
paid or fret.
Postmasters and others who will act as Agents for the. “Citizen’
may retain 20 percent, for their trouble, on all cash subscriptions for
warded.
OFFICE on Mulberry Street, East of the Floyd House and near the
Market.
Fur Ihr Georgia Citizen.
The Wind To Kchali.*
“ Where I am the liarp hath run",
Jburners aiul proti<l shields among,
And tile blood-red wine flowed free,
And tlie fire shot sparks of glee.”—Mrs. llemans.
I pass thy lone site with a noiseless tread,
Oh ! ruined home of the mighty dead !
And list for the tones that once did greet,
The moving measures of my viewless feet.
M y wail on the sea 1 hash to a sigh,
As thy silent halls my step draweth nigh :
Hut serpents peep forth from desolate hearth,
Where altars lie low and buried in earth.
My breath echoes sad in thy narrow halls,
Attd weeps mid the ivy that crosses thy walls ;
Oh ! home, w here the gay and light-hearted dwelt,
Full dread was the ruin thy people have felt.
Oh ! where are the harps whoso deep thrilling strains,
Hletit with my own as 1 swept over thy plains I
1 hear them not, their magie hath tied,
And alone I mourn the forgotten dead.
In ages long past, the glad sound of life,
Was heard in thy streets in loud warring strife,
The serpent knew not its dark lonely haunt,
The owl hud not woke its slow mournful ehaunt.
,
And eves that beamed love in soft sparkling glance :
And chieftains walked proud ‘neatli low bending plume,
And banners waved high w here all is in gloom.
I have he n in climes of the storied Hast,
In marble halls where feasting hath c-eased,
In Arahy's city of sculptured stone,
Where decay broods in grandeur alone.t
I've been in the city of an hundred hills,
In Alhambra's proud palace whose memory thrills.
And lingered with moans o'er Thebes bill lied site,
That in anger I wrapped in Oblivions night.i
Hut man hath known their sad history long,
And cause which blighted that proud living throng,
But Kebab, no records thy grandeur declare,
Thy temples and kings like oblivion share.
Thy history be sacred in mystic gloom,
1 leave proud man to wonder thy doom.
While I roam o'er the earth with mournful wing,
For the blight that must wra • each living thing.
Om;o, X. Y. M. 11. OLMSTEAD.
* 4 Mined city in Yucatan—Stephen’* Travels.
♦Petre In Arabia.
{Thhs i* mnl to be buried with sand that sweeps from the
desert.
Bounty Land Rill.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives
of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That
well of the surviving, or the widow or minor children ot de
ceased commissioned and non-commissioned officers, musi
cians, or privates, whether the regulars, volunteers, rangers,
or militia, who performed military service in any regiment,
company, or detachment in the service of the United states,
in the war with Great Britain, declared by the United States
on the 18th day of dune, 181;?, or iti any 7 of the Indian wars,
•inoe 1790, and each of the connnissione 1 officers, who was
engaged in the military service of the 1 nited States in the
Ute war with Mexico, shall be entitled to lands, as follows :
I hose who engaged to serve twelve months, or during the war,
■nd actually served nine months, shall receive one hundred
nl sixty acres ; and those who engaged to serve six months,
*nd actually served four months, shall receive eighty acres;
And those who engaged to serve for any or an indefinite period,
and actually served one month, shall receive forty acres: l’ro-
T 'Jcd, that wherever any officer or soldier was honorably dis
charged in consequence of disability in the service before the
expiration of his period of service, he shall receive the amount
which he would have lieen entitled if he had served the full
period for which he had engaged to serve : Provided, the per
*on so having been in service shall not receive said lands, or
•ny part thereof, if it shall appear by the muster rolls of his
ttflment or corps, that he deserted, or was dishonorably dis
vharged from service, or if he has received, he is entitled to
* n J military land bounty under any act of Congress hercto
r? passed.
s*c. o And be it further enacted, &c., That the period
during which any officer or soldier may have remained in
captivity with the enemy’, shall be estimated and added to the
prriod of his actual service and the person so detained in
1 a ptivity, shall receive land under the provisions of this act
* a the same manner that he would be entitled, in ease he had
entered the service for the whole term made up by the addition
°t the time of his captivity, and had served during such term.
Skc. 3. And be it further enacted, etc., That each eoni
missioned and non-commissioned officer, musician, and pri-_
Tat *‘, for whom provision is made by the first section thereof,
•hall receive a certificate, or warrant, from the Department
°f the Interior for the quantity of land to which be may be en
htled, and which may be located by the warrantee, or his heirs
* l law, at any land office of the United States, in one bendy,
a nd in conformity to the legal subdivisions of the public lands,
“Pon any of the public lands in such district then subject to
private entry; and upon the return of such certificates or war-
I'aut, with evidence of the location thereof having been legally
made, to the General Land Office ; a patient shall be issued
therefore. In the event of the death of any’ commissioned or
Eon conuqissioned officer, musician, or private, prior or sub-
to the passage of this pet, who shall have served as
aforesaid, and who shall not have received bounty land for
said services, a like certificate or warrant shall be issued in
favor and ensue the benefit of his widow, who shall receive
one hundred and sixty acres of land, in case her husband was
killed in battles, but not to her heirs. Provided, she is un
married at the date of her application. Provided further. That
no laud warrant issued under the provisions of this act shall he
laid upon any land of the United States to which there shall
be an actual settlement and cultivation, except with the con
sent of such settler, to be satisfactorily proven to the proper
land officer.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, Are., That all sales,
mortgages, letters of attorney, or oilier instruments of writing
going to affect the title or claim to any warrant or certificate
issued, or to be issued, or any land granted, under the provi
sions of this act, made or executed prior to the issue, shall be
null and void, to all intents and purposes whatsoever; nor
shall such certificate or warrant, or the Lind obtained there
by, be in any wise affected by, or charged with, or subject to,
the payment of any debt or claim iucurred by such officer or
soldier prior to the issuing of the patent: Provided, That the
benefits of this act shall not accrue to any person who is a
member of the present Congress: Provided further, That it
shall be the duty of the Commissioner of the General Land
Office, under such regulations as may he prescribed by’ the
Secretary of the interior, to cause to be located, free of ex
pense, any warrant which tlie holder may transmit to the
General Land Office for that purpose, in such State and land
district as the said holder or warantce may designate, and
upon good farming land, so far as the same can be ascertained
from the maps, plats, and field notes of the surveyor, or from
any other information in the possession of the local office ; un
upon the location being made, as aforesaid, the Secretary shall
cause a patent to be transmitted to such a warrantee: And pro
vided further, That no patent issued under this act shall be
delivered upon any power of attorney or agreement dated be
fore the passage of this act; and that all such powers of at
torney or agreements be considered and treated as null and
void.
INSTRUCTIONS and forms,
To he observed by persons applying to the Pension Office
for Bounty land, under the ocl of September'US, 1850,
entitled. “An act granting Bonuty land to certain offi
cers and soldiers who hat e been engaged in the military
service of the United States .”
In every application for the benefit of the act aforesaid,
whether made by the surviving officer or soldier himself, or
hv his widow or minor, child or children, a declaration, under
oath, must be made as nearly according to the following
forms as the nature of the ease will admit.
Such declaration, and all affidavits, must be sworn to be
fore some Justice of the peace or other officer authorized to
administer oaths for general purposes, who must certify the
same.
The official character and signature of the magistrate who
may administer the oath,must be certified by the clerk, of the
proper court of record of his county, under the seal of his
court. Such certificate mast uccompany every case.
lii every instance where the certificate of the certifying
officer who authenticates tlie paper is not written on the
same sheet of paper whieh contains the affidavit or other pa
pers authenticated, the certificate must be attached thereto by
a piece of tape or nairow ribbon, the ends of which must
pass under the offickn seat, so as to prevent any paper from
being improperly attached to tilt?,certificates.
The third section, in express terms, only provides for the
location of a warrant under the law. Thus, tlie right to lo
cate not being given to an assignee, tlie department may
well say that no assignments made prior to location will be
recognized.
The fourth section declares all sales, etc., going to affect
the title to any land, granted or to be granted “prior to the
issue,” shall be null and void, and expressly declares that the
land located, shall not be charged with or subject to any debt
or claim “incurred prior to the issuing of the patent.'’ It
thus appears clear, that it was the intention of Congress
that the claim of the soldier or his heirs should continue free
from every kind of incumbrance until after the issue of the
patent, and thus relieve the Department from all the evils
growing out of eonliicting claims under the aliedged assign
ment.
The object of tlie law is to-confer the right to the land it
self oil the warrantee or his heirs. After that purpose is ef
fected, it is of course competent for tlie grantee to dispose of
it as lie may think proper.
form of a declaration to be made by tiie SURVIVING OFFI
CER OR SOLDIER.
State of ) f g
County of )
On this day of ,A. D. one thousand eight bun
dled and , personally appeared before me, a Justice of
the Peace (or other officer authorized to administer oaths
for general purposes) within and for the county and State
aforesaid, aged years, a resident of- in the
State of , who being duly sworn according to law, de
clares that he is the identical who was a in the
company commanded by Captain in the regi
ment of commanded by in the war with G. Brit
ain, declared by the United States on the 18th day of June,
1812, (or other war embraced in said act , describing what
tear ;) that he enlisted, (or volunteered , or was drafted) at
on or about the day’ of , A. D. ,
for the term of , and continued in actual service in said
war for the term of , and was honorably discharged at
oil the day of , A. D. , as will ap
pear by his original certificate of discharge herewith pre
sented, or by the master rolls of said company.
He makes this declaration for tlie purpose of obtaining the
bounty land to which he may be entitled under the “act grant
ing bounty land to certain officers and soldiers who have been
engaged in the military service of the United States,” pass
ed September 28th, 1850.
(Signature of the claimant.)
Sworn to and subscribed before me the day and year above
written. And I hereby certify, that I believe the said
to be the identical man who served as aforesaid, and that he
is of the age above stated.
(Signature of the magistrate or other officer.)
FORM OF A DECLARATION TO BE MADE BY TIIE WIDOW OK A
DECEASED OFFICER OR SOLDIER.
State of )
r. r ss •
County of t
On this day of , A. D. one thousand eight hun
dred and , personally’appeared beforo me, a Justice of
tlie Peace (or other officer authorized to administer oaths
for generalpurjwses) within and for the county and State a
foresaid, aged years, a resident of in tlie
State of- , who being duly sworn according to law, de
clares that she is the widow of deceased, who was a—
in the company commanded by Captain in the regi
ment of commanded by in the war with Great Brit
'ian, declared by the United States on the IStli day of June,
ISI 2, (or other tear, as the case may be ;) that her said
husband enlisted, (or volunteered, or was drafted ) at
on or about the——day of ,A. D. , for the term
of , and continued in actual service in said war for the
term of , and was honorably discharged at -on tlie
day 0 f ,A. D. ,as will appear by his original cer
tificate of discharge herewith presented.
She further states that she was married to the said
in ;on tlie day of A. D. ,by one ,a
her said husband died at outlie day of -A. D.
“Jnkpcniiciit in all tilings—Neutral in Notljing.”
MACON, GEORGIA, SATURDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 26, 1850.
She makes this declaration for the purpose of obtaining the
bounty land to which she may be entitled under the “act
passed September 28th, 1850.
(Claimant's signature.)
Sworn to and subscribed before me, the day’ and year a
bovo written. (Officer's signature.)
APPLICATION BY MINOR CHILDREN.
If any officer or soldier who would be entitled to bounty’
land under said act, if living, has died, leaving no widow
who still survives him, but leaving a child or children un
der the age of majority at the time of the passage of said
act, such minor child or children are entitled to the same
quantity of land that the father would be entitled to if living.
In such case the guardian of such minor child or chil
dren must make a declaration as nearly corresponding with
the foregoing forms as the nature of the case will admit. He
must state the time of liis father's death; the fact that nq
widow survives him ; and must state the nams or names..
and exact age or ages , of his surviving minor child or
children.
Bounty Land Bill i —The passage of the bill grant- j
ing bounty land to officers and soldiers of the last war with
Great Britain, and the several Indian wars, is giving rise to
an unprecedented number of applications to the Third Audi
tor’s Office for information. It is deemed advisable to state
that copies of the army rolls of the war of 1812 cannot be
furnished from this office for various reasons, one of which
is sufficient—viz: the utter impracticability of doing so. If
one agent has a right to copies of the rolls, so have twenty
thousand, and all the clerks in the employ of the govern
ment could not furnish such copies. Besides, there is no
authority fordoing so.
All applications must come through the pension office,
(under the direction of the Secretary of ihe Interior,) ac
cording to published regulations; and the regular certifi
cates of service will he furnished to the Commissioner of
Pensions by the Third Auditor, as is now the practice in re
gard to all claims for pension or bounty land, in which the
officers or soldiers who served in the war of 1812. ‘<
This course is necessary to prevent frauds and intermedi
ate difficulties. JXO. S. GALLIHER,
Third Auditor.
Third Auditor's Office, Ccto. 1, ISSO.
political.
From the New York Journal of Commerce.
The Fugitive Slave Law.
There is a vast deal of misrepresentation—some of it wil
ful, we fear—among the agitators of the North, as to the
character of this bill, in comparison with that of 1793, for the
same object. Doubtless its provisions are adapted to the end
proposed, viz ; the surrender of fugitive slaves when claim
ed by tlieii owner, or his lawful attorney; and this, we be
licve, is the real, abiding, overwhelming objection to it in the
minds of most of those who declaim against it. They are
parties to a covenant the benefits of whieh they are daily
sharing, but whieh, on their own part, they decline fulfilling.
They are covenant-breakers in heart, and many of them in j
act. They profess to be impelled by motives of huinauitd, to I
oppose the law, but if, at tlie same time, they had any £ ust i
regard to order and law, they would avail themselves
means distinctly w ithin their reach, to reconcile the claims of j
both by first obeying the law, and then redeeming its vic
tims. We see no evidence that any considerable number of
the fugitive slaves in the non-slaveholding States are likely to
be reclaimed ; but if they were all reclaimed, their redemp
tion at the expense of the Northern States, would impose so
slight a burden that it would sea rely be perceived. We will
suppose that there arc 5000 fugitives in tlie nou-slaveholdiug
States, which we suspect exceeds tlie actual number. At
an average of SSOO per head, tlu-ir aggregate pecuniary val
ue would be $2,500,000 ; which, divided among the 12,250,-
000 inhabitants of the non-slaveholding States, would be
twenty cents to each individual! Here, then, is a scale by
which to measure the humanity of the Northern people, and
their regard for law ; and wc may add, tlieir love for the U
nioii, —for without an available law for the surrender of fugi
tive slaves, agreeably to the constitution, the Union cannot
le preserved. If, then, the Northern people in the aggre
gate, are willing to pay twenty cents a head for the sake of
humanity, tlie faith of a solemn compact, and the preserva
tion of tlie Union, there need be no further trouble on the
subject. Will they do it ?
That the proposition is altogether reasonable and proper,
may be inferred from the fact that the Northern people, or a
portion of them, are calling upon the South to emancipate all
their slaves, amounting to about 2,000,000, and worth, as
property, at least a thousand million dollars. If the South,
with a population (excluding slaves) of 6,000,000 or T, 1 >OO,-
000, is bound to give $1,000,000,000 to promote a humane
object, ought not the North, with nearly double the w hite
population, to give $2,500,000? If each white person at the
South is bound to give sls for such an object, ought not each
white inhabitant of the North to be willing to give 20 cents
for a similar object ? If men wouid judge themselves as se
verely as they judge others—if they would not lay upon oth
ers burdens grievous to he borne, and not touch them with
one of their fingers, the world would be much happier, wiser
and better, than it is.
To return to the fugitive slave law! its provisions are
briefly stated in tlie following extract from the Express, one
of whose Editors is a member of Congress:
“It provides that any person having a power of attorney
may pursue and reclaim the party charged to be a slave, eith
er by procuring a warrant from a Judge or Commissioner of
the United States Court, or by seizing and arresting him,
where the same can be done without process, and taking him
before the said Judge, or Commissioner, Ac.
“Any person who shall obstruct the arrest, or shall rescue,
or attempt to rescue, or shall aid and abet such alleged slave
directly or indirectly to escape, or shall harbor or conceal such
slave, shall for either of such offences be subjected to a fine
not exceeding SI,OOO, and imprisoned not exceeding six
months, and in the event of escape, shall forfeit moreover,
on a civil process, the sum of SI,OOO as the value of said
slave. The certificate, See., of the commissioner shall be con
clusive of the right of the person in whose favor they arc
granted to remove such fugitive to the State or Territory from
which he escaped, and shall preecnt all molestation of such
person or persons by any process issued by any court, judge,
magistrate, or other person whomsoever.
“The United States Marshal, after arrest, and while the fu
gitive is in his possession, is bound for the safe custody of tlie
slave in the sunt of SI,OOO to be charged in tlie event of his
escape to his bond. He is also responsible for his safe delive
ry, after the owner swears he apprehends a rescue, and the
slave is given into his custody by the commissioner to bo re
turned to the place where ho is claimed.”
Some of the objections most commonly urged against this
law, are briefly answ’ered by the New York Globe in the fol
lowing article, to which we invite the special atteutionof abo
litionists, and agitators in general:
“The Sun says, that if a free negro charged with being a
slave, after being dragged before a commissioner, be released,
‘the law attaches no penalty to the violation of a freeman’s
rights.’ True, the act of Congress provides no penalty, but
it docs not deprive such freeman of redress. He has his ac
tion at common law for false imprisonment or trespass, and if
entitled thereto will unquestionably obtain damages from a
jury. The fuct is, the new law rather increases the security
of the fugitive from unjust claims than diminishes it. It pro
vides for the issue of a warrant ot arrest, where none was
permitted by the old law—and it likewise authorizes
proofs of identity of the fugitive, which the old law did not
contemplate. It is complained that the fugitive is denied the
right of atrial by jury. The old law was equally obnoxious
on this ground. Indeed it is clear that the Constitution, the
language of which is, that the fugitive ‘shall be given up on
claim, ’ did not contemplate a trial by jury in the State where
the fugitive was recaptured, any more than a trial by jury in
the case of fugitives from justice in the State to which they
escaped.”
Hut the Sun says that “the law suspends the habeas cor
pus.'’ So did the old law. Under the old law the certifi
cate of the Judge was final, and according to the general o
piuion of the profession, the writ of habeas corpus was not
admissible under the old law. No cases are to be found with
in our own knowledge, wherein the writ of habeas corpus in
the case of a fugitive from service, under the act of 1798,
was ever sanctioned. In the case of Martin, which was car
ried up to the Court of Errors, of this State, the point was
not decided. The only opinions given in that case are con
flicting, and involved principally the constitutionality of a law
of New York, under which a writ of habeas corpus had
issued.
In the report of this case we find, however, the argument
of Mr. O’Connor in relation to the habeas corpus, and trial
by Jury in cases of fugitives from justice, so clearly and so
admirably stated, that we feel constrained to lay it before our
readers. This case was tried in 1835, and the argument of
Mr. O’Connor was, therefore, on those provisions of the old
law whieh are now objected to in the new law, as something
novel and horrible. Mr. O'Connor says :
if Congress bad provided by law for the trial of the ques
tion whether service was due, and authorized a judge with
out a jury definitely to decide it, such law might well be
deemed unconstitutional. Such is not the nature of the act
in question. If it can be considered as having any reference
to the trial and final decision of the fact, it is a mere regu
lation as to the venue or place of trial. A preliminary decis
ion by a Court without a jury of a matter of fact, for the pur
pose of determining the proper venue, which is not final as to
tjie fact itself, but leaves it open for examination on the trial, is
notan infraction of the right of trial by jury. The Consti
tution and the act (1793) of Congress arc in exact accord
ance ; each obviously point to a summary proceeding, not
final, except for the mere purpose of authorizing a removal.
If the fugitive and the claimant aro citizens of the State to
which the removal is made, Congress is not empowered to
legislate further upon the subject, nor has the general govern
ment any further power over it. The power of the legislative
and judicial departments of the general government are ex
hausted in the preliminary proceeding of placing the alleged
fugitive to whose service, a priina facia title has been es
tablished within tlie jurisdiction of the State on the laws of
which the claim to service is founded. Whether in the sub
sequent proceedings which may be had to try the question, a
jury is allowed by the State law, or whether it tolerates any
proceeding at all, is immaterial, for if the alleged fugitive is
in fact q citizen of the State to whose jurisdiction he is re
manded, no injustice is done, or at least no principle is violat
ed by the removal.
Nocitzen can claim a right upon mere general principles
to he exonerated from the obligations imposed on him by the
laws of his own State, or to he relieved from disabilities aris
ing from the defects of its judicial system.
j It is the priJo and glory of our country to be an asylum for
mo-oppressed of till fort igu nations • ‘but it never eauf be per
mitted that some of the States shall be erected into places of
refuge for fugitives from the injustice or supposed injustice
of sister States. Such a principle once admitted into practi
cal operation would destroy all harmony between the States,
and inevitably destroy the Union. Its fatal tendency was
perceived, and the possibility that it might find advocates, fore
seen and amply provided against by the sages who framed
the Constitution. The provision is a monument of their
wisdom.
When the alleged fugitive is not so in fact, but is a citi
zen of a different State from that to which lie is removed, a
case is presented whieh falls within the power of Congress, to
provide for ulterior proceeding; and for sneli eases, Congress,
in performance of an imperative duty, has made provision ;
by a writ dc hominc replegiano prosecuted in the Circuit
Court of the United States, with the safeguard of a jury tri
al, the alleged fugitive can assert his freedom—3 Laws of U.
S. 160, §9. Bioren’s Kdition —and by an action on the case
in the same Court, full damages could be recovered. This is
a complete answer to the suggestion that a free citizen of this
State might, by the certificate of a subordinate magistrate,
granted without trial or hearing, be hurried away to another
State,and subjected to perpetual servitude.
It hence follows that the laws passed by the State of New
York, in relation to fugitives from service, arc void ; that
under the Constitution and act of Congress, the certificate
of the magistrate is conclusive for the purpose f authorizing
the removal; and that any process interrupting its operation
is illegal mid void.
From the foregoing it is evident that the provisions of the
Act of Congress of 1793 aro precisely similar, so far as it
respects not authorizing the writ of habeas corpus and the
trial by jury, to the Act of ISSO. Both acts, however, de
prive the fugitive of neither remedy in the State from which
lie fled ; and when lie is re-conveyed there he is entitled to
both. It is well known that the utmost latitude is given in all
the Southern States to all persons claiming their freedom, for
a trial and complete justice.
We repeat what wo have heretofore said, that so far as re
spects the fugitive himself, the main features of both acts are
alike. If anything, the act of 1850 furnishes additional pro
visions in his favor which the act of 1793 did not contain. —
The Act of ’SO differs from the Act of ’93 chiefly in its pro
visions respecting the officers whose duty it is made to execute
the law, and in the penalties it inflicts on those who obstruct
the process of the law or connive at its violation.
The Abolition and Free Soil papers, and those in the pecu
liar interest of the “ Champion of Emancipation and of
the higher law ” are loud and inflammatory in their denun
ciations of this law. While the runaway negroes meet in
conclave and swear to rise in concerted insurrection to the laws
of the land—the incendiary political organs to which we al
lude stimulate tlieir ignorant ferocity, and instigate their
threatened rebellion. Though the country has slumbered in
respectful submission for more than half a century, to the
very previsions which now awaken the thunders of their in
dignation— though it is perfectly palapablc that the Union of
tlie States cannot be preserved if onc-lialf of them systemati
cally engage in the piratical work of stealing the property (or
receiving and concealing it when stolen) of the remaining
half. Yet, under the influence of Mad Fanaticism or wick
ed political schemes—the enemies of the Union, the disturbers
of tlie domestic harmony of our family of Republican States
—persist in their nefarious designs. They are deaf to all re
monstrances. They aro blind to the fatal consequences of their
machinations. But however determined on their miserable
game of agitation—let them remember that here is a point
of endurance, where patience becomes exhausted, and toler
ation ceases to be a virtue. We tell these mad and furious
traitors, that there is patriotism and fidelity to the laws suffi
cient in this community to pulverize their whole wretched
crew into the dust from which they sprung. The majesty
of the law will be vindicated —the Union will be preserved—
the conspirators, who plot its destruction, will be baffled—and
their execrable efforts to resist the laws will meet with tlie
punishment it deserves.
At the Kingston Mass Meeting Judge Colquitt, said :
“ Secession was his remedy, but that if he could not get that,
he would go with Georgia in any maimer of resistance she
might adopt.’’
B iiat is the True Policy f
The most anomalous feature in tlie war of sec
tions is, that the extremists from both the North ami
the South, hating each other with a cordial hatred
as they do, meet together in the fullness of tlieir in
fatuation, and shake hands over tlie defeat, or at
tempted defeat, of every measure brought forward
with a view to conciliate and harmonize the people,
and perpetuate the Union. Thus do extremes unite,
and tlie public welfare is mutually periled for direct
ly opposite ends.
In this emergency it becomes a question of vital
interest to every Southern patriot to enquire calmly
and earnestly lehat is the true policy of the South /
Dissolve tlie Union ? Ry no means. Dissolution
would prove no adequate remedy for the evils com
plained of, and would inconceivably aggravate many
of them. A line of picket forts from the Maryland
seaboard to the frontier of Missouri would then
hardly be sufficient to restrain the escape of fugitive
slaves, even within its present bounds, and constant
ly recurring hostile collisions along the dividing line
would bo inevitable. Besides, where would the di
viding line be run ? Should we have one, two, three,
or more Southern confederacies ? Is there any se
curity that the incongruous political elements of
South Carolina and Kentucky, Tennessee and Mis
sissippi, Maryland and Alabama, Missouri and Flor
ida, Louisiana and Georgia, could be brought to
harmonize upon a single plan of federation, when
the palladium of our venerated Constitution had
been shorn of its prestige ? We speak not now par
ticularly of the free States. Theirs w ould be a still
more hopeless prospect of permanent union among
themselves.
What, then, shall the South do? Dissolve the
Uni >n ? By no means. Shall we be lashed into a
fury, and return railing for railing against the fanat
ical free-soilers and abolitionists of the North ? This
is their meat and drink —their nourishing pabulum
—the genial atmosphere in which they live and move
and have their being. Fools and madmen are apt to
get the better in a contest of railing. The South has
abundant means quietly and peaceably to protect
her essential interests within the Union. Win should
we desecrate with civil strife and drench with the
blood of brothers the fairest land that ever the sun
shone upon, or a benignant Providence fostered with
his smiles, merely to avenge tlie vaporing pugnacity
of ideal fanatics ?
Let tlie South “ keep cool,” and steadily develop
her inexhaustible resources. Let her multiply her
manufactures and her rail roads —sustain her own
institutions of learning—offer appropriate premiums
for prize productions in agriculture and all the in
dustrial arts —establish her own line of steamships
with Europe —build up her own importing cities, at
Charleston, Savannah, Norfolk, Richmond, New Or
leans, Mobile, Ac. Let her expend her own money
among her own citizens. Let her people have done
with visiting Saratoga and Cape May, and other
Northern watering places, where their lavish .expen
ditures are rewarded with iusult and the abduction
of their servants.
„ ,ln this view, the Nashville and Chatanooga Rail
Road is becoming'daily an object of increasing in
terest, not only to Tennessee, but to the whole South.
\\ ithiu eighteen months from this date, we shall
have a continuous line of Rail Road communication
direct between Nashville and the southern seaports
of Charleston and Savannah. The Cumberland river,
connecting this road directly with the whole line of
navigation upon the Mississippi and its tributaries,
w ill furnish cheap and convenient access from all the
South-western States to the numerous mineral springs
of Tennessee, which, whether for the excellence of
their waters, salubrity of atmosphere, or tlie de
lightful recreations of rural scenery, will compare
advantageously with the most distinguished resorts
of fashion and wealth in any part of the world. 5Ye
therefore anticipate, at no distant day, an influx of
visiters from all parts of the South, from tlie South
ern seaboard and the remote South-west, in search
of health, pleasure, and recreation, to the various
mineral springs of Tennessee, bordering the w hole
line of the rail road from Nashville to East Tennes
see, equal to that which has for 3’oars past contribu
ted so much to tlie overgrown opulence of the Eas
tern States, which have claimed hitherto a sort of
patent right of locality of these social and pecuniary
advantages. —Nash ville Whig.
The South. —It is not the part of a faithful sen
tinel who, from his watchtower, surveys the state of
the southern country, to cry out that “all’s well.”—
Strongly as we confide in the “second, sober thought”
of the people —under a deep impression that our
southern brethren will awake to their real interests,
acquiesce in the Compromise which has been adopt
ed, and avoid any extreme measure which may
strike down the Union—yet we should be blind to
the signs of the times, or unfaithful to our trust, if
we did not duly appreciate the dangers of the crisis
which is before us. We hope to reach a quiet har
bor ; but it must be after we have passed through
the tempest. Wc hope to eujoy peace, but it must
be after a sharp and protracted struggle. The signs
vary more or less from day to day, though it is still
the impression of our friends that the Adjustment
will be accepted in tlie South, and that even in Geor
gia the spasms of secession, disunion, or another im
mediate measure of extremity, w ill abate, and that
a majority of moderate men will be returned to the
ensuing convention. Georgia has unquestionably to
pass through a considerable excitement during the
next seven weeks. We expect to see a contest ta
king place for delegates in almost every county of the
State —a warmth of discussion which has been rare
ly witnessed —her ablest champions brought into the
field, and remaining at the lists until the last trum
pet has been blown which summons the voters to
the polls.
But Georgia does not stand alone. The sympa
thies of the neighboring States are to be addressed.
South Carolina, Mississippi, perhaps Florida, are to
be called in to sw’ell the opposition within her own
borders. Not only has Governor Towns issued his
Rroclamation for calling a Convention in Georgia,
but Governor Quitman, of Mississippi, has called to
gether the legislature of his State; and it is not to
be concealed that influences are now operating upon
Governor Seabrook, of South Carolina, w hich will
call forth a proclamation from him to summon her
legislature into action. Thus the drama deepens, and
the difficulties are to be increased by the co-opera
tion of three Governors of three neighboring States.
But in the same proportion as these exertions are
made, the counteraction will become more decided
on the part of the friends of the U nion in these
States, except in South Carolina. She has indeed,
gone in the wake ot Georgia. Mr. Rhett places her
in the position of follow ing, not leading the w ay;
but it is obvious that she will be the last to lca\e
the field —the Lu>t to acquiesce iu any adjustment.
We will not undertake, however, to assume the
character of the prophet. We rely upon the deep at*
tackmcnt of our countrymen to the Union to extri
cate us from the confusion into which oer country is
to be thrown. We Uaro to hope that at no distant
day we may proclaim to our country that all is
WELL. * * * * * *
[ Washington Uuien. *
Behold bow Pleasant for Brethren to iwell
together In Inlty.
On the 28tli ult., the House of Representative*
in Congress, proceeded to the consideration of *©▼-
era! bills from the Senate, for the organization of
territories, the admission of California, and the •-
I tablishment of the Texas boundary. The first in ordar
was the Utah bill, which contained an appropriation,
and, under the rules of the House, it was referred to
the Committed of the W hole. The next in order
was the boundary bill. Mr. Inge of Alabama moved
to reject \t. This is a parliamentary motion which
is never resorted to except upon the introduction of a
most odious measure, which the llouso should not
entertain; otherwise it is considered disrespectful to
the mover, or the Senate, if a bill from that body.
Thirty-four members voted forothis motion. Their
names show there was nothing sectional in the vote,
but proves that there are ultras, on both sides of tho
line, who would prefer civil war with Texas, and to?
see brother shed brotlier’s blood, rather than thejo
should be any settlement of the vexed question
which has arrayed one section of the country against
another, and threatened the safety of the Unibn.
Our readers shall see who it is, that are determined
there shall bo no end to this turmoil.
Those who voted for the motiou of Mr. Ingt ar*
as follows;
Free States. Slave Status.
Cable, Ohio, Averott, Virginia,
Campbell, Ohio, Burt, South Carolina,
Clark, Now V ork, Brown, Mississippi,
Cole, Wisconsin, Colcoek, South Carolina,
Doty, Wisconsin, Hammond, Maryland,
Durkeo, Wisconsin, Harris, Alabama,
Giddings, Ohio, Hubbard, Alabama,
Ileberd, Vermont, Inge, Alabama,
Howe, Pennsylvania, Johnson, Arkansan,
Hunter, < >hio, McQueen, South Carolina,
Julian, Indiana, Meade, Virginia,
P. King, New York, Orr, South Carolina,
Mattison, New York, Powel, Virginia,
Boot, Ohio, Sodden, Virginia,
Sacket, New York, Wallace, South Carolina,
Schoolcraft, New York, “Woodward, South Carolina,
Wilmot, Pennsylvania.
Here we have a most beautiful list. The aboli
tionists say it is a base surrender to Texas of free ter
ritory ; the Southern chivalry denounce it as treach
ery to the South, and a direct attack upon slave in
terest. Here we have a meeting of the ultra ex
tremists—a mingling of the bitter waters. If Con
gress was composed of such men entirely, we would
have no concession, no compromise, no legislation,
and M-Kjii we would have no L uiun. Oh fora graphio
pen of a Clay to describe this Omnibus ! Here are
slave men and abolitionists “cheek by jowl,” in she
same carriage. Professing to be operated upon by
different motives, they are driving the car of State
to the same fatal destination. e arraign not their
motives. Their acts speak for themselves. By that
standard a patriotic constituency will judge them.
Indiana State Sentinel.
Abolition of the Slave Trade in the District of
Columbia.
We consider the vote rejecting the amendment of Mr. Be*
ward decisive of the determination of the Senate to tolerate
no more agitation upon the subject of slavery. We now trust
that this imj>ortant measure will receive the sanction of the
Senate. Asa measnre of police regulation, it is clearly
within the scope of the powers of Congress. Asa measure
of general policy, its effects will be most salutary. The slave
trade in the District, insignificant as it lias been stated by
Mr. Hotter to be. has been invaluable to the Abolitionist. Ho
has used it as the temperance lectures do the loafers, as an
w example.” The passage of this bill w ill take the bullet ont
of the cartridge most effectually. He can no longer coin
plain of being held resjwnsiblc for what he stigmatizes as a
crime committed by a common government, for whose mor
ality these purists consider themselves responsible.
AV e tbink that it will prove a most advantageous measure
for the South. The slave trade in the District is a libel up
on alavery. It presents to the foreigner, or the non-slavehol
der, often the first, perhaps his only view of that institution.
It is relieved by no contrast of the comfort or content of the
slave. It is seized and descanted upon os the daily result of
slavery, as a part of its machinery, indispensable So its ope
ration. The neophyte of abolition is pointed to the slave jail
as a miniature Bautile—“ whips, racks, and scorpions dance
through his excited imagination;” he thinks if this be the
threshold of slavery, what must be the terors of the Interior,
lie slinks by in silent horor, and departs from the District of
Columbia with a sonl as thankful as if he find jmt escaped
from the e<ist of Barbary. His whole opinions of slavery
are formed upon the imagijiary cruelties, of the slave trade in
the District. To reason with such a person wosld be ab
surd. You could not convince hita that • few of these
“ slave peas,” as they are fhnciftilly tennsd, are a necessary
institution of slavery, only to be understood by seeing it in
connexion with every thing else. Nor could you convince
him that there ore probably as many of these receptacles in
the District of Columbia with six hundred slaves, as in Y ir
ginia with half a million! But let this perverted argument
against slavery be seen nowhere vise than where it is indis
pensable. The South should no more duaire to expose this
penal peculiarity of their institutions to misrepresentations and
to censure, than one would choose to char ties a child in ths
drawing-room for the entertainment of visiters.—Western
Republic.
TIIC Sonthern Platform.— The Memphis Enquir
er constructs the following platform. It is one upon which
the South can and should unite, and she can erect her pros
perity and independence upon it as a sure basis;
“ For ourselves we go heartily and cordially for the policy
indicated. It is one we have long since urged to a very con
siderable extent, as a measure of sectional independence and
prosperity. \\ e have been shamed aud grieved to see the
extent to which our people have willingly made themselves
mere tributaries to the superior energy and industry of Yan
keedom. \V hy, even our axe handles and brooms , for years
and years past, have been made in New England—brought
here and sold to a people who possess in the greatest abund
ance the materials both at their very doors! Let us learn to
make our own axe-handks and brooms, instead of spouting
about our ‘ chivalry V Lot us/set to work and foster our
own manufactories and foundries for making our own agri
cultural implements, instead of casting cannon and gathering
munitions of war, which are good only for killing people, and
will not feed and clothe even ourselves. Let us lay down
railways of inter-communication with our Southern sea ports,
instead of despatching armies to occupy New Mexco, seize
California, or dam the Mississippi against Ohio, and Indiana,
and Pennsylvania. Let us build up Charleston and
uah, Mobile and New Orleans, instead of buttering Jt>wb
New York and Boston, Philadelphia and Cazcnovia,
educate our children here at home among ourselves, where
NO. 31.
