The Georgia citizen. (Macon, Ga.) 1850-1860, October 26, 1850, Image 1

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VOL. I. -/?!>■ fiJ'/Esili'J ( imhlithcdi every Saturday tnornin", in Macon, Ga. on the follow. CONDITIONS : If paid rtrirthj in tulennct - * Si 50 per annum If not *o paid - - - * 300 “ “ Advertisements will be made to conform to the following pro „ioii of the Statute : Sulet of Land and Negroes, by Executors, Administrators and Guard an>, rc required by law to t><; advertised in a public gazette, sixty dtps previous to the day of sale. These sales must be held on the first Tuesday in the month, between he hour* of ten in the forenoon and three in the afternoon, at the Cntirt House in the county in which the |>ro|ierty is situated. The sales ofl'ersotial Property must lx; advertised in like manner for i\ day*. Notice to Debtor* and Creditors of an Estate must be published forty day*. Notice that application will Is- made to the Court of Ordinary foj Ic ire to sell Innl and Negroes, must Ite published weekly for four months. f i tfititmt or letters of Administration must be published thirty days for Dismission from Administration, monthly , six months — for Dis mission from Guardianship, forty days. Knits for foreclosure of mortgage, must be published monthly, for /our months —for establishing lost papers,/or tAr fir// s/iscr of three months —for compelling titles from Kxerutorx or Administrators where a bond has been given by the deceased, the full .iparr of tlirrr months. Profess! .mil and Business Cards, inserted, according to the follow tug scale: for 4 lines or less per annum * * S3 60 in advance. “ 6 lines “ “ * * * * CO *• “ O ((I .. - gld mi u “ 5 if” Transient Advertisements will be charged Si. per square of 12 line* or less, for the first and 50 cts. for each subsequent insertion.— ’ > these rates there will lie a deduction of 20 percent, on settlement when advertisements are continued 3 months, without alteration. j-y yn Letters except those containing remittances must be posf m paid or fret. Postmasters and others who will act as Agents for the. “Citizen’ may retain 20 percent, for their trouble, on all cash subscriptions for warded. OFFICE on Mulberry Street, East of the Floyd House and near the Market. Fur Ihr Georgia Citizen. The Wind To Kchali.* “ Where I am the liarp hath run", Jburners aiul proti<l shields among, And tile blood-red wine flowed free, And tlie fire shot sparks of glee.”—Mrs. llemans. I pass thy lone site with a noiseless tread, Oh ! ruined home of the mighty dead ! And list for the tones that once did greet, The moving measures of my viewless feet. M y wail on the sea 1 hash to a sigh, As thy silent halls my step draweth nigh : Hut serpents peep forth from desolate hearth, Where altars lie low and buried in earth. My breath echoes sad in thy narrow halls, Attd weeps mid the ivy that crosses thy walls ; Oh ! home, w here the gay and light-hearted dwelt, Full dread was the ruin thy people have felt. Oh ! where are the harps whoso deep thrilling strains, Hletit with my own as 1 swept over thy plains I 1 hear them not, their magie hath tied, And alone I mourn the forgotten dead. In ages long past, the glad sound of life, Was heard in thy streets in loud warring strife, The serpent knew not its dark lonely haunt, The owl hud not woke its slow mournful ehaunt. , And eves that beamed love in soft sparkling glance : And chieftains walked proud ‘neatli low bending plume, And banners waved high w here all is in gloom. I have he n in climes of the storied Hast, In marble halls where feasting hath c-eased, In Arahy's city of sculptured stone, Where decay broods in grandeur alone.t I've been in the city of an hundred hills, In Alhambra's proud palace whose memory thrills. And lingered with moans o'er Thebes bill lied site, That in anger I wrapped in Oblivions night.i Hut man hath known their sad history long, And cause which blighted that proud living throng, But Kebab, no records thy grandeur declare, Thy temples and kings like oblivion share. Thy history be sacred in mystic gloom, 1 leave proud man to wonder thy doom. While I roam o'er the earth with mournful wing, For the blight that must wra • each living thing. Om;o, X. Y. M. 11. OLMSTEAD. * 4 Mined city in Yucatan—Stephen’* Travels. ♦Petre In Arabia. {Thhs i* mnl to be buried with sand that sweeps from the desert. Bounty Land Rill. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That well of the surviving, or the widow or minor children ot de ceased commissioned and non-commissioned officers, musi cians, or privates, whether the regulars, volunteers, rangers, or militia, who performed military service in any regiment, company, or detachment in the service of the United states, in the war with Great Britain, declared by the United States on the 18th day of dune, 181;?, or iti any 7 of the Indian wars, •inoe 1790, and each of the connnissione 1 officers, who was engaged in the military service of the 1 nited States in the Ute war with Mexico, shall be entitled to lands, as follows : I hose who engaged to serve twelve months, or during the war, ■nd actually served nine months, shall receive one hundred nl sixty acres ; and those who engaged to serve six months, *nd actually served four months, shall receive eighty acres; And those who engaged to serve for any or an indefinite period, and actually served one month, shall receive forty acres: l’ro- T 'Jcd, that wherever any officer or soldier was honorably dis charged in consequence of disability in the service before the expiration of his period of service, he shall receive the amount which he would have lieen entitled if he had served the full period for which he had engaged to serve : Provided, the per *on so having been in service shall not receive said lands, or •ny part thereof, if it shall appear by the muster rolls of his ttflment or corps, that he deserted, or was dishonorably dis vharged from service, or if he has received, he is entitled to * n J military land bounty under any act of Congress hercto r? passed. s*c. o And be it further enacted, &c., That the period during which any officer or soldier may have remained in captivity with the enemy’, shall be estimated and added to the prriod of his actual service and the person so detained in 1 a ptivity, shall receive land under the provisions of this act * a the same manner that he would be entitled, in ease he had entered the service for the whole term made up by the addition °t the time of his captivity, and had served during such term. Skc. 3. And be it further enacted, etc., That each eoni missioned and non-commissioned officer, musician, and pri-_ Tat *‘, for whom provision is made by the first section thereof, •hall receive a certificate, or warrant, from the Department °f the Interior for the quantity of land to which be may be en htled, and which may be located by the warrantee, or his heirs * l law, at any land office of the United States, in one bendy, a nd in conformity to the legal subdivisions of the public lands, “Pon any of the public lands in such district then subject to private entry; and upon the return of such certificates or war- I'aut, with evidence of the location thereof having been legally made, to the General Land Office ; a patient shall be issued therefore. In the event of the death of any’ commissioned or Eon conuqissioned officer, musician, or private, prior or sub- to the passage of this pet, who shall have served as aforesaid, and who shall not have received bounty land for said services, a like certificate or warrant shall be issued in favor and ensue the benefit of his widow, who shall receive one hundred and sixty acres of land, in case her husband was killed in battles, but not to her heirs. Provided, she is un married at the date of her application. Provided further. That no laud warrant issued under the provisions of this act shall he laid upon any land of the United States to which there shall be an actual settlement and cultivation, except with the con sent of such settler, to be satisfactorily proven to the proper land officer. Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, Are., That all sales, mortgages, letters of attorney, or oilier instruments of writing going to affect the title or claim to any warrant or certificate issued, or to be issued, or any land granted, under the provi sions of this act, made or executed prior to the issue, shall be null and void, to all intents and purposes whatsoever; nor shall such certificate or warrant, or the Lind obtained there by, be in any wise affected by, or charged with, or subject to, the payment of any debt or claim iucurred by such officer or soldier prior to the issuing of the patent: Provided, That the benefits of this act shall not accrue to any person who is a member of the present Congress: Provided further, That it shall be the duty of the Commissioner of the General Land Office, under such regulations as may he prescribed by’ the Secretary of the interior, to cause to be located, free of ex pense, any warrant which tlie holder may transmit to the General Land Office for that purpose, in such State and land district as the said holder or warantce may designate, and upon good farming land, so far as the same can be ascertained from the maps, plats, and field notes of the surveyor, or from any other information in the possession of the local office ; un upon the location being made, as aforesaid, the Secretary shall cause a patent to be transmitted to such a warrantee: And pro vided further, That no patent issued under this act shall be delivered upon any power of attorney or agreement dated be fore the passage of this act; and that all such powers of at torney or agreements be considered and treated as null and void. INSTRUCTIONS and forms, To he observed by persons applying to the Pension Office for Bounty land, under the ocl of September'US, 1850, entitled. “An act granting Bonuty land to certain offi cers and soldiers who hat e been engaged in the military service of the United States .” In every application for the benefit of the act aforesaid, whether made by the surviving officer or soldier himself, or hv his widow or minor, child or children, a declaration, under oath, must be made as nearly according to the following forms as the nature of the ease will admit. Such declaration, and all affidavits, must be sworn to be fore some Justice of the peace or other officer authorized to administer oaths for general purposes, who must certify the same. The official character and signature of the magistrate who may administer the oath,must be certified by the clerk, of the proper court of record of his county, under the seal of his court. Such certificate mast uccompany every case. lii every instance where the certificate of the certifying officer who authenticates tlie paper is not written on the same sheet of paper whieh contains the affidavit or other pa pers authenticated, the certificate must be attached thereto by a piece of tape or nairow ribbon, the ends of which must pass under the offickn seat, so as to prevent any paper from being improperly attached to tilt?,certificates. The third section, in express terms, only provides for the location of a warrant under the law. Thus, tlie right to lo cate not being given to an assignee, tlie department may well say that no assignments made prior to location will be recognized. The fourth section declares all sales, etc., going to affect the title to any land, granted or to be granted “prior to the issue,” shall be null and void, and expressly declares that the land located, shall not be charged with or subject to any debt or claim “incurred prior to the issuing of the patent.'’ It thus appears clear, that it was the intention of Congress that the claim of the soldier or his heirs should continue free from every kind of incumbrance until after the issue of the patent, and thus relieve the Department from all the evils growing out of eonliicting claims under the aliedged assign ment. The object of tlie law is to-confer the right to the land it self oil the warrantee or his heirs. After that purpose is ef fected, it is of course competent for tlie grantee to dispose of it as lie may think proper. form of a declaration to be made by tiie SURVIVING OFFI CER OR SOLDIER. State of ) f g County of ) On this day of ,A. D. one thousand eight bun dled and , personally appeared before me, a Justice of the Peace (or other officer authorized to administer oaths for general purposes) within and for the county and State aforesaid, aged years, a resident of- in the State of , who being duly sworn according to law, de clares that he is the identical who was a in the company commanded by Captain in the regi ment of commanded by in the war with G. Brit ain, declared by the United States on the 18th day of June, 1812, (or other war embraced in said act , describing what tear ;) that he enlisted, (or volunteered , or was drafted) at on or about the day’ of , A. D. , for the term of , and continued in actual service in said war for the term of , and was honorably discharged at oil the day of , A. D. , as will ap pear by his original certificate of discharge herewith pre sented, or by the master rolls of said company. He makes this declaration for tlie purpose of obtaining the bounty land to which he may be entitled under the “act grant ing bounty land to certain officers and soldiers who have been engaged in the military service of the United States,” pass ed September 28th, 1850. (Signature of the claimant.) Sworn to and subscribed before me the day and year above written. And I hereby certify, that I believe the said to be the identical man who served as aforesaid, and that he is of the age above stated. (Signature of the magistrate or other officer.) FORM OF A DECLARATION TO BE MADE BY TIIE WIDOW OK A DECEASED OFFICER OR SOLDIER. State of ) r. r ss • County of t On this day of , A. D. one thousand eight hun dred and , personally’appeared beforo me, a Justice of tlie Peace (or other officer authorized to administer oaths for generalpurjwses) within and for the county and State a foresaid, aged years, a resident of in tlie State of- , who being duly sworn according to law, de clares that she is the widow of deceased, who was a— in the company commanded by Captain in the regi ment of commanded by in the war with Great Brit 'ian, declared by the United States on the IStli day of June, ISI 2, (or other tear, as the case may be ;) that her said husband enlisted, (or volunteered, or was drafted ) at on or about the——day of ,A. D. , for the term of , and continued in actual service in said war for the term of , and was honorably discharged at -on tlie day 0 f ,A. D. ,as will appear by his original cer tificate of discharge herewith presented. She further states that she was married to the said in ;on tlie day of A. D. ,by one ,a her said husband died at outlie day of -A. D. “Jnkpcniiciit in all tilings—Neutral in Notljing.” MACON, GEORGIA, SATURDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 26, 1850. She makes this declaration for the purpose of obtaining the bounty land to which she may be entitled under the “act passed September 28th, 1850. (Claimant's signature.) Sworn to and subscribed before me, the day’ and year a bovo written. (Officer's signature.) APPLICATION BY MINOR CHILDREN. If any officer or soldier who would be entitled to bounty’ land under said act, if living, has died, leaving no widow who still survives him, but leaving a child or children un der the age of majority at the time of the passage of said act, such minor child or children are entitled to the same quantity of land that the father would be entitled to if living. In such case the guardian of such minor child or chil dren must make a declaration as nearly corresponding with the foregoing forms as the nature of the case will admit. He must state the time of liis father's death; the fact that nq widow survives him ; and must state the nams or names.. and exact age or ages , of his surviving minor child or children. Bounty Land Bill i —The passage of the bill grant- j ing bounty land to officers and soldiers of the last war with Great Britain, and the several Indian wars, is giving rise to an unprecedented number of applications to the Third Audi tor’s Office for information. It is deemed advisable to state that copies of the army rolls of the war of 1812 cannot be furnished from this office for various reasons, one of which is sufficient—viz: the utter impracticability of doing so. If one agent has a right to copies of the rolls, so have twenty thousand, and all the clerks in the employ of the govern ment could not furnish such copies. Besides, there is no authority fordoing so. All applications must come through the pension office, (under the direction of the Secretary of ihe Interior,) ac cording to published regulations; and the regular certifi cates of service will he furnished to the Commissioner of Pensions by the Third Auditor, as is now the practice in re gard to all claims for pension or bounty land, in which the officers or soldiers who served in the war of 1812. ‘< This course is necessary to prevent frauds and intermedi ate difficulties. JXO. S. GALLIHER, Third Auditor. Third Auditor's Office, Ccto. 1, ISSO. political. From the New York Journal of Commerce. The Fugitive Slave Law. There is a vast deal of misrepresentation—some of it wil ful, we fear—among the agitators of the North, as to the character of this bill, in comparison with that of 1793, for the same object. Doubtless its provisions are adapted to the end proposed, viz ; the surrender of fugitive slaves when claim ed by tlieii owner, or his lawful attorney; and this, we be licve, is the real, abiding, overwhelming objection to it in the minds of most of those who declaim against it. They are parties to a covenant the benefits of whieh they are daily sharing, but whieh, on their own part, they decline fulfilling. They are covenant-breakers in heart, and many of them in j act. They profess to be impelled by motives of huinauitd, to I oppose the law, but if, at tlie same time, they had any £ ust i regard to order and law, they would avail themselves means distinctly w ithin their reach, to reconcile the claims of j both by first obeying the law, and then redeeming its vic tims. We see no evidence that any considerable number of the fugitive slaves in the non-slaveholding States are likely to be reclaimed ; but if they were all reclaimed, their redemp tion at the expense of the Northern States, would impose so slight a burden that it would sea rely be perceived. We will suppose that there arc 5000 fugitives in tlie nou-slaveholdiug States, which we suspect exceeds tlie actual number. At an average of SSOO per head, tlu-ir aggregate pecuniary val ue would be $2,500,000 ; which, divided among the 12,250,- 000 inhabitants of the non-slaveholding States, would be twenty cents to each individual! Here, then, is a scale by which to measure the humanity of the Northern people, and their regard for law ; and wc may add, tlieir love for the U nioii, —for without an available law for the surrender of fugi tive slaves, agreeably to the constitution, the Union cannot le preserved. If, then, the Northern people in the aggre gate, are willing to pay twenty cents a head for the sake of humanity, tlie faith of a solemn compact, and the preserva tion of tlie Union, there need be no further trouble on the subject. Will they do it ? That the proposition is altogether reasonable and proper, may be inferred from the fact that the Northern people, or a portion of them, are calling upon the South to emancipate all their slaves, amounting to about 2,000,000, and worth, as property, at least a thousand million dollars. If the South, with a population (excluding slaves) of 6,000,000 or T, 1 >OO,- 000, is bound to give $1,000,000,000 to promote a humane object, ought not the North, with nearly double the w hite population, to give $2,500,000? If each white person at the South is bound to give sls for such an object, ought not each white inhabitant of the North to be willing to give 20 cents for a similar object ? If men wouid judge themselves as se verely as they judge others—if they would not lay upon oth ers burdens grievous to he borne, and not touch them with one of their fingers, the world would be much happier, wiser and better, than it is. To return to the fugitive slave law! its provisions are briefly stated in tlie following extract from the Express, one of whose Editors is a member of Congress: “It provides that any person having a power of attorney may pursue and reclaim the party charged to be a slave, eith er by procuring a warrant from a Judge or Commissioner of the United States Court, or by seizing and arresting him, where the same can be done without process, and taking him before the said Judge, or Commissioner, Ac. “Any person who shall obstruct the arrest, or shall rescue, or attempt to rescue, or shall aid and abet such alleged slave directly or indirectly to escape, or shall harbor or conceal such slave, shall for either of such offences be subjected to a fine not exceeding SI,OOO, and imprisoned not exceeding six months, and in the event of escape, shall forfeit moreover, on a civil process, the sum of SI,OOO as the value of said slave. The certificate, See., of the commissioner shall be con clusive of the right of the person in whose favor they arc granted to remove such fugitive to the State or Territory from which he escaped, and shall preecnt all molestation of such person or persons by any process issued by any court, judge, magistrate, or other person whomsoever. “The United States Marshal, after arrest, and while the fu gitive is in his possession, is bound for the safe custody of tlie slave in the sunt of SI,OOO to be charged in tlie event of his escape to his bond. He is also responsible for his safe delive ry, after the owner swears he apprehends a rescue, and the slave is given into his custody by the commissioner to bo re turned to the place where ho is claimed.” Some of the objections most commonly urged against this law, are briefly answ’ered by the New York Globe in the fol lowing article, to which we invite the special atteutionof abo litionists, and agitators in general: “The Sun says, that if a free negro charged with being a slave, after being dragged before a commissioner, be released, ‘the law attaches no penalty to the violation of a freeman’s rights.’ True, the act of Congress provides no penalty, but it docs not deprive such freeman of redress. He has his ac tion at common law for false imprisonment or trespass, and if entitled thereto will unquestionably obtain damages from a jury. The fuct is, the new law rather increases the security of the fugitive from unjust claims than diminishes it. It pro vides for the issue of a warrant ot arrest, where none was permitted by the old law—and it likewise authorizes proofs of identity of the fugitive, which the old law did not contemplate. It is complained that the fugitive is denied the right of atrial by jury. The old law was equally obnoxious on this ground. Indeed it is clear that the Constitution, the language of which is, that the fugitive ‘shall be given up on claim, ’ did not contemplate a trial by jury in the State where the fugitive was recaptured, any more than a trial by jury in the case of fugitives from justice in the State to which they escaped.” Hut the Sun says that “the law suspends the habeas cor pus.'’ So did the old law. Under the old law the certifi cate of the Judge was final, and according to the general o piuion of the profession, the writ of habeas corpus was not admissible under the old law. No cases are to be found with in our own knowledge, wherein the writ of habeas corpus in the case of a fugitive from service, under the act of 1798, was ever sanctioned. In the case of Martin, which was car ried up to the Court of Errors, of this State, the point was not decided. The only opinions given in that case are con flicting, and involved principally the constitutionality of a law of New York, under which a writ of habeas corpus had issued. In the report of this case we find, however, the argument of Mr. O’Connor in relation to the habeas corpus, and trial by Jury in cases of fugitives from justice, so clearly and so admirably stated, that we feel constrained to lay it before our readers. This case was tried in 1835, and the argument of Mr. O’Connor was, therefore, on those provisions of the old law whieh are now objected to in the new law, as something novel and horrible. Mr. O'Connor says : if Congress bad provided by law for the trial of the ques tion whether service was due, and authorized a judge with out a jury definitely to decide it, such law might well be deemed unconstitutional. Such is not the nature of the act in question. If it can be considered as having any reference to the trial and final decision of the fact, it is a mere regu lation as to the venue or place of trial. A preliminary decis ion by a Court without a jury of a matter of fact, for the pur pose of determining the proper venue, which is not final as to tjie fact itself, but leaves it open for examination on the trial, is notan infraction of the right of trial by jury. The Consti tution and the act (1793) of Congress arc in exact accord ance ; each obviously point to a summary proceeding, not final, except for the mere purpose of authorizing a removal. If the fugitive and the claimant aro citizens of the State to which the removal is made, Congress is not empowered to legislate further upon the subject, nor has the general govern ment any further power over it. The power of the legislative and judicial departments of the general government are ex hausted in the preliminary proceeding of placing the alleged fugitive to whose service, a priina facia title has been es tablished within tlie jurisdiction of the State on the laws of which the claim to service is founded. Whether in the sub sequent proceedings which may be had to try the question, a jury is allowed by the State law, or whether it tolerates any proceeding at all, is immaterial, for if the alleged fugitive is in fact q citizen of the State to whose jurisdiction he is re manded, no injustice is done, or at least no principle is violat ed by the removal. Nocitzen can claim a right upon mere general principles to he exonerated from the obligations imposed on him by the laws of his own State, or to he relieved from disabilities aris ing from the defects of its judicial system. j It is the priJo and glory of our country to be an asylum for mo-oppressed of till fort igu nations • ‘but it never eauf be per mitted that some of the States shall be erected into places of refuge for fugitives from the injustice or supposed injustice of sister States. Such a principle once admitted into practi cal operation would destroy all harmony between the States, and inevitably destroy the Union. Its fatal tendency was perceived, and the possibility that it might find advocates, fore seen and amply provided against by the sages who framed the Constitution. The provision is a monument of their wisdom. When the alleged fugitive is not so in fact, but is a citi zen of a different State from that to which lie is removed, a case is presented whieh falls within the power of Congress, to provide for ulterior proceeding; and for sneli eases, Congress, in performance of an imperative duty, has made provision ; by a writ dc hominc replegiano prosecuted in the Circuit Court of the United States, with the safeguard of a jury tri al, the alleged fugitive can assert his freedom—3 Laws of U. S. 160, §9. Bioren’s Kdition —and by an action on the case in the same Court, full damages could be recovered. This is a complete answer to the suggestion that a free citizen of this State might, by the certificate of a subordinate magistrate, granted without trial or hearing, be hurried away to another State,and subjected to perpetual servitude. It hence follows that the laws passed by the State of New York, in relation to fugitives from service, arc void ; that under the Constitution and act of Congress, the certificate of the magistrate is conclusive for the purpose f authorizing the removal; and that any process interrupting its operation is illegal mid void. From the foregoing it is evident that the provisions of the Act of Congress of 1793 aro precisely similar, so far as it respects not authorizing the writ of habeas corpus and the trial by jury, to the Act of ISSO. Both acts, however, de prive the fugitive of neither remedy in the State from which lie fled ; and when lie is re-conveyed there he is entitled to both. It is well known that the utmost latitude is given in all the Southern States to all persons claiming their freedom, for a trial and complete justice. We repeat what wo have heretofore said, that so far as re spects the fugitive himself, the main features of both acts are alike. If anything, the act of 1850 furnishes additional pro visions in his favor which the act of 1793 did not contain. — The Act of ’SO differs from the Act of ’93 chiefly in its pro visions respecting the officers whose duty it is made to execute the law, and in the penalties it inflicts on those who obstruct the process of the law or connive at its violation. The Abolition and Free Soil papers, and those in the pecu liar interest of the “ Champion of Emancipation and of the higher law ” are loud and inflammatory in their denun ciations of this law. While the runaway negroes meet in conclave and swear to rise in concerted insurrection to the laws of the land—the incendiary political organs to which we al lude stimulate tlieir ignorant ferocity, and instigate their threatened rebellion. Though the country has slumbered in respectful submission for more than half a century, to the very previsions which now awaken the thunders of their in dignation— though it is perfectly palapablc that the Union of tlie States cannot be preserved if onc-lialf of them systemati cally engage in the piratical work of stealing the property (or receiving and concealing it when stolen) of the remaining half. Yet, under the influence of Mad Fanaticism or wick ed political schemes—the enemies of the Union, the disturbers of tlie domestic harmony of our family of Republican States —persist in their nefarious designs. They are deaf to all re monstrances. They aro blind to the fatal consequences of their machinations. But however determined on their miserable game of agitation—let them remember that here is a point of endurance, where patience becomes exhausted, and toler ation ceases to be a virtue. We tell these mad and furious traitors, that there is patriotism and fidelity to the laws suffi cient in this community to pulverize their whole wretched crew into the dust from which they sprung. The majesty of the law will be vindicated —the Union will be preserved— the conspirators, who plot its destruction, will be baffled—and their execrable efforts to resist the laws will meet with tlie punishment it deserves. At the Kingston Mass Meeting Judge Colquitt, said : “ Secession was his remedy, but that if he could not get that, he would go with Georgia in any maimer of resistance she might adopt.’’ B iiat is the True Policy f The most anomalous feature in tlie war of sec tions is, that the extremists from both the North ami the South, hating each other with a cordial hatred as they do, meet together in the fullness of tlieir in fatuation, and shake hands over tlie defeat, or at tempted defeat, of every measure brought forward with a view to conciliate and harmonize the people, and perpetuate the Union. Thus do extremes unite, and tlie public welfare is mutually periled for direct ly opposite ends. In this emergency it becomes a question of vital interest to every Southern patriot to enquire calmly and earnestly lehat is the true policy of the South / Dissolve tlie Union ? Ry no means. Dissolution would prove no adequate remedy for the evils com plained of, and would inconceivably aggravate many of them. A line of picket forts from the Maryland seaboard to the frontier of Missouri would then hardly be sufficient to restrain the escape of fugitive slaves, even within its present bounds, and constant ly recurring hostile collisions along the dividing line would bo inevitable. Besides, where would the di viding line be run ? Should we have one, two, three, or more Southern confederacies ? Is there any se curity that the incongruous political elements of South Carolina and Kentucky, Tennessee and Mis sissippi, Maryland and Alabama, Missouri and Flor ida, Louisiana and Georgia, could be brought to harmonize upon a single plan of federation, when the palladium of our venerated Constitution had been shorn of its prestige ? We speak not now par ticularly of the free States. Theirs w ould be a still more hopeless prospect of permanent union among themselves. What, then, shall the South do? Dissolve the Uni >n ? By no means. Shall we be lashed into a fury, and return railing for railing against the fanat ical free-soilers and abolitionists of the North ? This is their meat and drink —their nourishing pabulum —the genial atmosphere in which they live and move and have their being. Fools and madmen are apt to get the better in a contest of railing. The South has abundant means quietly and peaceably to protect her essential interests within the Union. Win should we desecrate with civil strife and drench with the blood of brothers the fairest land that ever the sun shone upon, or a benignant Providence fostered with his smiles, merely to avenge tlie vaporing pugnacity of ideal fanatics ? Let tlie South “ keep cool,” and steadily develop her inexhaustible resources. Let her multiply her manufactures and her rail roads —sustain her own institutions of learning—offer appropriate premiums for prize productions in agriculture and all the in dustrial arts —establish her own line of steamships with Europe —build up her own importing cities, at Charleston, Savannah, Norfolk, Richmond, New Or leans, Mobile, Ac. Let her expend her own money among her own citizens. Let her people have done with visiting Saratoga and Cape May, and other Northern watering places, where their lavish .expen ditures are rewarded with iusult and the abduction of their servants. „ ,ln this view, the Nashville and Chatanooga Rail Road is becoming'daily an object of increasing in terest, not only to Tennessee, but to the whole South. \\ ithiu eighteen months from this date, we shall have a continuous line of Rail Road communication direct between Nashville and the southern seaports of Charleston and Savannah. The Cumberland river, connecting this road directly with the whole line of navigation upon the Mississippi and its tributaries, w ill furnish cheap and convenient access from all the South-western States to the numerous mineral springs of Tennessee, which, whether for the excellence of their waters, salubrity of atmosphere, or tlie de lightful recreations of rural scenery, will compare advantageously with the most distinguished resorts of fashion and wealth in any part of the world. 5Ye therefore anticipate, at no distant day, an influx of visiters from all parts of the South, from tlie South ern seaboard and the remote South-west, in search of health, pleasure, and recreation, to the various mineral springs of Tennessee, bordering the w hole line of the rail road from Nashville to East Tennes see, equal to that which has for 3’oars past contribu ted so much to tlie overgrown opulence of the Eas tern States, which have claimed hitherto a sort of patent right of locality of these social and pecuniary advantages. —Nash ville Whig. The South. —It is not the part of a faithful sen tinel who, from his watchtower, surveys the state of the southern country, to cry out that “all’s well.”— Strongly as we confide in the “second, sober thought” of the people —under a deep impression that our southern brethren will awake to their real interests, acquiesce in the Compromise which has been adopt ed, and avoid any extreme measure which may strike down the Union—yet we should be blind to the signs of the times, or unfaithful to our trust, if we did not duly appreciate the dangers of the crisis which is before us. We hope to reach a quiet har bor ; but it must be after we have passed through the tempest. Wc hope to eujoy peace, but it must be after a sharp and protracted struggle. The signs vary more or less from day to day, though it is still the impression of our friends that the Adjustment will be accepted in tlie South, and that even in Geor gia the spasms of secession, disunion, or another im mediate measure of extremity, w ill abate, and that a majority of moderate men will be returned to the ensuing convention. Georgia has unquestionably to pass through a considerable excitement during the next seven weeks. We expect to see a contest ta king place for delegates in almost every county of the State —a warmth of discussion which has been rare ly witnessed —her ablest champions brought into the field, and remaining at the lists until the last trum pet has been blown which summons the voters to the polls. But Georgia does not stand alone. The sympa thies of the neighboring States are to be addressed. South Carolina, Mississippi, perhaps Florida, are to be called in to sw’ell the opposition within her own borders. Not only has Governor Towns issued his Rroclamation for calling a Convention in Georgia, but Governor Quitman, of Mississippi, has called to gether the legislature of his State; and it is not to be concealed that influences are now operating upon Governor Seabrook, of South Carolina, w hich will call forth a proclamation from him to summon her legislature into action. Thus the drama deepens, and the difficulties are to be increased by the co-opera tion of three Governors of three neighboring States. But in the same proportion as these exertions are made, the counteraction will become more decided on the part of the friends of the U nion in these States, except in South Carolina. She has indeed, gone in the wake ot Georgia. Mr. Rhett places her in the position of follow ing, not leading the w ay; but it is obvious that she will be the last to lca\e the field —the Lu>t to acquiesce iu any adjustment. We will not undertake, however, to assume the character of the prophet. We rely upon the deep at* tackmcnt of our countrymen to the Union to extri cate us from the confusion into which oer country is to be thrown. We Uaro to hope that at no distant day we may proclaim to our country that all is WELL. * * * * * * [ Washington Uuien. * Behold bow Pleasant for Brethren to iwell together In Inlty. On the 28tli ult., the House of Representative* in Congress, proceeded to the consideration of *©▼- era! bills from the Senate, for the organization of territories, the admission of California, and the •- I tablishment of the Texas boundary. The first in ordar was the Utah bill, which contained an appropriation, and, under the rules of the House, it was referred to the Committed of the W hole. The next in order was the boundary bill. Mr. Inge of Alabama moved to reject \t. This is a parliamentary motion which is never resorted to except upon the introduction of a most odious measure, which the llouso should not entertain; otherwise it is considered disrespectful to the mover, or the Senate, if a bill from that body. Thirty-four members voted forothis motion. Their names show there was nothing sectional in the vote, but proves that there are ultras, on both sides of tho line, who would prefer civil war with Texas, and to? see brother shed brotlier’s blood, rather than thejo should be any settlement of the vexed question which has arrayed one section of the country against another, and threatened the safety of the Unibn. Our readers shall see who it is, that are determined there shall bo no end to this turmoil. Those who voted for the motiou of Mr. Ingt ar* as follows; Free States. Slave Status. Cable, Ohio, Averott, Virginia, Campbell, Ohio, Burt, South Carolina, Clark, Now V ork, Brown, Mississippi, Cole, Wisconsin, Colcoek, South Carolina, Doty, Wisconsin, Hammond, Maryland, Durkeo, Wisconsin, Harris, Alabama, Giddings, Ohio, Hubbard, Alabama, Ileberd, Vermont, Inge, Alabama, Howe, Pennsylvania, Johnson, Arkansan, Hunter, < >hio, McQueen, South Carolina, Julian, Indiana, Meade, Virginia, P. King, New York, Orr, South Carolina, Mattison, New York, Powel, Virginia, Boot, Ohio, Sodden, Virginia, Sacket, New York, Wallace, South Carolina, Schoolcraft, New York, “Woodward, South Carolina, Wilmot, Pennsylvania. Here we have a most beautiful list. The aboli tionists say it is a base surrender to Texas of free ter ritory ; the Southern chivalry denounce it as treach ery to the South, and a direct attack upon slave in terest. Here we have a meeting of the ultra ex tremists—a mingling of the bitter waters. If Con gress was composed of such men entirely, we would have no concession, no compromise, no legislation, and M-Kjii we would have no L uiun. Oh fora graphio pen of a Clay to describe this Omnibus ! Here are slave men and abolitionists “cheek by jowl,” in she same carriage. Professing to be operated upon by different motives, they are driving the car of State to the same fatal destination. e arraign not their motives. Their acts speak for themselves. By that standard a patriotic constituency will judge them. Indiana State Sentinel. Abolition of the Slave Trade in the District of Columbia. We consider the vote rejecting the amendment of Mr. Be* ward decisive of the determination of the Senate to tolerate no more agitation upon the subject of slavery. We now trust that this imj>ortant measure will receive the sanction of the Senate. Asa measnre of police regulation, it is clearly within the scope of the powers of Congress. Asa measure of general policy, its effects will be most salutary. The slave trade in the District, insignificant as it lias been stated by Mr. Hotter to be. has been invaluable to the Abolitionist. Ho has used it as the temperance lectures do the loafers, as an w example.” The passage of this bill w ill take the bullet ont of the cartridge most effectually. He can no longer coin plain of being held resjwnsiblc for what he stigmatizes as a crime committed by a common government, for whose mor ality these purists consider themselves responsible. AV e tbink that it will prove a most advantageous measure for the South. The slave trade in the District is a libel up on alavery. It presents to the foreigner, or the non-slavehol der, often the first, perhaps his only view of that institution. It is relieved by no contrast of the comfort or content of the slave. It is seized and descanted upon os the daily result of slavery, as a part of its machinery, indispensable So its ope ration. The neophyte of abolition is pointed to the slave jail as a miniature Bautile—“ whips, racks, and scorpions dance through his excited imagination;” he thinks if this be the threshold of slavery, what must be the terors of the Interior, lie slinks by in silent horor, and departs from the District of Columbia with a sonl as thankful as if he find jmt escaped from the e<ist of Barbary. His whole opinions of slavery are formed upon the imagijiary cruelties, of the slave trade in the District. To reason with such a person wosld be ab surd. You could not convince hita that • few of these “ slave peas,” as they are fhnciftilly tennsd, are a necessary institution of slavery, only to be understood by seeing it in connexion with every thing else. Nor could you convince him that there ore probably as many of these receptacles in the District of Columbia with six hundred slaves, as in Y ir ginia with half a million! But let this perverted argument against slavery be seen nowhere vise than where it is indis pensable. The South should no more duaire to expose this penal peculiarity of their institutions to misrepresentations and to censure, than one would choose to char ties a child in ths drawing-room for the entertainment of visiters.—Western Republic. TIIC Sonthern Platform.— The Memphis Enquir er constructs the following platform. It is one upon which the South can and should unite, and she can erect her pros perity and independence upon it as a sure basis; “ For ourselves we go heartily and cordially for the policy indicated. It is one we have long since urged to a very con siderable extent, as a measure of sectional independence and prosperity. \\ e have been shamed aud grieved to see the extent to which our people have willingly made themselves mere tributaries to the superior energy and industry of Yan keedom. \V hy, even our axe handles and brooms , for years and years past, have been made in New England—brought here and sold to a people who possess in the greatest abund ance the materials both at their very doors! Let us learn to make our own axe-handks and brooms, instead of spouting about our ‘ chivalry V Lot us/set to work and foster our own manufactories and foundries for making our own agri cultural implements, instead of casting cannon and gathering munitions of war, which are good only for killing people, and will not feed and clothe even ourselves. Let us lay down railways of inter-communication with our Southern sea ports, instead of despatching armies to occupy New Mexco, seize California, or dam the Mississippi against Ohio, and Indiana, and Pennsylvania. Let us build up Charleston and uah, Mobile and New Orleans, instead of buttering Jt>wb New York and Boston, Philadelphia and Cazcnovia, educate our children here at home among ourselves, where NO. 31.